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1^ 




1i: J.-'- 



A 



TRANSACTIONS 



OF 



THE ASIATIC SOCIETY 



OF JAPAN. 



VOL. XXX. 



TOKYO : 
RIKKYO GAKUIX PRKSS. 

1902. 



PREFACE. 



Of books or pamphlets on the subject of political 
parties in Japan there are few to be found. In the 
compilation of this paper the following works have 
been consulted, 

Ihe Kenseito-sho-shi, 

which appeared originally in the columns of the 
** Jimmin " in 1900, 

The Meiji Nem-pyo, 

m }& ^ ^ 

The Teikoku Gi-Kwai Shi, 

The Go-do Gen-ko-roku, 

Okuma Haku Seki-jitsu-dan, 

and the columns of the '' Japan Mail/' 

My best thanks are due to R. Masujima Esq. for 
his kindness in reading through my manuscript and 
to J. C. Hall Esq., C.I.S.O., H. M. Consul at Kobe, 
for valuable suggestions. 

A. H. L. 
September, iyo2. 



273494 



JAPANESE CALENDARS 

BY 

Ernest W. Clement, M.A. 

(READ APRIL i6, i<^o2.) 



The Japanese have plenty of time. This is true in more 
senses than one. In the first place, tliey are not in a hurry, but 
take things very leisurely and calmly. It may be exaggeration to 
state that they reverse the Occidental advice, and never do to-day 
wliat can be put off till to-morrow : but at least they take plenty 
of time for doing things. They have two interesting proverbs 
relating to this subject : " If in a hurry, go around " {Isogiiba 
mtm^re)* ; and ** Hurrying ruins the matter " {Seite wa koto wo 
shisonzuru), the latter of which is a good equivalent of our proverb, 
" Haste makes waste." With an old-fashioned Japanese, an 
appointment for 9 o'clock may be met at any convenient time 
before 10 o'clock, because it is troublesome to take note of minutes, 
and it is, therefore, considered to be 9 o'clock, in round numbers, 
until it is 10 o'clock. Or, if he misses one train, " s/tika/a ga naV 
("way there is not," or "there's no use"), and he waits patiently 
for the next train, even though it be half a day. It is thus evident 
thit in old Japan there was no use for our proverb, " Time is 
money," and especially because money-making was despised, and 

• See Note N. 



2 Clement : yapanese Calendars, 

the merchant was the lowest of the four classes of sociely (soldier, 
farmer, artiisan, merchant). And if it is true that " procrastination 
is the thief of time," he must have filched cycles or centuries in 
old Japan ! But Mr. E. H. House has suggested that the old 
practice of the Japanese indicated that they believed punctuality to 
be the thief of time ! 

This propensity to neglect the minutes in reckoning probably 
grew out of the fact that in Old Japan the common interval of time 
was equivalent to two hours. The day was divided as follows : — 

Kokonotsu-dokt (ninth hour), ii p.m. -i a.m. ami ii a.m.-i p.m. 
Yatsu-doki (eighth hour), 1-3 a. m. and p. m. 

Nanatm-doki (seventh hour>, 3-5 „ „ „ 

Mutsu-doki (sixth hour), 5-7 „ „ „ 



lisutsiidoki (fifth hour), 7-9 „ 

Yotsu-doki (ioMYXhhoMT)^ 9-1 1 „ 



f« ft 



As half an hour of that kind was equal to one hour of our kind, it 
is not strange, perhaps, that it is now difficult for some to reckon 
minute-ly ! 

With reference to this old-fashioned way of marking the 
hours, we quote further words of explanation from Chamberlain's 
" Things Japanese " (page 470) : — 

*' Why, it will be asked, did they count the hours backwards ? 
A case of Japanese topsy-turvy dom, we suppose. But then, why, 
as there were six hours, not count from six to one, instead of 
beginning at so arbitrary a number as nine ? The reason is this: — 
three preliminary strokes were always struck, in order lo warn 
people that the hour was about to be sounded. Hence, if the 
numbers one, two and three had been used to denote any of the 
actual hours, confusion might have arisen between them and the 
preliminary strokes, — a confusion analogous to that w'hich, in oUj. 



Clemeni : Japanese Calendars, 3 

-own still imperfect method of striking the hour, leaves us in doubt 
whether the single stroke we hear be half-past twelve, one o'clock, 
half-past one, or any other of the numerous half-hours."* 

We may add that this style of computation is based upon 
multiples of "nine" (1x9 = 9, 2x9=18, 3x9 = 27,4x9=36, 
5x9=45, 6x9 = 54), and in each case the "tail" figure of the 
product was chosen as the name of the hour (9, 8, 7, 6, 5, 4). 

In the second place, the Japanese have plenty of time, 
because they have several different ways of reckoning the days, 
months, years and other periods. They have both solar and lunar 
time ; Japanese, Chinese and Occidental time ; two national 
calendars and several special periods ; so that they have literally 
"a time for every thing," and, in some cases, they are very 
particular to do a certain thing " on time." Of the two Japanese 
calendars, one reckons from the mythological founding of the 
Japanese Empire by Jinmu Tenno in 660 B. C, and is known as 
kigen (history- beginning) ; and the other f is the special period 
called " Meiji " (Enlightened Rule), which began after the acces- 
sion of the present Emperor, Mutsuhito. Thus, to illustrate, I 
happen to have before me an old issue of the Kokumin Shimbun, a 
daily newspaper of Tokyo, and find the following dates : — " Meiji, 
35th year; Kigen, 2,562; Occidental calendar, 1902; Chinese 
•calendar Kocho, 27th year. 2nd month [February], 7ih day, 
P'riday. Old calendar Ka-no-to-Ushi,J 12th month, 29th day, 
Ka-no-to-Tori.J Sun rises, 6 : 39 a:m. Sun sets, 5:12 p.m. Moon 
rises, 5:17 a.m. Moon sets, 4 : 04 p.m. High tide, 4 : 33 a.m. and 
4 : 56 p.m." 

* The old dial had only one hand, and was stationary, while the face 
.moved. f See Note G. J See table of zodiac later. 



4 Clement : Japanese Calendars, 

And then, as if to emphasize the contrasts between the old 
and the new in this mixture, is added the notice of the following 
time-saving device ; *' Telephone, Shimbashi, Special No. 70 
(Editorial) ; Shimbashi No. 2,850 (Office)." 

In the old style of reckoning, the years were named according 
to the twelve signs of the Chinese zodiac, taken in conjunction 
with the ten "colestial stems " ijikkan), obtained by dividing into 
two parts each of the five elements (wood, fire, earth, metal, water). 
These elements are known in Japanese as ki^ hiy tsuchi, ka (for 
kane^y and mizu ; and the subdivisions are called e {ox ye) and to, 
of which the former is said to represent the active element and the 
latter the passive element. Rein's explanation is as follows:* 
" They [the Japanese] distinguish accordingly (with special 
Chinese signs) ki-no-ye, wood in general, and ki-no-to, worked 
wood ; hi-no-ye, natural fire (of the sun, volcanoes), and hi-no-to, 
domestic fire ; tsuchi-no-ye, raw earth, and tsuchi-no-to, manu- 
factured earth ; ka-no-ye, native metal, and ka-no-to, worked 
metal ; midzu-no-ye, running water, and midzu-no-to, stagnant 
water." Thus the name of the old calendar year {Ka-no-To — 
Ushi)y just mentioned, means " Wrought metal — Ox ; " and the 
name of that day, Ka-no-To — Tori, means ** Wrought metal — 
Cock." This will all be made clear by reference to the following 
table :t 

* Rein's *' Japan," p. 435. See also Note K. 

■j" The cuiTcnt year (1902) is the 38th year of the present cycle, which 
began in 1864. 



Clemenl: Japanese Calendars. 





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Clement : Japanese Calendars. 



The lunar year was divided into twelve months of alternately 29- 
and 30 days each, and thus contained only 354 or 355 days ; but 
this discrepancy from the solar year was made up by adding *' to the 
2iid, 5th, 8th, I ith, 13th, 1 6th and 19th year of every lunar cycle an 
intercalary month of varying length. This bore in Japan the name 
of uro'isuki [uru'Zukil and followed the second month of the year, 
which was then * reckoned twice over, as \uru\ uro-nigatsu, i.e., 
supernumerary second month."**}- An intercalated year contained 
383 to 385 days. The months were named numerically, as- 
follows : 

. First Moon, (Shogatsu — True Moon). 

. Second Moon. 

. Third Moon. 

. Fourth Moon. 

. Fifth Moon 

. Sixth Moon. 

. Seventh Moon. 

. Eighth Moon. 

. Ninth Moon. 

. Tenth Moon. 

. Eleventh Moon. 

Junigatsu Twelfth Moon. 

All of the months had also poetical appellations, as follows: — 

1. Mutsuki (Social J month). Or Umulsuki (Birth month). 
Or Taro'Zuki (Eldest-son month). 

2. Kisaragi (Putting on new clothes). 



Ichigatsu. 

Nigatsu. 

Sangatsu. 



Shigatsu. 



Gogatsu. 

Rokugatsu. 

Shichigatsu. 

Hachigatsu. 

Kugatsu. 

Jugatsu. 

Juichigatsu. 



• Rein's ** Japan," page 434. Sec also Note O. 

f But thfs extra month was not confined to nigatsu (February). 

X From mutsumu^ to be friendly. 



Clenieni : Japanese Calendars. 7 

3. Yayoi (Great growth). 

4. Uzuki (Hare month). Or Mugi-aki (Wheat harvest). 

5. Saisuki (Early moon). 

6. Minazuki (Water-less month). Period of drought. 

7. Fumizuki (Rice-blooming month). Or (Comf)osition 
month). 

8. ^<i/sw^/(I.eafy month). Or Tsukimizuki (Moon- viewing 

month). * 

9. Nagatsuki (Long moon), Or Kikuzuki (Chrysanthemum 

month). 

10. Kannazuki (God-less month). t Or Koharu (Little 

Spring). 

1 1. Shimoisuki (Frost month). Or Vogeisu (Sunny month). 

12. Shiwasu (Finishing up month). Or Goktsgcisu (Last 
moon). 

The four seasons of spring, summer, autumn, and winter were 
recognized ; and there were also 24 i)eriods of 14 or 15 days each, 
which, to a great extent, indicated the weather, and which the 
farmer carefully followed in planning his labors. These were as 
follows, beginning in February, about the time of the beginning of 
the New Year (o.c.) : — 

1. Risshun (Rise of Spring). ) p^u-^_„ 

2. Usui (R^in Water). ) reoruar). 

• Or lua-agari-zuki (Month when rice comes up). Or Momiji-zuki (Red 
leaves month). 

t The Shinto gods {kami),, except Ebisu (god of wcaltli,) who is deaf and 
dose not hear the summons, were all supposed to leave the other pai*ts ot the 
country and to assemble in " annual conference " in their ancestral home of 
Izumto. And as the gods had thus neglected their usual business of watching 
over the people, it was not considered of any use to ofTer prayers or sacrifices, 
and that month was called kami-naki-lsttki^ or kamina-ziiki^ or kanna-zuki. 



8 



Clement .-^ Japanese Calendars, 



3. Keichil^u (Awakening of Insects). 

4. Shumbun (Vernal Equinox). 

5. Seimei (Clear and Bright). 

6. Koku-u (Cereal Rain). 

7. Hikkd (Rise of Summer). 

8. »S'^J/7/a« (Little Filling). 

9. Bbshn (Grain in Ear) 

10. G^5^/ (Summer Solstice). 

11. Shbsho (Little Heat). 

12. Taisho (Great Heat). 

13. Risshii (Rise of Autumn). 

14. .S^os//^; (Limit of Heat). 

15. Hakuro (White Dew). 

16. Shubun (Autumnal Equinox). 

1 7. Kanro (Cold Dew). 

18. Soko (Frost Fall). 

f 9. Riiib (Rise of Winter). 

20. Shbselsu (Little Snow) 

2 1 . Taisetsu (Great Snow). 

22. 7^7 (Winter Solstice). 

21. Shbkan (Little Cold). 

24. Daikan (Great Cold). 



March. 



\ 

[ April. 
\ May. 



une. 



!• August. 
[ September. 



} 

I 
1 



October. 



November. 



December. 



anuarv. 



The peasantry also observed rather scrupulously other special 
times, which Chamberlain thus explains :* — *' For instance, they 
sow their rice on the eighty-eighth day {Hachi-ju-hacht-ya^) from 
the beginning of spring (Risshun)y and they plant it out in Nyubai, 
the period fixed for the early summer rains. The two hundred 
and tenth and two hundred and twentieth days (Pii-hyaku-ibka and 
Ni'hyakti-hatsuka) from the beginning of spring, and what is called 
Hassaku, that, is the first day of the eighth moon, Old Calendar, are 
looked on as days of special importance to the crops, which are 
certain to be injured if there is a storm, because the rice is then in 



• '* Things Japanese." 



t literally "88th night." 



Clement : Japanese Calendars, 9 

flower. They fall early in September, just in the middle of the 
typhoon season. St. Swithin's Day has its Japanese counterpart in 
the Ki-nO'E Ne, mentioned above as the first day of the sexagesi- 
mal cycle, which comes around once in every two months ap- 
proximately. If it rains then, it will rain for that whole cycle, that 
is, for sixty days on end.* Again, if it rains on the first day of a 
certain period called Hassen^\ of which there are six in eveiy year, 
it will rain for the next eight days. These periods, being movable, 
may come at any season. Quite a number of festivals, pilgrimages 
to temples, and other functions depend on the signs of the zodiac. 
Thus, the mayu-dama, a sort of Christmas tree decorated with 
cakes in honor of the silk- worm, makes its appearance on whatever 
-date in January may happen to be the First day of the Hare 
'{Haisu-U)" Then Tokyo people visit the shrine of Myogi 
[Myoken .?]. 

The Hassen, mentioned abDve, come as follows during the 
year 1 902 : — 

1. January 29 o. c. XII, 20. 

2. March 30 o. c. II, 2 1. 

3. May 29 o. c. IV, 22. 

4. July 28 o. c. VI, 24. 

5. September 26 o. c. VIII, 25. 

6. November 25 o. c. X, 26. 

There were also 72 " seasons," (shichijiini-kii) ; but what they 
•were I have not learned. 

In old Japan the week was entirely unknown ; and it was not 
till the present era [Meiji], that the ichi-roku.X or holidays on the 

♦ If it rains during the first nine days of kan (cold season), it is an omen 
of a rainless summer. 

t A period of twelve days, " unlucky for marriage matters." 
{ The ist, 6th, nth, i6th, 21st, 26th, [31st], days. 



lo Clement : Japanese Calendars. 

** ones" and "sixes" of each month, were introduced. But that 
was speedily abandoned for the week system, with Sunday as an 
official holiday, and with names adapted from the Occidental 
names, as follows : — 

Nichiyobi (Sun-day) = Sunday. 

Getsuyobi (Moon-day) = Monday. 

Kwayobi (Mars-day) = Tuesday. 

Suiyobi ( Mercury -day) = Wednesday. 

Mokuyobi (Jupiter-day) = Thursday. 

Kinyobi (Venus-day) = Friday. 

Doyobi (Saturn-day) = Saturday. 

And Prof. Chamberlain tells of the adoption of even the Saturday 
half holiday : — ** Sunday being in vulgar |)arlance Donlaku [a 
corruption of the Dutch Zontag\ Saturday is called (in equally 
vulgar parlance) Handon^ that is "half Sunday." 

There is, moreover, another division of the month more or 
less common even at the present day. By it, each month is 
divided into three periods, called y////, of about ten days, known as 
jdjun, chujun^ gyun (upper, middle and lower decide). 

The days of each month were named, not only in numerical 
order, but also according to the sexagesimal table described above 
in connection with the names of the years in *'a cycle of Cathay." 
And the latter names were perhaps more important tlian the 
numerical ones, because, according to these special names, a day 
was judged to be either lucky or unlucky for particular events. 
** Every day has its degree of luck for removal [from one place to 
another], and, indeed, according to another system, for actions of 
any kind; for a day is presided over in succession by one of six 
stars which may make it lucky throughout or only at night, or in. 



Clement : Japanese Calendars, 1 1 

the forenoon or the afternoon, or exactly at noon, or absolutely 
unlucky. There are also special days on which marriages should 
take place, prayers are granted by the gods, stores should be open- 
ed, and sign-boards put up."* Dr. Griffis informs us in the ** The 
Mikado s Empire," that ** many people of the lower classes would 
not wash their heads or hair on * the day of the horse,' lest their 
hair become red." On the other hand, this " horse day " is sacred 
to Inari Sama, the rice-god, who employs foxeS as his messengers ; 
and "the day of the rat" is sacred to Daikoku, the god of wealth. 
who, in pictures, is always accompanied by that rodent. 
Carpenters also have their lucky and unlucky days, as we learned 
at the time when the recitation-building of the Duncan Baptist 
Academy, Tokyo, was going up. The roof raising had been 
originally planned for March 14-16, [1901], but was unavoidably 
delayed. As it was expected to cover three days, which should be 
consecutive, and not broken into by the 17th, Sunday, the next 
possible dates were March 18-20. But as March 18 (Monday) was 
" tiger day," and considered inauspicious, the time was fixed for 
March 19-21, the days, respectively, of the "hare," the dragon" 
and the "serpent." The original dates would liave been 
auspicious, because they were the days of tlie " dog," the "boar" 
and the "rat." As for wedding days, Rev. N. Tamura says if — 
"We think it is verv unfortunate to be married on the 16th of 
January, 20th of February, 4th of March, i8th of April, 6th of 
May, 7th of June, loth of July, nth of August, 9th of September, 
3rd of October, 25th of November, or 30th of December, also on 
the grandfather's or grandmother's death day." These dates are 

• From Inouyc's "Sketches of Tokyo Life. * 
t "A Japanese IJride," pp. 32, 33. 



1 2 Clement : yapanese Calctidars. 

probably applicable to only the old calendar. " Seeds will not 
germinate if planted on certain days'' (Griffis).* 

The hours were named, not only according to the plan men- 
tioned above, but also according to the heavenly menagerie, in the 
following way : — 

1. Hour of the Rat, 1 1 p.m. — i a.m. 

2. „ „ Ox, 1-3 a.m. 

3- »» i» Tiger 3-5 a.m. 

4. ,, ,, Hare, 57 a.m. 

5. „ „ Dragon, 7-9 a.m. 

6. „ ,, Serpent, 9- 11 a.m. 

7. ,, „ Horse, 11 a.m. — i p.m. 

8. ,, ,, Goat, 1-3 p.m. 

9. „ „ Monkey, 3-5 p.m. 

10. ,. ,, Cock, 5-7 p.m. 

11. „ „ Dog, 7-9 p.m. 

1 2. „ „ Boar, 9-1 1 p.m. 

It will be noticed that each period is two hours (Occidental) long ; 
but it was also divided, as were likewise the numerical " hours " 
mentioned above, into jbkoku and gekoku (upper and lower kokii)y 
each of which was thus equivalent to exactly one hour of sixty 
minutes.* The " hour of the ox," by-the-way, being the time of 
sound sleep, was sacred to women crossed in love for taking 
vengeance upon a straw image of the recreant lover at the shrine of 
Fud6."J " After 5 p.m. many people will not put on new clothes 
or sandals '" (Griflfii)). 

• Sec Notes I) and F. ■(• Sec Note (). 

J See Griffis's "Honda the Samurai," pp. 256-266, or *'The Mikado's 
.Empire," page 474. Also sec Note I. 



alls' 

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12 

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It wil 
but it 
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Clement : yapanesc Calendars. i j 

Following a Chinese model, from which the Japanese calendar 
was, of course, derived, we may construct a " time table; " but we 
must bear in mind that some of the terms are comparatively 
modem, and are derived from Occidental sources. 

TIME TABLE. 

60 seconds {byo) make i minute {/un), 

15 minutes ,, i quarter (^o^«). 

8 quarters „ 1 hour {iokt\ji), 

96 quarters or 12 hours „ i day {nichiy hi.jiisu). 

10 days ,, I decade {jun), 

29 or 30 days ,, i moon {tsuki.gelsu.gwaisu,)' 

12 or 13 moons ,, i year (/osAi\ nen), 

60 years ,, i cycle (b'/zo). 

The gO'sekktdf or five festivals, also were, and are, carefully 
observed, although their dates have been changed to fit the new 
solar calendar. They fell on the first* (or, as some say, seventh) 
day of the first month, the third day of the third month, the fifth 
day of the fifth month, the seventh day of the seventh month, and 
the ninth day of the ninth month. They have various names, of 
which the most general are those made from the names of the 
months, such as SMga/su no Sekku (First Moon's Festival), etc., etc. 
But these names are not so commonly used as more specific ones, 
which describe more or less particularly the nature of the festival. 
For instance, the festival of the Third Month is well-known as 
ydfjii no Sekku (the Girls' Festival), or Hinamatsuri (Dolls' 
Festival) ; that of the fifth month is the famous lango no Sekku 
(or the Boys' Festival), or Nohori no Sekku (Flag Festival) ; that of 

• Originally so established in the reign of the Emperor Uda (88S-897 A.D. 



< lament : Japanese Calendars. 

»:s- w^\\^u^h uuMUh is commonly called TanabcUa no Sekku (Festival 
>! \ V N.M \*CK**) : while that of the ninth month is called Ch6y6 
»vx» S^kkii 0**^'^*^" Summer Festival), or Kiku no Sekhi (Chrysan- 
ih%Muutu IVsiiviil). Moreover, the Girls' Festival is also called 
.IA»w.» HO Sckku (Peach Festival), and the Boys* Festival is called 
\v,»,^« no SMu (Sweet Flag Festival).* 

Tl 10 re is now, of course, considerable confusion between the 
old anil the new calendars, of which the latter is ofBcial, but the 
l\»iuu*r is popular and still observed in country districts. And this 
ti infusion naturally leads to some curious anachronisms. For 
iuHtiinre, the 7th day of the ist month (o.c.) was known as Nana- 
Jtusii (Seven Herbs), because the people were wont to go out into 
the fields and gather seven kinds of greensf to boil and eat on 
tliiit day, to preserve from diseases during the year: but January 7 
is loo cold and early for such expedidons and such vegetables. 
In some cases, the old day is retained, no matter whether it fits 
the new calendar or not. But, " for the most part, the old (/a/e has 
been retained, notwithstanding the change thus caused in the actual 
(/ay." In fact, often during a year " the dme is out of joint." And 
there are not a few people who are quite willing to keep both 
calendars and thus get twice as many holidays ! 

Hut, as this general topic is well-nigh inexhaustible, and 
•* time flies " " like an arrow " {ya no goioshi) here as elsewhere, 
we may as well stop at this point, and append, as an illustration, 
the official calendar for the current year with necessary explanations. 

• For a full treatment of the floral calendar, see Mr. Conder's elaborate 
|)a|icr in Vol. XVII, Part II.. pp. 1-96, of the Transactions of this Society; 
alHO Vol. XIX. Pt. 3. page 548. 

f Parsley, shepherd's purse, cudweed, chickwced. hcnbit. horse-tail, radish. 



Clemen/ : Japanese Calendars, 1 5 

Short True Calendar of Meiji 35th Year. 

2,562nd year from the date of the ascension of the Emperor 
Jimmu. 

35th year of Meiji. 
Common year — 365 days. 



[National Holidaysj.* 

ShihGhai January, i 

(ienji-sai January, 3 

Komei Tenno Sai January, 30 

Kigen-setsu February, 1 1 

Shunki Korei Sai March, 21 

Jimmu Tenno Sai April, 3 

Shuki Korei Sai September, 24 

Kanname Sai October, 1 7 

Tencho-setsu November, 3 

Niinamc Sai November, 23 



Size of Months. 



[New 


calendar]. 




[Year] 




[Old calendar]. 


I. Large. 


2. Common. 


Wrought metal — Ox. 


II. Large. 


12. Small 


3. V 


4. Small. 


Sea 


water— 


■Tiger. 


I. „ 


2. „ 


5. n 


6. „ 








3. .» 


4. » 


7. „ 


8. Large. 








S. Small. 


6. Large 


9. Small. 


10. „ 








7. » 


8. » 


II. » 


12. „ 








9. » 
II. Large. 


10. „ 


• See Note B. 













1 6 Clement : Japanese Caleudars, 

Lunar Eclipse in Tokyo — Total. 

On April 23 at 2-0-2 a.m. the moon begins to grow dark 
from the upper left side ; and at 3-10-2 a.m. it is dark on the 
lower right side. At 3-52-8 a.m. it is very dark. At 4-55-4 a.m. 
it begins to grow light on the left side ; and it sets at 5-3-4 a.m. 
with sixty-two hundredths of its surface still dark. 

Table of Sundays. 

January 5, 12, 19, 26. February 2, 9, 16, 23. 

March 2, 9, 16, 23, 30. April 6, 13, 20, 27. 

May 4, II, 18, 25. June i, 8, 15, 22, 29. 

July 6, 13, 20, 27. August 3, 10, 17, 24, 31. 

September 7, 14, 21, 28. October 5, 12, 19, 26. 

November 2, 9, 16, 23, 30. December 7, 14, 21, 2^. 

Seven Luminaries. 

Sun, Moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus, Saturn. 

Natural Wood — Rat Days.* 

Feb. 10, Apr. 11, June 10, Aug, 9, Oct. 8, Dec. 7. 

Wrought Earth — Serpent DAYs.f 

Feb. 15, Apr. 16, June 15, Aug. 14, Oct. 13, Dec. 12. 

Natural Metal — Monkey Days. J 

Feb. 6, Apr. 7, June 6, Aug. 5, Oct. 4, Dec. 3. 

• Sacred to Daikoku, god of wealth, as jircviously stateil. 
t Sacred to Benten, goddess of love and sea-goddess. 

J Sacred to Koshin, representeil by the three (blind, deaf and dumb), 
monkeys. 



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The following explanation of these tables may be useful. In 
the upper table which is arranged according to the sexagesimal 
cycle, each square contains the name of the year period, the number 
of the year in that period, the zoological name of the year, and 
finally the number of years to be used in computation as reckoned 
from last year. For instance, the upper left hand corner square 
refers to the 6th year of Kwansei [1794], which was Tiger Year 
and 107 years before the 34th year of Meiji [1901]. Then the 
second table gives the amount of the addition to be made to 
bring up the reckoning to the present Let us try the tables in 
the cas3 of a person born Feb. 21,1860 [the ist year of Manen]. 
Searching in the upper table for Manen, we obtain the figure 4 1 ; 
and, looking at the lower table, we find that one born in February 
must add one full year to bring it up to January of the current 
year. Therefore, according to these tables, we are informed that 
the above mentioned person would be 42 years old in January of 
this year. That, however, is according to the inclusive method of 
reckoning the months ; although the years do not seem to have been 
reckoned in that way. Of course, by the exact Occidental method 
of reckoning, he would not be 42 full years old till Feb. 21, 1902. 

This subject of age brings up many interesting points. In the 
first place, it is pretty generally known, that in Japan the birthday 
of the " individual was not considered of sufficient importance to be 
celebrated; and that ages were computed from New Year's Day, 
which thus become a kind of national birthday. And, as Japanese 
reckoning was inclusive, a child bom on the last day of a year 
would be considered two years old on the first day of the next 
year, because he had lived in both of those years. Therefore, in 
case of inquiring a person's age, it would be very important to 



Clement : fafHinese Calendars, 45 

know whether the reply gave " Japanese years " or full years/* 
Ignorance or forgetfulness of this distinction has often led to 
mistakes, and quite serious ones in the case of historical records, 
chronicles and genealogical tables. The inclusive reckoning must 
also be carefully noted in such exprcssiom as " ten days ago," 
"ten days later," "jor ten days," etc.. which may mean what 
Occidentals would express by "eleven days." We may state 
right here, what has undoubtedly occurred to the reader before 
this, that Japanese reckonings are quite indefinite according to 
the Occidental point of view, and present difficulties in the way 
of mathematical accuracy. 

There are also superstition about ages. Some persons, for 
instance, "are averse to a marriage between those whose ages 
differ by three or nine years. A man's nativity also influences 
the direction in which he should remove ; and his age may 
permit his removal one year and absolutely forbid it the next. " 
There are also critical years in a person's life, such as the 7th, 
25th, 42nd and 6 1st years for a man and the 7th, 8th, 33rd, 
42nd and 6ist years for a woman. " A child born in its father's 
forty-first year will be the cause of his death unless abandoned."* 
We have heard a similar story to the effect that a child born 
(or begotten ?) in the father's forty-third year is supposed to be 
possessed of a devil. When such a child is about one month 
old, it is, therefore, exposed for about three hours in some sacred 
place. Some member or friend of the family then goes to get 
it, and bringing it to the parents, says : " This is a child whom 
I have found and whom you would better take and bring up." 
Thus, having fooled the devil, the parents receive their own child 

• Inouye's " Sketches of Tokyo Life." 



46 Clement : yapanese Calendars, 

back. In one such case, the babe was neglected and exposed 
too long, so that he has not yet fully recovered from the illness 
which followed. He is a graduate of the Duncan Baptist Acade- 
my, Tokyo. 

Note A. 

We are under great obligations, in the preparation of this 
paper, to Mr. Y. Morise for translations ; to Mr. I. Morikubo 
for explanations ; to Mr. Ken Saito, of the Imperial Museum, and 
to Mr. H. Yamada, for drawings. 

Note B. 

Some of these national holidays are explained under the 
month in which they occur ; but a few words are added here 
in farther explanation. Kigen-selsu, for instance, was originally a 
festival in honor of the ascension of Jimmu, the first Emperor, 
to the throne, and was thus the anniversary of the establishment 
of the Old Empire ; but it is now observed also as the celebration 
of the promulgation of the constitution (Feb. ii, 1889), and is 
thus the anniversary of the establishment of the New Empire. 
The Jimmu Tenno Sai of April 3 is the so-called anniversary 
of the death of that Emperor. The Kanname Festival in Septem- 
ber celebrates the offering of first-fruits to the ancestral deities, 
and the Niiname Festival in October celebrates the tasting of 
those first-fruits by the Emperor. The Spring and Autumn 
Festivals, in March and September, are adaptations of the Budd- 
hist equinoctial festivals of the dead, and are especially observed 
for tlie worship of the Imperial ancestors. 



Clement : Japanese Calendars. 47 

Note C. 

This has been called " New Year's Eve " as well as the last 
night of winter. It will be noticed that, in this case, the last 
night of the old year [o. c] is three nights further on ; but 
once in two or three years both winter and the old year go 
out at the same time. Setsubun is the time when in every house 
beans are scattered around to scare away the devils, and the 
following formula is also supposed to be effective : 

Oni wa solo Fuku wa uchi : * 
" Out with the devils, In with good fortune." 

This is also the occasion when " each person present eats 
one more [bean] than the number of the years of his age." The 
food eaten then is known as azukimeshi, and it consists of red 
beans mixed with rice. This was also eaten in olden times on 
the 1st, 15th and 28th of each month, which were the "three 
days " {sanjilsu) then regularly observed as holidays. For a 
fuller description of Setsubun see Heam's " Glimpses of Unfamiliar 
Japan," Vol. II., pp. 498-503 : and for interesting notes on the 
New Year's Festival see pp. 493-498 of the some volume. 

Note D. 

We append also some miscellaneous items bearing on the 
various branches of our subject. We learn, for instance, from 
*' Tosa Nikki " the following : 

It was the yearly custom in ancient times to bring horses 

to the capital, for the sovereign's use, from the various places 

where they were reared to suit his purpose. The time seems 

* But in shipping and express companies it is unlucky to repeat the upper 
stanza, because o-ni may mean " honorable freight " or " baggage " ! 



48 Clement : jfapanese Calendars. 

to have been the 7th day of the 1st month and the 15th day 
of the eighth month. White horses, as befitting one ot " divine 
origin," were the only kind in request at this period. 

Other items are on the authority of Dr. W. E. Griffis. In 
pouring out oil for the lamp during kar^ (the coldest part of 
winter, late January or early February), if by accident even a 
single drop of oil is spilled on the flour, some damage will be 
done by fire to the house. This, however, may be averted by 
sprinkling a few drops of water on the head of the spiller of the 
oil. Kanshoku is the name of " about the 105th day after the 
winter solstice, so-called from the universal custom in China 
of abstaining from cooked food on that day " (Brinkley). 

On New Year's Day, merchants shut the* stores of their 
store-houses, lest good-fortune depart. People never sweep the 
floor on that day, lest good luck be also swept away, [And the 
writer of this paper was once warned that he must not take 
medicine or consult a doctor on New Year's Day, because such 
acts would portend a year of illness]. 

At New Year's Day, pater-familias does not like any one ta 
utter the sound shi (death) or any word containing it. This is a 
difficult matter in a household, since the syllable sin has over 
a dozen different meanings, and occurs in several hundred Japanese 
words, some of them very common. Thus let us suppose a family 
of husband, wife, child and servant, numbering four (shi), A 
visitor calls, and happens to use the words Shtba (a city district in 
Tokyo), shi (teacher, poem, four, to do, etc.) The host, at first 
merely angry with the visitor who so forcibly uses the sinister 

* When kan (cold) or sfio (heat) comes later than its calendar date, it is 
called zankan or zansho^ '• left-over cold " or *• heat." 



Clement : yapanese Calendars. 49 

words, is incensed when the latter happens to remark that his 
host's household consists of four, and wishes him gone. Moodily 
reflecting on his visitor's remark, he resolves to dismiss his servant 
and so make his household three. But the shrewd servant, named 
Fnku, remonstrates with his master for sending away /uku (bless- 
ing, luck) from his house. The master is soothed. 

New Year's Day was called sangen (three beginnings), because 
it was the beginning of a year, a month and a day. From Inouye's 
** Sketches of Tokyo Life" we learn that aged persons provide 
against failing memory by passing through seven different shrine- 
gates on the spring or autumn equinox. An incantation against 
noxious insects, written with an infusion of India ink in liquorice 
water on the eighth day of the founh moon, Buddha's birth-day, 
will prevent their entrance at every doorway or window where it is 
p)osted. 

The 1 6th of January and the i6th of July were and are 
special holidays for servants and apprentices. The i6th of the 
6th month — called Kajoy and the ist of the icth month — called 
Genjo — were also festivals. At the time of the winter-solstice 
doctors would worship the Chinese Ksculapius. ** The foot-wear 
left outside on the night of the winter equinox should be thrown 
away ; he who wears them will shorten his own life. If you cut a 
bamboo on a moonlight night, you will find a snake in the hollow 
of it between the third and fourth joints." " During an eclipse of 
the sun or moon, people carefully cover the wells, as they suppose 
that poison &lls from the sky during the period of the obscuration." 
"If on the night of the second day of the First Month one dreams 
of the iakara-hutie (treasure-ship), he shall become a rich man. " 
*' The child of three years keeps his heart till he is sixty." " Any 



50 Clement : Japanese Calenaars. 

thing is useful after three years." " A sixth day camellia " refers to 
any thing that is too late, because the flower should be brought on 
the fifth day. The first ** dog day*' and the third ** dog-day" in 
July are days for eating special cakes. ** The Third Dog-day is 
considered by the peasantry a turning point in the life of the 
crops. Eels are eaten on any day of the Bull [Doyo no UshP^ that 
may occur during this period of greatest heat."* The 17th of 
each month is a regular holiday for Tokyo barbers. There is a 
proverb that " the gossip of men even [lasts only] 75 days." 

The first days of the ist, 6th and 8th months were celebrated 
by the Tokugawa government. In olden times there were certain 
fixed days for holding the markets, " a fact permanently recorded 
in the names given to some of the market sites, as for example, 
the towns of Yokkaichi and Itsukaichi (fourth day market and 
fifth day market)." We find also Futsuka-ichi, Mikka-machi, 
Muika-machi, Nanuka-ichi, Y5ka-ichiba and Toka-ichiba. 

Other "specially appointed festive occasions" were the 
following: "entertainments in April (third month of the old 
calendar), when wine cups were floated down stream ; or in February 
(first month of the old calendar) when young pines, growing on 
the hills or in the fields, were pulled up by the roots ; or in the 
fall, to view the changing tints of the maples." And to the go- 
sekku were originally added the festival of the " late moonlight " 
(13th day of the 9th month) and the festival of the **last chrysan- 
themums." 

The guards of the gates of the Shogun's castle in Yedo were 
divided into bands which took turns as follows : — At the Chujaku 
Gate each of the six bands was to be on duty for a day and night, 

• See Chamberlain's *' Things Japanese " under " Festivals." 



Clement : Japanese Calemlars, 5 1 

by turn : the first band on rat and horse days ; the second, on ox 
and sheep [goat] days ; the third, on tiger and monkey days; the 
fourth, on hare and bird [cock] days ; the fifth, on dragon and dog 
days ; and the sixth, on snake [serpent] and hog [boar] days. " At 
the Naka Gate, **each of the five bands was to be on duty for a 
day and night, by turns, once on every fi\'^ days." The Ote-San 
Gate was guarded by only four bands, each of which " was to be 
on duty for a day and night, by turn : the first band, or the Koga- 
gumi, on rat, dragon and monkey days ; the second band, or the 
Negoro-gumit on ox, snake and bird days ; the third band, or the 
Jga-gumi, on horse, dog and tiger days ; and the fourth band, or 
the Kita-goki-gumij on hare, hog and sheep days, "f 

" The hog [boar] day of the loth month," " the 3rd day of the 
I st month" and "any special festive day" might be used for a 
performance of the No Dance. 

In reckoning the hours, a distincdon was sometimes made 
between the morning and the evening as follows : akc-muisu (6 a.m.) 
and kure-mutsu (6 p.m.). 

Nijuroku-ya-machi (twenty-sixth evening waiting) is the name 
applied to " the custom of sitting up on the night of the 26th of 
the 7th month (0.5.), to witness the rise of the moon, supposed to 
be efficacious for securing longevity " (Brinkley's Dictionary). 

Misoka (thirtieth day) was specially set apart for the payment 
of the bills of the month ; and the name was loosely applied to 
the twenty-ninth day, just as it is now loosely applied to the thirty- 
first day : in other words the name came to mean the last day of 
each month. The last day of each year is called Omisoka (Great 
Thirtieth Day). 

t From " The 36 Gates of the Shogun's Castle in Yedo." 



52 Clement : Japanese Calendars, 

"It was customary to wear a wadded garment [waia-ire) from 
the ninth day of the ninth month,* and socks from the tenth day, 
but September, the ninth month of the new calendar, being warm, 
the old practice no longer obtains." On the festival of the ninth 
day of the ninth month, people, with a view to lengthening their 
life and averting calamity, drank sake flavored with the flowers of 
the chrysanthemum {kiku), and consequendy called kiku-zake. 
Chestnuts, someUmes mixed up with boiled rice, were eaten on the 
same day; butjthe ninth month of the present calendar can boast 
neither chestnuts nor chrysanthemums, so this custom is departed. 
On the thirteenth day of the same month, people in general and 
poets in particular, made a point of admiring the moon, the former 
presenting oflerings of rice-cakes {dango), and the latter composing 
verses in her honor. This practice is said to have commenced 
about 1,000 years ago, in the reign of Uda Tenno.'^f 

** The twentieth day of the tenth month of the old calendar 
was that chosen by merchants and shopkeepers for a merry-making, 
under the patronage of Ebisu, the God of wealth and guardian of 
markets. At one end of the room in which they met to spend the 
evening, there was hung a picture of Ebisu, with a huge perch 
under his arm, and a fishing-rod in his hand, and to this was offered 
the fevorite fish tat- — a kind of perch, sake, and round cakes of 
7nochu As the feast proceeded, one would seize on any article 
that lay handy — such as a cup or a bowl — hold it aloft, and 
demand a fancy price for it, say 100 or 1,000 dollars. Another 
would grasp at the offer, and the mock bargain would be complet- 
ed amidst the clapping of hands, the transaction being taken as a 

• See also Vol. XIII., Ft. i, pp. 6,7 of the Transactions of this Society, 
t From " The Japanese Months." 



Clanent : Japanese Calendars. 5 3 

fore-shadowing of success in the making of r6ri bargains in the 
future."* 

"The 15th of November is a day of some importance to the 
little folks. The heads of children are generally shaved, until they 
are about three years old, according to Japanese reckoning, which 
counts a part of a year as a whole year. But after this, beginning 
from the fifteenth of November, a tuft of hair is allowed to grow on 
the top of the head. From the same day, a boy of five years old 
is allowed to wear trousers {hakanui) on state occasions, and a girl 
of seven may put on the broad sash or girdle {nbi), which is so 
important an article of feminine attire. An entertainment in the 
evening celebrates the attainment of any of the foregoing privileges, 
known respectively as kamioki, hakamagi 2.x\A obitoki. Infants born 
during the preceding twelve months are taken on this day to a 
Shinto shrine, where the mother performs an act of worship."* 

Another such ceremony is known as gembukuy at the age of 
1 5, when a youth " donned for the first time a man's clothes and 
changed his name." 

" On each of the two Bird daysf that come in November, there 
is held in Tokyo a fair called Ton-no-Ichi (Bird Fair), visitors to 
which are generally seen returning with a bamboo rake in their 
hand. This rake, called kumade (Bear's Paw), is ornamented with 
imitation account books, and with paper figures of the Gods of 
Fortune, the tortoise, the crane and other emblems of success or 
prosperity ; and the rake itself, being an instrument used for 
drawing things together, sets forth the grasping and gathering 
together of things that are prized in this life. The keepers *of 
restaurants and houses of entertainment purchase and display a 

• "The Japanese Months." f ^ock Days. 



! 



54 Clement : Japanese Calendars. 

larger kind of rake than other people. The fair is held at Otori- 
jinsha, in Shitaya, Tokyo, and one or two other places."* 

This part of the subject is still further illustrated by the 
following extract from Mrs. Flora Best Harris's " Log of a Japanese 
Journey," which is a translation of Tsurayuki's " Tosa Nikki ": — 

" Happening to notice how long my nails had grown on 
shipboard, I counted the days and discovered that it is the day of 
the Rat.f As it is not the proper time, I have not cut them. 

" Remembering that the day of the Rat in the first month is 
a holiday at the capital [Kyoto], I felt anxious to celebrate it, but 
in default of a pine-tree, could not do as I desired. 

" A certain woman tried to compose a stanza on the occasion, 
but being on shipboard, the theme proved a difficult one, so that 
the lines have little merit. 

• " The Japanese Months." 

"I" " The * day of the Rat * in the first month was a holiday which the 
people celebrated by procuring young pines which they planted with much 
rejoicing as emblems of long and happy life. As Tsurayuki found the day an 
inappropriate one for cutting his nails, the reader may be glad to know that 
cutting the finger-nails was jxjrfectly proper on the day of the Ox, and that the 
day of the Tiger could be devoted to cutting the toe-nails.'* 

In this connection we append the following paragraph from the chapter of 
** Vulgar Errors" in Sir Thomas Browne's "Religio Medici": — The set and 
statary time of paring of nails and cutting of hair is thought by many a point 
of, consideration ; which is perhaps but the continuation of an andent supersti- 
tion. For piaculous it was unto the Romans to pare their nails upon the 
Nundinae, observed every ninth day ; and was also feared by others in certain 
days of the week, according to that of Ausonius, ** Ungues Mercurio^ harbatn 
Jove, Cy pride crines" and was one part of the wickedness that filled up the 
measure of Manasses, when 'tis delivered that *' he observed times " (II Chron. 

33 ' 6). 

• See Vol. XIII, Pt. i, pp. 15, 16 of T. A. S. J.; and Vol. VIII, Ft. 4. pp. 
442, 445, 446, 447. 



Clement : Japanese Calendars. 5 5 

" * Whether this day can really be 

The day of the Rat is a puzzle. — Ah me ! 

Were a fish-wife but here, she might drag from the water 

A sea-pine to cheer us with festival glee/ " 

Japanese children would welcome certain festival days on 
account of special feasts on such occasions, as, for instance, in 
addition to those already mentioned, the following are found : 
boiledj'red beans and rice {azuki-meshi) on days sacred to Inari 
Sama ; " rice-flour cakes wrapped in the leaves of a species of oak 
called kashrwa " at the Boys' Festival ; and sake on almost all 
occasions, "with a spray of peach blossom inserted in the bottle" 
at the Girls' Festival. And mochi (the rice-flour cake mentioned 
above) is the special food of the New Year's season, as well as of 
many other festal occasions. 

" To dream of riches with a picture of Daikoku purchased at 
a temple under the head, on the day of the Rat, ^^ ^ ^, is certain 
to bring an accession of fortune within a year." 

The Occidental "sweet sixteen" may be found in the 
Japanese musume nihachi (a girl twice eight :) but there is also a 
proverb that **even a devil is pretty at eighteen," and another of 
**even a dragon at twenty." 

The indefiniteness of Japanese time-reckoning and the dilatori- 
ness of the people are further illustrated by the practical meaning of 
such phrases as tadaima (just now), sugu ni (directly), Jiki ni (im- 
mediately), hayaku (early), etc., which must not be taken literally!* 

Another almanac which I saw gave the following dates for 
sowing grain in 1902: Early rice, March 21 ; Middling rice, 
April 6; millet, April 21 ; buckwheat, June 22 ; wheat, Aug. 24. 

* See also poem on page 69. 



56 Clement : Japanese Calemiars, 

Note E. 

Brinklcy's Dictionary gives the following explanation of 
do : — '' Ktnoe (¥), tree; kinoto (Zj), herb; hinoe {K)^ fire; hinoto 
(T), charcoal fire ; tsuchinoc (ft), earth ; isuchinoto (C), earthen 
ware; kcuioc (Sf), coin; kanoio (^*), hardware; mizunoe (3i), sea 
water; mizunoio (51), stream." Others distinguish "upper" and 
** lower ;" or " male " and ** female ;" or " elder brother " and 
" younger brother ;" or " great " and " small." 

The following explanation is from Ix)ureiro's " Anglo-Chinese 
Calendar ": — 

iCr'-«£^-r= growing tree. ir/-;/o-^=hewn timber. 

/6-«<?-^= lightning. Hi-no-to = burning incense. 

Tsuchi-no-e = hills. Tsuchi-no-to = earthenware. 

Ka-no-e = ore. Ka-no-to = ketdes. 

Jlftzu-no-e =sa\i water. Afizu-no-/o= spring water. 

NOTK F. 

The almanac which was chiefly used in the preparation ol 
this paper contained a loose slip giving general directions for 
ascertaining the lucky and the unlucky days, dates, directions, etc., 
t\e,, for telling one's fortune. We began to work it out, but soon 
found that, in order to make the subject at all intelligible, it could 
not be briefly dismissed, but required more investigation than we 
had time to undertake. In fact, Japanese divination is an immense 
subject by itself.* 

• Sec Vol. XII, Pt. 4, pj). 471, 472 of the Transactions of this Society. 



Cletueni : Japanese Calendars. 



:>/ 



Note G. 

We append for reference the following : — 

LIST OF VKAR PP:RI0DS.* 



"SmvaB. 




(ThriHtian 
Kra. 


.IniNinese 
Name. Kra. 


OhrUtiaii 
Kra. 


Taikwa 


1305 


645 


Tenan ] 


[517 


857 


Hakuchi 


I3IO 


650 


Jogwan ] 


[519 


859 


(Blank) 131 5 


•I33I 655.671 


Gwangio ] 


1537 


877 


Sujaku 


1332 


672 


Ninna j 


^545 


885 


Hakuho 


1332 


672 


Kwampei ] 


^549 


889 


Shucho 


1346 


686 


Shotai 1 


(558 


898 


(Blank) 1347 


-1360 6S7-7OO 


Engi ] 


(561 


901 


Daiho [Taiho] 


1361 


701 


Enchu ] 


^583 


923 


Keiun 


1364 


704 


Johei ] 


[591 


931 


Wado 


1368 


708 


Tengio 1 


[598 


938 


Reiki 


1375 


715 


Tenriaku . 1 


[607 


947 


Yoro 


1377 


717 


Tentoku : 


[617 


957 


Jinki 


1384 


724 


Owa ] 


[621 


961 


'lembio 


1389 


729 


Koho ] 


[624 


964 


Tembio shOho 


1409 


749 


Anna 1 


[628 


968 


Tembio hoji 


I417 


757 


Tenroku 1 


1630 


970 


Tembi6 jingo 


1425 


765 


Ten-en 1 


633 


973 


Jingo keiun 


1427 


767 


Jogen 1 


[636 


976 


Hoki 


1430 


770 


Tengen 1 


1638 


978 


Teno 


I44I 


781 


Eikwan i 


1643 


983 


Enriaku 


1442 


782 


Kwanna i 


1645 


985 


Daido 


1466 


806 


Eien i 


[647 


987 


Konin 


1470 


810 


Eiso 1 


[649 


989 


Tenchc") 


1484 


824 


Shoriaku i 


[650 


990 


Jowa 


1494 


834 


Chotoku ] 


(655 


995 


Kaj6 


1508 


848 


Choho 1 


1659 


999 


Ninju 


I5II 


851 


KwankO i 


[664 


1004 


Saiko 


I514 


854 


Chowa ] 


[672 


1012 



♦ From official sources. 



t From 660 B. C\ 



58 



Clement : Japanese Calendars. 



Naiue. 


Japanese ChriHtian 
Km. lirft. 


Name. 


JapaneKe CI 
Kra. 


^riatiaD- 
Em. 


Kwannin 


1677 I 


017 


Koji 


1802 I 


142 


Ji-an 


1681 1 


021 


Tenyo 


1804 I 


144 


Manju 


1684 J 


024 


Kiu-an 


1805 1 


145 


Chogen 


1688 1 


[O28 


Nimbio 


181I ] 


151 


Choriaku 


1697 1 


^037 


Kiuju 


1814 1 


[I54 


Chokiti 


1700 1 


[O4O 


Hogen 


1816 1 


156 


Kwantoku 


1704 1 


044 


Heiji 


1819 1 


[I59 


Eijo 


1706 ] 


1046 


Eiriaku 


1820 ] 


[i6a 


Tengi 


I7I3 1 


^053 


Oho 


1821 1 


[161 


Kohei 


I718 1 


[O58 


Chokwan 


1823 ] 


[i6^ 


Jiriaku 


1725 ] 


[065 


Eiman 


1825 ] 


L165 


Enkiu 


1729 1 


[O69 


Ninan 


1826 ] 


[i66- 


Joho 


1734 1 


[O74 


Ka-6 


1829 ] 


[169 


Joriaku 


1737 1 


[O77 


j6-an 


183I ] 


1171 


Eih6 


I74I 1 


[O81 


Angen 


1835 1 


ri75 


Otoku 


1744 1 


1084 


Jisho 


1837 1 


[177 


Kwanji 


1747 1 


[O87 


Yowa 


184I ] 


[181 


Kaho 


1754 


[O94 


Ju-ei 


1842 ] 


[182 


Eicho 


1756 ] 


[096 


Genriaku 


1844 1 


[1 84 


Jotoku 


1757 


1097 


Bunji 


1845 ^ 


1185 


Kowa 


1759 ^ 


[O99 


Kenkiu 


1850 


1190 


Choji 


1764 


[IO4 


Shoji 


1859 


1 199 


Kajo 


1766 


1 106 


Kennin 


1861 


1 201 


Tennin 


1768 


[IO8 


Genkiu 


1864 


1204 


Tenei 


1770 1 


[IIO 


Kenei 


1866 


1206 


Eikiu 


1773 


III3 


J6gen 


1867 


1207 


Genei 


1778 


III8 


Kenriaku 


187I 


121 1 


H5an 


1780 


[1 20 


Kempo 


1873 


1215 


Tenji 


1784 


1124 


Jokiu 


1879 


I2IC^ 


Daiji 


1786 


[126 


Jo-6 


1882 


1222 


Tenjo 


1791 1 


[131 


Gennin 


1884 


1224 


Chojo 


1792 


1132 


Karoku 


J.885 


1225 


Hoen 


1795 


fi35 


Antei 


1887 


1227 


Eiji 


I 801 


[141 


Kwangi 


1889 


1229 



Clement : Japanese Calendars, 



59 



J« 

Name. 

Jo-ei 1 


paneae 
[892 


ChrlfftUn 
En. 

1232 


Name. 

Gentoku 


Kra. 
1989 1 


hrUtUn 
Kra. 

'329 


Tempuku i 


1893 


1233 


Shokio f Genko] 


1992 ] 


^ZZ^ 


Bunriaku i 


1894 


1234 


Kemmu 


1994 1 


I 334 


Katei i 


[895 


1235 


Rekio 


1998 1 


«338* 


Riakunin i 


[898 


1238 


Koei 


2002 1 


1342* 


En-6 ] 


[899 


1239 


Jowa 


2CO5 ] 


1345* 


Ninji ] 


[900 


1240 


Kwano 


2010 1 


[350* 


Kwangen i 


[903 


1243 


Bunna 


2012 1 


'352* 


Hoji ] 


[907 


1247 


Embiin 


2016 1 


1356* 


Kencho ] 


[909 


1249 


Koan 


2021 1 


1 361* 


Kogen 1 


[916 


1256 


Joji 


2022 1 


[362* 


Shdka ] 


1917 


1257 


Oan 


2028 1 


[368* 


Shogen i 


1919 


1259 


Eiwa 


2035 1 


'375* 


6un5 ] 


[920 


1260 


Koreki 


2039 ] 


'379* 


Kocho 1 


[921 


1261 


Eitoku 


2041 1 


'381* 


Bunei i 


[924 


1264 


Shitoku 


2044 1 


'384* 


Kenji ] 


^935 


1275 


Kakei 


2047 1 


1387* 


K6an i 


'938 


1278 


Koo 


2049 1 


[389* 


Sh6-6 1 


[948 


(288 


Engen 


1996 J 


'336t 


Kmin 1 


^953 


1293 


Kokoku 


1999 J 


'34ot 


Shoan i 


'959 


1299 


Shohei 


2006 1 


'346t 


Kengen i 


[962 


1302 


Kentoku 


2030 ] 


'37ot 


Kagen j 


[963 


1303 


Bunchu 


2032 ] 


'372t 


Tokuji ] 


[966 


1306 


lenju 


2035 1 


'375t 


Enkio ] 


[968 


1308 


Kowa 


2041 ] 


'38it 


Och6 ] 


1971 


1311 


Genchu 


2044 1 


'384t 


Sh5wa 1 


[972 


1312 


Meltoku 


2050 ] 


[390 


Buinp6 ] 


[977 


'317 


O-ei 


2054 1 


1394 


Gen-6 i 


[979 


1319 


Shocho 


2088 ] 


[428 


Genko i 


[981 


1321 


EikiO 


2089 ] 


[429 


Shochu J 


[984 


1324 


Kakitsu 


2IOI ] 


1441 


Kariaku ] 


[986 


1326 


Bunan 


2104 1 


[444 


• Northern Dynas 


•ty. 




•\ Southern Dynasty. 





-<)0 



Clemenl : yapanese Calendars, 



Nnine. 

Hotokii 
KStokii 
Kosho 
Choroku 
Kwansho 
Bunsho 
"Onin 
Bunimei 
ChokO 
Entoku 
Mei-o 
Bunki 
Eisho 
Dai-ei 
Koroku 
Tembun 
Koji 
Eirokii 
Genki 
Tensho 
Bunroku 
Keicho 
Genna 
KXvanei 
Shoho 
Kei-an 
Jo-o 
Meireki 
Manji 
Kwambun 
Empo 



npnne.sn Christian 
Km. Fm. 


2109 


1449 


2II2 ] 


r452 


2II5 


'455 


2II7 


1457 


2120 ] 


1460 


2126 


[466 


2127 ] 


1467 


2129 ] 


[469 


2147 1 


1487 


2149 J 


[489 


2152 1 


1492 


2161 ] 


[501 


2164 ] 


[504 


2181 1 


1521 


2188 ] 


[528 


2192 ] 


'532 


2215 ] 


^555 


2218 ] 


t558 


2230 ] 


[570 


2233 J 


^573 


2252 1 


[592 


2256 1 


[596 


2275 1 


615 


2284 \ 


[624 


2304 ] 


[644 


2308 ] 


[648 


2312 ] 


:652 


2315 ] 


1655 


2318 J 


[658 


2321 1 


661 


2333 1 


[673 



Name. 

Tenna 


Japanese C 
Kra. 

2341 1 


hristian 
Rrm. 

[681 


Jokio 


2344 1 


[684 


Genrokii 


2348 ] 


[688 


H6-ei 


2364 1 


[704 


Shotoku 


2371 1 


[711 


Kioho 


2376 ] 


[716 


Gembun 


2396 ] 


[736 


Kwampo 


2401 ] 


[741 


Enkio 


2404 1 


t744 


Kwannen 


2408 1 


[748 


H6reki 


24II ] 


[751 


Meiwa 


2424 1 


[764 


Anei 


2432 1 


1772 


Temmei 


2441 1 


[781 


Kwansei 


2449 1 


1789 


Kiowa 


2461 1 


[801 


Bunkwa 


2464 1 


[804 


Bunsei 


2478 1 


818 


Tempo 


2490 1 


830 


Kokwa 


2504 ] 


[844 


Ka-ei 


2508 1 


[848 


Ansei 


2514 ) 


1854 


Manen 


2520 1 


[860 


Bunki u 


2521 ] 


[861 


Genji 


2524 ] 


1864 


Kei-6 


2525 ^ 


[865 


Meiji 


2528 1 


1868 



The names of these periods 
are made by the various combi- 
nations of 68 Chinese words of 
good omen. 



It should be borne in mind that these year-periods \neng6\ 
-do not, unless accidentally, correspond with the reigns of the 



Clement : Japanese Calendars, 6 r 

Emperors, become "a new one was chosen whenever it was 
deemed necessary to commemorate an auspicious or ward off a 
malign event." But hereafter the era will correspond with the 
reign of an Emperor. The names of some of these eras are cjuite 
^unous, like the Elizabethan or the Victorian Era in English history. 
As the first era was a time of j^eat reforms, it is known as the 
Taikwa Reformation ; the Engi Era, in the tenth century, is 
celebrated for important legislation : the (renroku Era, in the 
seventeenth century, was "a period of great activity in various- 
arts ;" and the Tempo Era, of recent clays, was " the last brilliant 
period of feudalism before its fall." This name was also given to 
the large 8 rin piece coined in that era. The Wado Era, in the 
fourteenth century, was so named on account of the discovery 
of copper ; and the second era, Hakuchi, commemorates a '* white 
pheasant/' presented to the Emperor ! 

A few more illustrations of minor importance are the 
following*: — Taiho Statutes, Tenkeif Rebellions, Hogen Insur- 
rection, Heiji Insurrection, Shokiu [Jokiu] War, Genko War, 
Kenbu [Kemmu] Statutes, GemiHi-no'Emhu (the battle-ending Era 
of Genwa), Keicho-kingifi (gold and silver of the Keicho Era), 
"the peace of the Ky6ho Era," the Meireki conflagration, Kwansei 
Peace, Ansei jail, etc. 

There are, moreover, other expressions which more closely 
resemble such common Occidental phrases as the Victorian Era, 
the Elizabethan Era, the Age of Pericles, except that in the 
impersonal Orient such expressions are named more often from 
places.. In Japanese history, for instance, it is very common to- 

* ''Oflicial History of the Empire of Jai>an." 
t Or Tengio. 



62 Clement : Japanese Calendars. 

read of the Nara Epoch, the Heian Epoch, the Muromachi Period, 
the Kamakura Period, the Yedo Era, the Tokyo Period [Modem 
Japan]. Personal names are applied, however, in such cases as 
the Hojo Era, the Ashikaga Period, the . Tokugawa Era, the 
Fujiwara Period. 

The terms " ancient," " mediaeval " and " modern " may be 
applied to Japanese history ; but those periods do not correspond 
chronologically with similar periods in Occidental history. There- 
fore, it seems better not to employ them, for fear of misleading 
people ; at least, careful explanations should be made of their 
meaning. 

Note H. 

The official Japanese almanac contains, of course, the regular 
dates for the celebration of the annual, or semi-annual, festivals at 
various local shrines throughout the Empire. We ought, perhaps, 
to have supplied explanatory notes in connection with those ; but 
we found that this task would require more time and labor than 
we could afford. Therefore, we can only refer the reader to 
Murray's " Hand-Book for Japan," in which a great deal of 
interesting information can be obtained about the most important 
shrines in the various localities. 

.Note I. 

There are said to be poems about the zoological hours ; but 
we have found only one example*: — 

• Said to have been written by the famous patriot, Kusunoki : certainly 
the metre is too irregular for a good poet ! 



Clement : Japanese Calendars, 63 

Hito to nareba 

Ne ni fushi tora ni 

Oki-idete 

Hito shiranu ma ni 

Suru zo gakumon. 
This may be freely and prosaically translated as follows : — 
** If you would be a man, go to bed at the rat-hour, get up at the 
tiger-hour, and study while no one knows it : that is the way 
of learning." 

Note K. 
The following items about the superstitions of seasons have 
been obtained from a booklet by Mr. Hachihama on " Supersti- 
tious Japan " {Meishin no Nippon^ : — If one swallows seven grains 
of red beans {azuki) and one go of sake before the hour of the ox 
on the first day' of the year, he will be free froni sickness and 
calamity throughout the year ; if be drinks toso ' [spiced sake] at 
the hour of the tiger of the same day, he will be untouched by 
malaria through the year; if he washes his armpits with his own 
urine at the hour of the tiger of the same day, he will be free from 
offensive smell in those parts. On the 7th day of the ist month 
if a male swallows seven, and a female fourteen, red beans, they 
will be free from sickness all their lives ; if one takes a hot bath 
on the same day, he will escape calamity. If one bathes at the 
hour c^'the dog on the tenth day [of the same month], his teeth 
will become hard. If one bathes on the 2nd day of the 2nd 
month in hot water into which Aida has been put, though he grows 
old, he will have no wrinkles ; if one washes his hair on the first 
Jd-no^ day of that month, all his illnesses will be cured ; and, as 
fish are poisonous on the 9th day, and the ha-no-e-iora day, of that 



64 Clement : Japanese Calendars, 

month, they should not be eaten. If one bathes at sunset of the 
6th day of the 3rd month, or at the hour of the monkey of the 
7th day, or on the 1 7th day, he will escape calamity, and, more- 
over, will become talented ; to eat salty food on the i8th day is 
a way to increase the reproductive powers and harden the teeth. 
If one bathes in the evening twilight of the 4th day of the 4th 
month, he will avoid litigation ; if one bathes on 7th day, he wil! 
become wealthy ; and in order not to injure the human energy,, 
during this month it is well not to eat pheasant, eel, chicken and 
garlic. On the 5th day of the 5th month, if one eats fruit, he will 
fall sick, and if, in drying duckweed, it smokes, it >vill drive 
away mosquitoes; moreover, as the 5th, 6th and 7th days of that 
month are days of ''nine poisons," men and women should 
refrain from intercourse, and if any violate this rule, their lives 
will be in danger for three years. If one bathes on the ist day 
of the 6th month, he will escape sickness and calamity ; but if 
one bathes on the 6th day, he will lose his business ; and, if one 
pulls out white hairs on the 1 9th day, they will not grow out for a 
long time. On the 7th day of the 7th month, if one, taking sweet 
flag, and putting it in sake, takes such medicine, he will not get 
drunk during the year ; if one bathes on the 1 7th day, he will not 
get gray hairs. If one bathes on the 3rd, 7th and last days of the 
8th month, he will escape calamity, become clever and receive 
blessings from heaven : during this month ginger, fowls, pheasant, 
eggs, celery, raw fruit and raw honey must not be eaten ; and if any 
one violates this rule, he will become sick and destroy his vitality. 
On the 9th day of the 9th month, if one makes sake with chrysan- 
themum blossoms, he will drive away the head-ache, and, if one 
swallows hiba in sake^ he will not get gray hairs : if one eats ginger 



Clement : ya/xinese Calendars, 65 

this month, he will become blind, and, if one eats melon, he will 
become dyspeptic. Bathing with hilhi hot water on the ist day 
of the loth month will drive away sickness; bathing on the 14th 
day will bring long life ; moreover, this month wild boar, onion 
and potato must not be eaten. In the nth month, lobster, turtle 
and such shell-fish must not be eaten. Bathing on the ist, 2nd, 
13th and 15th days of the 12th month, will drive away misfortune; 
and in the evening of the 30th, if one, offering in the kitchen a 
light and miki^ worships the small-pox god, the children of that 
house will have small pox very lightly. 

Note L. 

There is also a division of the night into watches, kd [E], five 
in number, as follows : — 

Shokd (First Watch) — Fifth Hour (7-9 p.m.) 
Ntko (Second Watch) — Fourth Hour (9-1 1 p.m.) 
Sahko (Third Watch) — Ninth Hour (11 p.m.-i a.m.) 
Shiko (Fourth Watch) — Eighth Hour (1-3 a.m.) 
Goko (Fifdi Watch) — Seventh Hour (3-5 a.m.) 

Note IVI. 

In conclusion, although tliis subject oi the old calendar is a 
very interesting one to the student of ancient customs, super- 
stitions and folk-lore, yet we must acknowledge the force of the 
objections raised in the following clipping from the Japan Mail: — 

In a note entitled "Get Ri^ of the Old Calendar Super- 
stitions," the Kybiku Gakujutsukai calls attention to the uselessness 
of perpetuating childish notions connected with the old calendar. 
One is surprised, says the organ we are quoting, to find newspapers 



66 Clement : Japanese Calendars, 

which advocate progress devoting so much valuable space to 
representations of the tiger this year. It is time that such things 
were consigned to obhvion. If the newspapers would refuse to 
lend themselves to the perpetuation of silly superstitions, their 
readers would soon grow ashamed of them. But instead of leading 
in this matter the press follows the lead of the unenlightened. If 
the old calendar and all that associates itself with it could be put 
out of the thoughts of the masses, a great obstacle to progress 
would be removed. Opening one of the almanacks published for 
the convenience of old-fashioned thinkers, we find notices of 
divination, fortune-telling, face-reading, &c. We are told how to 
find out what days are lucky and when those indecent festivals 
called inshi maisuri take place — in fact these publications are made 
the medium of perpetuating every conceivable harmful superstition 
and abomination. Hence it is we write, "Abolish the old 
calendar and all its belongings," says the Kyoiku GakujiUsuhai, 

Note N. 

There seems to be a great diversity of opinion about this 
proverb, as the following clippings show ; and other good authorities 
would read it '' isogeba maivari'*: — 

In an interesting paper read by Professor Clement before the 
Asiatic Society on the subject of " Japanese Calendars," the learned 
author adduced two proverbs to show that the Japanese "take 
things very leisurely and calmly." One of these was isogeba 
maivarCy which Mr. Clement translated "if in a hurry, go round/' 
the suggestion apparently being that it is better to go round than 
to be in a hurry. Certainly the form isogeha numvirc is sometimes 
used, but we have always understood that the correct form is 



Clement : yapancse Calendars. 67 

tsogeba maivaru, which is the nearest Japanese equivalent for " the 
more haste, the worse speed/' Ota Dokwan paraphrased the 
proverb clearly when he said isogazu iva nurczaramaji wo (if I hadn't 
been in a hurry, I should n't have got wet). What the proverb 
inculcates, in our opinion, is, not that time has little value or that 
punctuality is unimportant, but that haste and flurry are fatal to 
successful accomplishment. Undoubtedly it is a point of Japanese 
etiquette on no account to seem in a hurry. Just as the character- 
istic of a manly person was never to betray emotion {kido airaku 
wo omoleye arawazu), so the rule of the gentleman was always to 
be calm and cool. But does that involve indifference to the value 
of time, or, to speak more correctly, does it indicate that the 
Japanese of former days was more prodigal of his time than, let us 
say, the English gentleman of modern ideas, who regards it as the 
essence of vulgarity to be flurried or to show haste in society ? It 
can not be denied that the men of old Japan conducted themselves 
on all occasions in a calm, leisurely manner, but we should be 
disposed to say that what they sought to avoid was the absence 
of baffling passion or perturbing haste rather than to make a 
parade of carelessness about hours and minutes. Nothing is more 
conceivable than that the pursuit of such a purpose should 
degenerate into procrastination and want of celerity, but the 
question here is the motive of the habit, not its abuses. — 

yapan Mail. 
A proverb. In another column we publish a very interesting 
paper on " time " in Japan which has been kindly placed at our 
disposal by Prof. E. W. Clement, and which, we understand, 
formed a portion of a lecture delivered by him at a recent meeting 
of the Asiatic Society of Japan. As will be seen, Mr. Clement 



68 Clement : yapanese Calendars* 

quotes a well known saying amongst us, isoge/himazi^re, in support 
apparently of his idea that we Japanese are, on the whole, innocent 
of the value of time. We venture to think that this usually well- 
informed author in this instance misapplies the proverb, which, 
freely translated, means, if in a hurry, do not make a short cut 
because of the possible presence of hidden dangers and unexf>ected 
hindrances, and which refers rather to the manner of attaining an 
object than to the question of time. It is, of course, based on the 
idea of time, but then in that sense its object is to emphasize the 
ultimate sdving of time and therefore does not support Mr. 
Cleraetit's notion that we are proverbial time-wasters. As for the 
regrettable habit of unpunctuality which still obtains largely among 
our people, especially on occasions of meetings and entertainments 
— and it is certainly not a characteristic that deserves to be 
defended — we may say thai the custom has its origin in the idea 
that it is small and undignified to be eager to be before others and 
not in the notion that there is always plenty of time. We hope, 
however, that Mr. Clement will not try to contradict us here^ by 
pointing to the scenes often observable at public entertainments 
now-a-days when scrambles are made at the free lunch table. 
Such scenes arc thoroughly disgraceful and we denounce them 
without hesitation and without qualification — indeed the habit of 
unpunctuality originally arose as a protest against such scenes. 
By the way, we notice that the Japan Mail is of opinion that Mr. 
Clement misquotes the proverb in question, its correct wording, 
according to that journal, being isogeba mairaru and not isogcl>a 
mauHire. Now the verb maivaru means " it turns round, it re- 
volves," whereas maitwc signifies " go around, take a circuitous 
course," and so on. Thus it will be seen that the Maifs form 



Clement : Japanese Calendars. 69 

makes no sense and we think Mr. Clement is quite correct in his 
quotation so far as its wording goes. — Japan Times. 

We observe that the Japan Times denies the correctness of 
our quotation in the matter of the familiar proverb, isogeba mau^aru. 
Our contemporary alleges that the form isogeba mawaru " makes 
no sense," and that isogeba maware is correct Well, this is a 
point concerning which we can not pretend to emulate the confi- 
dence of the Japan Times, What wc wrote in our issue of the 
22nd was "certainly the form isogeba mazvare is sometimes used 
but we have always understood that the correct form is isogeba 
mawaru** As to the latter form " making no sense, " we not only 
&il to follow the Japan 'Times argument, but we have the direct 
authority of erudite Japanese for saying that isogeba matuaru is the 
correct proverbial form and that it does make excellent sense, 

whereas isogeba nunvare can not properly be called a proverbial 
form. — Japan MaU, 

THE LAND OF APPROXIMATE TIME. 

Here's to the Land of Approximate Time ! 

Where nerves are a factor unknown, 
Where acting as balm are manners calm, 

And seeds of sweet patience are sown. 

Where it is very ill-bred to go straight to the point, 

Where one bargains at leisure all day, 
Where with method unique **at once " means a week, 

In the cool, easy Japanese way. 

Where every clock runs as it hapixjns to please. 

And they never agree on their strikes ; 
Where even the sun often joins in the fun, 

And rises whenever he likes. 

Then here's to the Land of Approximate Time, 

The Land of the leisurely Bow, 

Where the overcharged West may learn how to rest, 

The Land of Inconsequent Now ! 

Jingles from yapan. 



70 Clement : Japanese Calendars. 

Note O. 

Since the meeting at which this paper was read, I have had 
the privilege of an interview with a Japanese who has made the 
various calendars a special study. He is Prof. N. Sakuma, of the 
Higher Normal School, Tokyo. He has a collection of almanacs 
running back without a break for 192 years, and, with a few 
breaks here and there, for 41 moie years. His oldest almanac is 
that of 1670. He has also a large collection of works, official and 
unofficial, bearing upon all subjects connected with the lunar 
calendar. While his vocation is teaching English, his avocation, 
or his recreation, seems to be along astronomical lines. During 
the year 1900, he made out the calendars, both solar and lunar, 
for 1902 and 1903. He has also compiled lists and references 
of all solar eclipses from the earliest records in native annals to the 
present time. At my request, he has kindly furnished additional 
notes, which are appended from page 71. 

An English " globe-trotter '* declares, probably with injustice, that Japan 
" has weather, but no climate," and that the weather is most uncommonly 
bad. He quotes a foreign resident as saying, " I have lived ten years in Japan, 
of which nine and three-quarters have been wet," and concludes his unfavor- 
able comments by " dropping into poetry.** 

Dirty days hath September, 
April, June and November ; 
From February unto May 
The rain it raineth every day ; 
All the rest have thirty-one. 
Without one l^lessed gleam of sun. 
And if any of 'em had two-and-thirty. 
They'd be just as wet and twice as dirty. 



Clement: Japanese Calendars, 71 

By request of Prof. Clement, I propose to offer sundry re- 
marks about the Japanese Calendar by way of supplement to his 
paper on that subject read by him before the members of the 
Asiatic Society. 

At the outset, I have to mention that it is foreign to my 
present purpose to enter into the technique of the construction 
of the JapKinese Calendar, though it is my own hobby, since the 
necessary computations involved in it are of too intricate a nature 
to make them a subject of popular treatment. 

Now, by the Japanese Calendar I mean the one exclusively 
used in our country prior to the adoption of the Gregorian 
calendar toward the close of the 5th year of Meiji (1872 A. D.). 
Although it finds its place in the almanacs published year after 
year by the Government since that time, scarcely any use of it, if 
at all, has ever been made in government transactions ; and 
besides, its use among the urban communities at large has 
gradually been superseded by the Gregorian reckoning. The 
village communities, however, still stick to its use \vith something 
like religious zeal, so that the calendar in question may not 
inappropriately be called the " Farmers' Calendar." 

It is worth mentioning in this place that the Japanese 
Calendar is not lunar in the sense that the Jewish or the Moham- 
medan calendar is lunar, for the former takes into consideration 
the successive positions of the sun in the zodiac in the course of 
the year, — in fact, the method of intercalating months depends on 
that very fact, — while the latter do not take them into account. 
Thus, strictly speaking, the Japanese Calendar is luna-solar in its 
character, whereas the Jewish and Mohammedan calendars are 
purely lunar. 



72 Clemeni : Japanese Calendar s* 

The earliest mention in the native annals of the art of making 
calendars occurs in the loth year of the reign of Suiko Tenno 
[Empress] (602 A. D.). It is there stated that the art just referred 
to was introduced from Kudara in Corea. But what its special 
character was, and what calendar was its outcome, or rather its 
groundwork, the annals do not tell us ; so that the whole thing is 
lost in obscurity. 

Coming to later times, there is evidence on record that the 
Chinese Genkareki, that is, Genka calendar, was first adopted in 
the 6th year of the reign of Jito Tenno (692 A. D.), and that it 
continued in use, for the space of five years, till the end of the 
loth year of her reign (696 A. D.), when its error is said to have 
amounted to 53 kokii [/. e., I2h. 43ni.] less than true time. 

[This calendar was devised by a Chinese by the name of 
Kashoten in the time of the So Dynasty, and was first used in 
China in the 22nd year of Genka (445 A. D.).] 

In view of making the above loss good and of adjusting time 
more accurately, a different Chinese calendar called Gihoreki, 
otherwise known as Rintokureki, was next adopted in the year 
immediately following, that is, in the ist year of the reign of 
Mommu Tenn5 (697 A. D.). It was in use, for the space of 
sixty-seven years, till the end of the 7th year of Tempyohoji 
(763 A. D.), when it was again found that the error amounted to 
14 koku [/'. e., 3h. 22m.] less than true time. 

[This calendar was planned by a Chinese called Kijumpu in 
the time of the To Dynasty ; it was first used in China in the 2nd 
year of Rintoku [665 A. D.).] 

Again, to adjust time with a view to correctness, another 
Chinese calendar widely known as Taiyenreki was immediately 



Clement : yapanese Calendars. 73 

adopted in the ensuing year, that is, in the 8th year of Tempyohoji 
(764 A. D.). It was in use, for the period of ninety-four years, 
till the I St year of Tenan (857 A. D.), when its error amounted to 
1 7 koku [/. ^., 4h. 8m.] in excess of true time. 

[This calendar was formed by a Chinese priest called Ichigyo 
during the To Dynasty, and was first used in China in the 1 7th 
year of Kaigen (729 A. D.).] 

In the year following, that is, the 2nd year of Tenan (858 
A. D.), still another Chinese calendar called Gokireki was adopted 
in order the better to regulate the seasons. It was used for four 
years till the close of the 3rd year of Jokwan (861 A. D.), and 
then was abandoned, for its error, amounting to 10 koku [1*. <?., 2h. 
24ra.] less than true time, became manifest in so short a period. 

[This calendar was projected by a Chinese called Kwakuken- 
shi during the To Dynasty, and was first used in China in the ist 
year of H66 (762 A. D.).] 

Since the above calendar fell far short of expectation, it was 
supplanted in the next year, that is, the 4 th year of Jokwan 
(862 A. D.), by that well-known Chinese calendar called Semmei- 
reki, which was supposed to be tolerably accurate. It was in use 
for the space of eight hundred and twenty-three years, till the ist 
year of Jokyo (1684 A. D.), when its error, amounting to one day 
and ninety-five koku [1.-^., id. 22h. 48m.] less than true time, was 
discovered. 

[This calendar was designed by a Chinese called Joko in the 
time of the To Dynasty, and was first used in China in the 2nd 
year of ChOkei (822 A. D.).] 

The different calendars above enumerated were all that were 
borrowed wholesale from China, the allowance for the difference 



■T ^M ^ _ 



74 Clement: Japanese Calendars, 

of longitude being out of the question. 

Now dawned a new era upon the history of the Japanese 
Calendar. The time was now ripe for our savants to construct an 
independent calendar on new data, both by observation of the 
heavenly bodies and by instituting rigorous comparison of some 
of the chief Chinese calendars. Among others, a man of the name 
of Yasui Santetsu Minamoto-no-Shunkai stands prominent in this 
connection. He was at once a skilful mathematician and an 
adept at the intricate game o^ go. It was he who, by command 
of the authorities, first set about constructing a new calendar based 
on the principles of his own elaboration. As a result of his labour, 
he produced the so-called Jokyoreki. By imperial decree it \yas 
put to use on and from the ist day of the nth moon of the ist 
year of Joky 6 (1684 A. D.), whence the name. This is em- 
phatically the first reformation of the genuine Japanese Calendar. 

The Jokyo calendar continued in practice till the 4th year 
of Horeki (1754 A. D.), for seventy-one years, when it was 
superseded by another calendar called Horeki -koshureki, where 
koshu means the cyclic' characters for that particular year. It was 
framed by Shibukawa K5k6 and others by the direction of the 
government It came into use on the nth moon of the 4th 
year of Horeki. 

The Horeki-koshu calendar continued to be used till the 9th 
year of Kwansei (1797 A. D.), for forty-four years, when it was in. 
turn supplanted by still another calendar styled Kwanseireki. It 
was prepared chiefly by Shibukawa Keiyu by the instruction of 
the government. It came into operation in the nth moon of the 
9th year of Kwansei. 

The Kwansei calendar continued in use till the 13th year of 



Clement: Japanese Calendars, 75 

Tempo (1842 A. D.), for forty-six years, when it was finally 
replacad by the last lunar calendar under the old regime. It was 
called TempO-jininreki, where jinin means the cyclic characters 
for that special year. This also was prepared chiefly by Shibu- 
kawa Keiyti under government auspices, and was put into opera- 
tion in the nth moon of the 13th year of Tempo. 

The Tempo-jinin calendar continued in practice till about the 
close of the 5th year of Meiji (1872 A. D.), for thirty-one years, 
when it was suppressed by reason of the adoption of the Gregorian 
calendar. On the occasion of this radical change, twenty-seven 
days were docked from the old calendar, and as a consequence 
the 3rd day of the 12th moon of the year was called and reckoned 
as the 1st day of January of the year next, that is, the 6th year 
of Meiji (1873 A. D.). 

A general discontent was shown by the populace at this novel 
change in their almanac, and " Give us back the days we have 
lost" was their unanimous outcry, just as it is said to have been in 
England when she adopted the New Style in place of the Old. 
Besides, some scurrilous language was used by the more bigoted 
in giving vent to their indignation, and such an expression as 
*' Naee ha misoka ni Isuki ga deru^* ['* For 'tis no wonder that the 
moon should rise on the last day of the month,"] which was 
employed to wind up some vulgar songs made in laughing to 
scorn the late innovation. 

The Gregorian calendar first appeared in printed form in the 
almanac for the 7th year of Meiji (1874 A. D.), the year made 
memorable by the feasibility of the observation of the transit of 
Venus at Tokyo and other places in the Empire. This almanac 
also contained the old or lunar calendar as computed from the 



76 Clement: Japanese Calendars^ 

British Nauikal Ahnanac for that year, and all the succeeding 
almanacs up to the present time have embodied both the Gregorian 
and the lunar calendars. Now, two kinds of almanacs have been 
yearly issued by the goverment from about this period ; namely, 
the Honreki (the standard) and the Ryakureki (the abridged). 
The former contains additional information on astronomy, such as 
the sun's declination at the Tokyo Imperial Observatory for each 

• 

day of the year; on the high tide at Reiganjima, Tokyo, with its 
time-constants for certain other localities : its later issues also 
contain yearly averages, etc., bearing on meteorology, taken at 
different meteorological stations scattered over the Empire. In 
preparing the Honreki, besides the British Nautical Almanac y the 
French Connaissance des Temps, the German Berliner Astrono- 
mi'ches Yahrhuch, and the American Ephemeris and Nautical 
Almanac are laid under contribution. 

To return to the old calendar, its yearly issues in printed 
form date from the 6th year of Genna (1620 A. D.), and are 
extant. These contain from the very first issue the predictions 
of solar and lunar eclipses, but those of the earlier ones proved far 
from being correct, on account of the very crude mode adopted in 
handling the problem. In the almanac for the 14th year of 
KyohS (1729 A. D.), the entry of the Nijushi-setsu (/'. ^., the 
twenty-four solar terms), with the time of the beginning of each 
setsu in terms of koku taken as parts of the JUnishi (i, e., the twelve 
terrestrial branches) occurs for the first time. Thus, the almanac 
in question says that Shumhun begins on the 23rd day of the 2nd 
moon at -the 8th koku of the dog hour, which means that the sun 
enters Aries at that instant* The almanac also gives the time of 
the sun's rising and setting and the lengths of day and night, in 



Clement : yapafiese Calendars. 77 

terms o^ koku taken as parts of one day, on the day ot the com- 
mencement of each Selsu, In the almanac for the ist year of 
Kokwa (1844 A. D.), the indication of time by means of the 
twelve terrestrial branches was finally dispensed with, and the 
number showing the strokes of the bell was for the first time 
introduced In the almanac for the 7th yeiu- of Meiji (1874 
A, D.), the European division of time into twenty -four hours, of 
hours into minutes, of minutes into seconds, was for the first time 
introduced. 

Now, the yikkan (1. e., the ten heavenly branches) and the 
yunishi{i. e.y the twelve terrestrial branches), which go to make up 
the sexagenary cycle, are both of ihem clearly of Chinese origin, 
and their first use in our country in fixing dates is cc>eval with the 
advent of the Chinese calendar itself A discussion on their 
antiquity in China may be seen in Mr. Chalmers' contribution to 
Dr. Legge's Chinese Classics. 

The method of distributing the lunar months of 29 and 30 
days in a given lunar year, as actually employed before the 
adoption of the Gregorian calendar, is too tedious to be explained 
in this place. It is now the work of a minute ; for by taking the 
figures for the new moon on page XII for each month in the 
British Nautical Almanac, adding to them 9 hours, the * standard 
time' for Japan, and converting the sum into civil time by a well- 
known rule, we shall obtain the time of the new moon for our 
country. It will then turn out that the interval of two successive 
new moons is either 29 or 30 days, and by carrying the process 
fer enough, the distribution of the long and short months in a 
given lunar year will at once be known. It is evident that 
the Nautical Almanac for two consecutive years is recjuired in 



78 Clement : Japanese Calendars, 

determining the length of each month of a lunar year, since a 
lunar year stretches over two solar years. 

The method of intercalating a lunar month can generally be 
explained thus : that month is made intercalary where there is an 
absence of the commencement of a chukL Now, out of the 
Nijushi'Selsu (/'. e,. the twenty-four solar terms) taken in order, 
beginning with Risshuny all the even ones are known as chuki ; 
namely, Usuiy Shumbun, Kokuu, Shomany Ges/it, Taishby Shosho, 
Shubun, Soko, Shosetsu^ T(lji\ and Taikan ; the rest, that is, the 
odd ones, are called kiselsu. Generally speaking, the commence- 
ment of two solar terms is found in one lunar month. Thus, in 
the almanac for the 12th year of Meiji (1879 -^- ^O' S^imei zxid 
Kokuu respectively begin on the 14th and the 29th of the 3rd 
moon, corresponding to the 5th and 20th of April. The next 
moon of the year is intercalary, for it contains the commencement 
of but one solar term that is not chukL In feet, the only solar 
term that has its beginning in it is Rikka, which is a kiselsu^ and 
it begins on the i6th of the intercalary 3rd moon, corresponding 
to the 6th of May. Again, in the 13th year of Meiji (1880 A.D.), 
only one solar term has its commencement in the 5th moon ; that 
is, Geshi begins on the 14th of the moon, corresponding to the 
2 1 St of June. It is, however, a cfiuki, so that the moon in 
question is not intercalary. Now, seven intercalary months are 
generally found in the space of nineteen years, as will be seen in 
the following table : — 



Clement : yapanese Calendars. 



79 



Total 
No. of 
Days. 






JJ 




^ 


lo 


lO 
»0 


s 




to 


^ 


to 
to 




<? 


to 
to 


S 


<^*- to 
lO to 


••o 

00 


fO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO CO 


CO 


Inter- 
calary 
Moon. 






^ 




a 






CD 






lO 






CO 




00 




to 


Ew Year's 
Day. 




i 




00 




»- M CO-^U-ivO tN.00 a^ 
O^ONO^Q^Q^O^CNQ^Q^ 
CAOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOO 


»i4 


•i4 M 


1 


• 


• 

15 


s 


• 


« 


• 


« 


• 

c 


• 




• 


• 


Si 


• 


J3 


• 




i 


^ 


(S4 


•— > 


U^ 


t— k 


'^ 


;^ 


•— » 


Ui 


;xh 


•— » 


'y^ 


U^ 


t— k 


^ 


•— » 


(z^ (l< 


»— » 


"i^ 


tn 


^ 


^ 


N 


ki« 


ON 


ON 


o 


r«- 


VO 


to 


^ 


« 


N 


O 


»4 


Ov 00 


ON 




•• 




M 


•i« 


fO 


M 




CO 


"• 




N 


"■ 




W 


1^ 


CO 


"• 


N 




"5* 
















#>■ 


» 


* 


» 


•V 


•k 


•^ 


« 


•V CK 


«^ 




s 


• 


•^ 


» 


•^ 


•^ 


^ 


v«. 


#• 






•» 


•i 


«h 


^ 


•« 






U 


oo 


o^ 


o 


M 


N 


CO 


^ 


\r% 


vO 


tN. 


00 


Ov 


O 


aa 


c« 


CO 


^ CO 


vO 






N4 


c« 


M 


N 


N 


C« 


c* 


C* 


c* 


C* 


M 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


3"Ss. 


tn 


**• 


CO 


»o 


CO 


\r% 


u-» 


-*♦■ 


""J- 


^ 


•^*- 


^ 


^ 


•^*- 


lO 


^ 


to -^ 


^ 




\f\ 


»i^ 


00 


M^ 


00 


\r\ 


\r% 


00 


to 


to 


00 


to 


to 


00 


to 


00 


to to 


00 


fo 


ro 


CO 


fO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


fO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO CO 


CO 


Inter. 
caJary 
Moon. 






^ 




S 






CO 






lO 






CO 




t- 




iO 


tf: 


^ 


IN. 


OO 


5> 





^ 


ci 


CO 


^ 


to 


o 




00 


ON 


& 


M 


C» CO 


c? 




^2 


NO 


^r 


»>. 


tN. 


I'* 


t^ 


»>. 


r- 


r^ 


t^ 


tN. 


r>» 


95 


00 00 


n 


w 


M 


TO 


00 


00 


00 


00 


oo 


00 


00 


00 


00 


00 


00 


00 


00 00 00 


00 


•2 X 


• 

!*5 


• 


• 

c 

ft 


■ 


• 


• 


• 

13 


• 


• 


• 


• 

** 


• 




• 

c 


• 


i 


• • 


rt 


Ix* 


u* 


•— > 


P^ 


»iM 


li. 


;^ 


►— > 


Pu 


Pu 


t— k 


•-H 


U. 


•— » 


U. 


•— » 


b \u 




Z 


»o 


tn 


1^ 


M 


»i4 


Ov 


ON 


CN 


tN. 


VO 


VO 


CO 


N 


N 


o 


o 


00 00 


00 




•■ 




N 


■* 




»4 




N 


"* 




c< 


■■ 




N 


•m4 


CO 


*M 


c< 


• 


4; 




*5 


•V 


»• 


^ 


^ 






•V 


•^ 


». 


»i 


» 


#>■ 


9s 


.^ .« 




1 




CO 


z 


M 


CO 






VO 


»>. 


00 


Ov 


o 




C» 


CO 


»4 


to VO 




Total 
No. of 
Days. 






^ 






$ 




^ 




to 
to 


$ 


to 


'I- 

to 


<;? 


to 


<2- 


to T^ 

to to 


<3- 


fO 


fO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO 


CO CO 


CO 


li >»c 


1 
































^.§8 






"d* 






eg 




t- 












CO 




CO 




lO 


^ s:s 
























00 














M 


r^ 


00 


r^ 


o 


^ 


c« 


CO 


Tf 


to 


VO 


r>» 


Ov 


% 


*4 


N 


ro ^ 


to 


•fc. 


^ 


^ 


T^ 


to 


\r% 


\ri 


\r\ 


»o 


to 


to 


to 


to 


to 


^ 


VO 


VO VO 


VO 


rS 


00 00 oo 


00 


00 


00 


00 


00 


00 


00 


00 


00 


00 


00 


00 


00 00 


OO 




• 




■• 




• 


»4 


a 


»4 


• 


• 


"* 


>m 


• 


*i« 


^^ 


"• 


• • 


»4 


i^ 




X 

£ 




(2 






^ 

2 


rs 


1 


^ 

£ 


c 

rt 


2 




rt 


X3 


i 


Si s 




:? 


\f\ 


ITi 


s 


W 


^^ 


M 


00 


O 


r^ 


vO 


VO 


'I- 


CO 


to 


o 


O 


oo 00 


tN. 




"■ 




»4 




C4 




M 


N^ 




c* 


^ 




c* 


"^ 


rO 


■* 


c» 






























c 


•3 








1 


^ 

•g 




•^ 
•K 






• 
•it 


• 


i 








•■ 
•• 


•% 


rt 


-:«: 


•H 


• — % 


o 
'3 


t>< 


M 












< 












S 


« 




'O 


^ 




'*' 


- 


« 


fO 


^ 


U^ 


NO 


*« 


N 


CO 


^ 


to 


VO 


»4 


»4 


M 


CO ^ 


X4 



8o Clement : Japanese Calendars, 

From the above table we see that, when there is an intercalary 
moon in a lunar year, its New Year's Day always happens in 
January, with this exception, that it might occur in the second 
February, when New Year's Day occurs in February for four 
consecutive solar years. The length of an ordinary lunar year is 
either 354 or 355 days, but it may rarely be 353 days, as it was 
with the 1st year of Kyoyen (1744 A.D.). The length of a lunar 
year containing an intercalary month is either 383 or 384 days. 

The celebration of what is known as Sakutantoji had often to 
do with the length of a lunar month. Now by Sakutantoji is 
meant the coming on of the winter solstice on the ist day of the 
nth moon. According to " Shoku-Nihongi," the event was first 
celebrated in the 3rd year of Yenryaku (784 A.D.), as such a 
coincidence actually occurred. Subsequent to that year, the 
^tf>6///a«/J5/V happened in the 22nd year of Yenryaku (803 A. D.), 
the 13th year of Konin (822 A.D.), the 8th year of Showa (841 
A.D.), the 2nd year of Jokwan (860 A.D.), when it was artificially 
brought about in the following manner. In that year the winter 
solstice fell on the 2nd day of the nth moon, and the preceding 
loth moon was an intercalary one of 29 days. But by adding an 
extra day to this moon at the expense of the ist day of the nth 
moon, thus making it a moon of 30 days, the 2nd day of the nth 
moon was in consequence reckoned as the ist day of the same 
moon. Thus, by this adjustment, the winter solstice was in this 
instance made to fall on the ist day of the nth moon. The feet 
is detailed in one of the classical annals called " Sandai-jitsuroku. " 
Such a practice was not uncommon in subscc^uent periods. From 
Jokwan till the present year, the Sakutanlbji has happened about 
forty-five times, either naturally or by adjustment, the last one 



Clement: y apanage Caleruiarsi^ Si 

before the adoption of the Gregorian calendar being in the 3rd 
year of Meiji (1870 A. D.), but scarcely any notice has of recent 
years been taken of the event to which so much importance was 
attached in times of old. It might be well to mention in this 
connection that one occurred in the 33rd year of Meiji (1900 
A. D.), it being thus far the first and last since the advent of the 
Gr^;orian reckoning in our country. 

Now, space forbids me to dwell on the nature and usages of 
such days as Higan, HangeshOy Shanic/u, Doyb, etc For the 
elucidation of such matters the reader is referred to a work called 
yunhvanreki, from the pen of Koizumi Shotaku. I shall, how- 
ever, mention the way they are inserted in the current almanacs. 
Higan is placed on the 3rd day before the beginning of Shumbun 
and Shulmn respectively (that is, it happens on the 3rd day before 
the Vernal Ecjuinox, and again on the 3rd day before the 
Autumnal Equinox). Thus, when Shumbun happens on the 21st 
day of March, as it actually did last spring, Higan occurs on the 
18th. 

Hangesho is placed on the 1 oth day after Geshi (that is, the 
Summer Solstice), when the latter begins before 1 2 o'clock noon 
on the day of its occurrence; but Hangesho is placed on the i ith 
day after Geshi, when the latter begins after 12 o'clock ncxjn on 
the day of its commencement Thus, in the 33rd year of Meiji 
(1900 A.D.), Geshi began (that is, the sun entered Cancer) at 
6h. 39m. A. M. on the 22nd day of June, so that Hangesho 
happened on the 2nd day of July. Hut in the current year, (ieshi 
will begin at 6h. 15m. P. M. 22nd June, so that Hangesho will 
happen on the 3rd day of July. 

Shanichi is placed on the nearest day of tsuchinoye either 



82 Clement : Japanese Calendars. 

before or after the commencement of Shumbun and SfMun 
respectively. It sometimes happens that the nearest days of 
isuchinoye occur on the same number of days both before and after 
the beginning of either Shumbun or Shiibun, In that case the 
time of its commencement is necessarily taken into account 
When it begins in the morning, the nearest day of isuchinoye 
before its beginning is taken up ; when it begins in the afternoon, 
that after its beginning is made available. Thus, in the 14th year 
of Meiji (188 1 A.D.), the vernal equinox commenced at 8h. 32m. 
39 s. P.M. on the 20th day of March, and the i6th and the 25th 
days of the month were the days of isuchinoye nearest to the 
equinox. As the latter began in the afternoon, the 25th of the 
month was made Shanichi, The same thing happened last spring, 
as will be evident from a glance at the proper page of the current 
almanac. 

Doyo is now calculated from the sun's longitude. When it 
reaches 297°, 27°, 117°, and 207°, those respective instants are 
the beginnings of the Doyo of January, April, July, and October. 

N. Sakuma. 



N. B. 

In the study of this subject of time reckonings in Japan, 
Bramsen's " Chrc>nc>logical Tables" are, of course, invaluable; but 
they are, unfortunately, not easily accessible. 

E. W. C. 






*«. 







.'•■*Si 

■ . .J ■ 

■■''X'. 

■■■'^&. 
■ i-r 

■I /.-. 

■ . 4. .; 

\\ *i t • 
■I J 

I 1 Ul 












A CHINESE REFUGEE OF 
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. 

BY 

Ernest W. Clement, M.A. 



In a paper read before this Society on April 8, 1896, upon 
the subject, "Chinese Refugees of the Seventeenth Century in 
Mito," the writer referred in notes * to other Chinese refugees who 
found refuge about that time in various localities of Japan. One 
of these was called Tai Ryu [R28il, or Tai Man K6 CKtt^], who 
was both a priest and a physician. In that paper allusion was 
made to the fact that a stone monument had been erected to his 
memory, by pupils of his, at Kawagoye, near Tokyo. 

In January of this year [1902], after instituting more 
particular inquiries about this matter, and ascertaining that the 
monument was in the precincts of the temple known as Ileirinji, 
between T6ky6 and Kawagoye, we started out in company with 
a Japanese friend to find the place. It tiirneil out to be in 
Nobitome Village, Niikura County, of the Province of Musashi, 
and the Saitama Prefecture. The temple is situated on a little 
knoll called Kimpo2an,t about half a mile off the main road to 
Kawagoye, and about 6 ri from Tokyo. 



• T. A. S. J., Vol XXIV. pp. 27, 28, 38. t See Note A. 



84 Clement : A Chinese Refuged, 

We found here, not only the aforesaid monument, but also 
many relics, of Tai Man Ko. It is true that the monument was 
first erected at Kawagoye ; but it did not then, and does not now, 
mark the place of his burial ; it is only an honorary monument, 
a cenotapJh, and the place of interment is not definitely known. 
The monument is of wood, black lacquered, and about 5 feet high 
and 4 feet wide ; the inscription thereon is to the following 
purport* : — 

Epitaph on the Monument of the Independent Zen Teacher. 
By Kogentai [K^ffi], disciple. 

The teacher was bom at Ninwa [t ft], Koshu [fti >HJ, China. 
His fether was an official and known as a man of good deeds. 
His mother was a Ching [Mil. Seven children were born to 
them ; and the last was the teacher. His birth took place on the 
19th day of the 2nd month of the— year of Manreki [A. D. 

i595(?)]- 

The child was bright by nature and had an excellent mem- 
ory ; so that he could repeat whatever he had once glanced at 
in a book. Though he was sent to school when very young, he 
had very little inclination to write compositions, (a task which 
constituted the chief pursuit of students in those days). 

When he was grown up, he wandered about from one place 
to another, searching for beautiful mountains and clear streams 
and other sublime scenery worthy of admiration. When he was 
3D years old, he had not yet written a verse. One day a friend 
of his urged him to compose a poem. Then, to the astonishment 
and admiration of all present, he spoke out, off hand, a fine 

• Translated by Prof. Y. Chiba, of Duncan Academy, Tokyo. 



Clement : A Chinese Refugee 85 

rhyme. After this he was always ready to write poetry whenever 
a subject was suggested to him. His productions came out 
spontaneously and showed perfect originality. 

Previous to this an important political change had taken 
place in his own country, that is to say, the Ming dynasty had 
been overthrown by the Shing. He could scarcely bear to enjoy 
life under the latter government, thinking that it was an awful 
thing and a disgrace to serve two masters: and this caused him 
a heartfelt desire to leave that country and come over to our 
country. As a boat was leaving for Japan, he seized the oppor- 
tunity and came to Nagasaki. This was on the 2nd day of the 
3rd month in the 3nd year of Showo [A. D. 1645]. 

In this city he met Fusho [#.fB], a Buddhist priest of wide 
learning, who had been invited from China as a religious teacher. 
The teacher [Tai Man Ko] was not a little impressed by the priest 
and listened with unusual interest to his teaching. At last he was 
converted from Confucianism to Buddhism. He changed his 
name to Eki [A ] and sumamed himself Dokuriisu Tenka Ichikan- 

He was a man of unfettered disposition ; he was an extensive 
reader, especially of religious books, and soon became known to 
the world. He entered a monastery and was there made a scribe. 
During the 1st year of Manji [1658], he came with the priest to 
the capital. The reputation of his learning and virtue became 
known among the high officials and noblemen, so that some tried 
to secure him for a teacher. 

During the 2nd year of Manji [1659] he was obliged to return 
to Nagasaki on account of illness. Having recovered from this 
sickness, he began a pilgrimage all over the c(juntry. Wherever 



86 , Clemeni : A Chinese Re/ui^ee, 

he went, he gave medicine and drove away diseases. The people 
called him " divine." 

He excelled in penmanship. His style of writing exactly 
corresponded with the ancient standards in penmanship : and his 
ideographs made a wonderful impression upon those who looked 
at them. To get a piece of paper containing his writing, or even 
a single character, was considered the same as to obtain a precious 
jewel or treasure. 

A few years later, his teacher Fusho died ; and he came over 
to the capital again. Soon afterward, he was made the priest of 
Kirapoji, which was called Heirin, a Buddhist temple ten ri out 
of the city. This temple had been established by Nobutsuna 
Minamoto, the Lord of Izu. When he came to this temple, he 
opened up the country, drew water from the Tama River for the 
convenience of the people, and added elegant buildings. He 
went around the neighboring country, teaching the people and 
comforting them. 

He had not forgotten his own country, and would often write 
out, with indignation, treatises denouncing the great crime of the 
Shing dynasty, and sympathizing with his own people, who were 
ovenvhelmed by the terrible calamity which had befallen them. 
May we not call him one faithful to his own country and a true 
disciple of Buddha ? 

He died in the 12th year of Kwambun [1672J at the age 
of 77. 



Clement : A Chinese Refugee, 87 

Note A. 

Kimpozan Heirinji [ftHlIl^ttc?], also called Voshinin 
[fll<&IS], which is located about 8 chb east of the Nobitome Road, 
belongs to the Zen Sect. This temple was opened in the ist 
yearofK6w6 [1389] by the great priest, Sekihitsu Zenkyu. 
The temple was originally built in Iwatsuki Village, between 
Omiya and Kasukabe, but it was moved to this place in the 
3rd year of Kwambun [1663]. There are four buildings con- 
nected with the temple. One of them is called Taikeido [K88^], 
which contains an image of Kwannon,* i foot and 2 or 3 inches 
tall, dressed in white, which was worshipped by Tai Man K6, and 
a wooden statue of the latter. There is also a wooden tablet with 
the following inscription : Min {no) Dokuritsu Eki Zen'ihi Kwakui,'\ 
which seems to have been only an honorary apf)ellation. 



* This had been stolen just a little while before our visit. 



d 



Clitnenl : A CArnesr Refugee. 



Note B. 



I have recently been so fortunate as to run across a small 
photograph of Mitsukuni (Giko), the 3rd Tokugawa Prince of 
Mito, who was the patron of learning and gave sevefal Chinese 
refugees a shelter in his clan. For inibrmation concerning this 
Japanese Maecenas, see papers on "The Tokugawa Princes of 
Mito" (Vol. XVIII, Part I), " The Mito Civil War " (Vol. XIX, 
Rirt i). " Chinese Refugees of the Seventeenth Century in Mito " 
(Vol, XXIV), and " Inslnictions of a Mito Prince to His Re- 
tainers" (Vol. XXVII). The above-mentioned photograph is 
here reproduced :— 




Mitsukuni [Giko] 



BOOK I. 



IN PRIVATE LIFE, 



FATHER AND GRANDFATHER. 

When four years old father lost his mother, and when 
nine his father died. He knew little of them. Grand- 
fathers name was Kageyu, and grandmother was the 
daughter of someone named Someya. I do not know 
their native place 'but both died in the village Shimotsuma, 
in the province of Hitachi. 

Our name Arai came from the Minamoto* family of the 
province Kodzuke, and Someya from the Fujiwara family 
of Sagami province. I do not know why they went to 
Hitachi. There are those who profess to know, but as 
father died without telling me I do not believe them. 
He told me that grandfather lost his estates and was 
concealed by his farmers for a while. 

His eyes were large, his beard heavy, and his appearance 
stern. His hair dkl not turn grey before he died. He 
always ate, so father's old nurse told him, with chopsticks 
which he took from a highly ornamented lacquer box, 
and after eating he put the chopsticks back and carefully 



* The Minamoto family was in 3 branches — Seiwa Genji, Chini-no- 
Genji and Kai-no-Genji. 




go Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki. 

put the box away. In some battle he had taken a <Tood 
head, and when he showed it to the general the latter 
said, — ** You must be tired," and passed him his own tray 
and dinner, giving him the chopsticks. But father heard 
the story when so young that he did not remember the 
name of the general, nor what battle it was. 

One other story father told of him, — When an old 
comrade said to him, ** You are contemptuous," grand- 
father replied, " Contempt cannot be endured. You spoke 
in jest but jests invite contempt." 

After grandfather's death father's adopted brother gave 
him to a wealthy man whose place was not like grand- 
father's but was full of servants, guns, bows and spears. 
This man loved father well, but, when 13 years old, father 
quarrelled with a comrade and was asked, ** what good is 
there in arguing with one who does n6t know his place 
as a dependent ?" Father did not understand and, as there 
was no one else, asked his old nurse. She told him not 
to mind, but as he persisted at last she cried and said : — 
" Your father once had an establishment like this but 
though he remembered regretfully the past he died in 
peace. This man, with his wealth, might adopt any one's 
son, but he has taken you and loves you better than his 
own child, for you are the son of his lord. Obey him 
like a father." 

When father heard this he hated his adopted brother, 
borrowed some pence from the priest his teacher, did up 
his clothes and wrapped them in paper, stuck his pence 
into his girdle, put on his sword and went away. After 
going a few miles he met the postmen from Mito who 
asked him to join them and told him so young a lad was 
in danger from thieves if he went alone to Kdo. For 



KnoX' : — - hitobiography of Aral llakuseki. g i 

a while he refused to answer their questions, but as they 
were very kind, and put him on the horse when he was 
tired, at last he told them about himself. So they cared 
for him in Kdo and found him employment. Twenty years 
after father returned to Shimotsuma to observe the twenty- 
fifth anniversary of his father's death. Of father's brothers 
three were dead, and the survivor told him that the second 
brother had deeply mourned him and made unaviling 
search for him in Edo. 

Soon this remaining brother died also, aiid father had 
no further friends in Shimotsuma. 

Father's youth was passed in the period soon after the 
wars, when men were chivalrous and righteous, very dif- 
ferent from now. He wandered about until he was thirty 
years old and then found employment with the Kodu, 
Minamoto Tsuchiya.* 

Three foot soldiers who were accused of murder and 
confined in the arrow-room above the gate were put in 
his charge. He accepted this position on condition that 
the swords of the men were returned ; and when this was 
done he said. *' If you escape, cut off my head and take 
it with you. I cannot fight three men. My sword is 
useless.'* So he wrapped it in a long strip of cloth and 
put it aside. He slept and ate with them for ten days, 
when they were acquitted. But they were dismissed the 
service as they had suffered in reputation. When leaving 
they said to father." It was shameful that three of us 
were put in charge of one man and we purposed to show 

* Kobu — was an honorary litlc and was equivalent to — Minister in 
charge of Embankments. Arai always calls his lord by this title. He was 
a heUamoio daimyo of 21.000 kokuy and his estates were in Kururi in 
Kururi in Kadzusa, across the bay from Tokyo. 



92 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki, 

our strength. Ikit when you put your sword aside we 
felt our shame would be increased should we kill aii un 
armed man ; nor could we commit suicide without art 
antagonist. Then we planned to take our revenge after 
our release, but our swords were restored to us and we 
can still enter the society of samurai Your kindness 
has taken way our wrath and we shall not forget your 
sympathy. 

Soon after, father was promoted and given permanent 
position in the Kobu*s household. Gradually he rose to 
be censor. * 

From this on I write of my own remembrance. 

Father's life followed a strict and uninterrupted routine. 
He awoke at the tiger hour (four a.m.), bathed in cold 
water and dressed his own hair. In very cold weather 
mother wished him to use warm \vater but he would 
not as It would make the servants trouble. When he was 
past seventy fire was kept in the foot warmer at night, 
for mother suffered from the cold, and, as water could be 
heated there without trouble to anyone, he used hot water. 
' Father and mother were Buddhists and after their bath 
put on their special garments and worshipped the Buddhas. 
On their parent's anniversaries they prepared the rice 
without help from the servants. When they awakened 
before dawn they sat up in bed and silently awaited the 
day. When it was light enough to see they arose. 

Father's road lay to the north but he always went 
out of the south gate and turned to the east. Returning 
he went to the west and entered by the north gate. His 



* " Grandfather died in 1609, and grandmother in 1604. Father v^'as 
horn in 1 602, and went to Kdo in 1613.'' 



Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki, 93 

sandals had iron knobs and he walked with resounding 
stq3S giving notice of his approach. All knew his tread 
and hushed crying children at the sound. * 

The Kobu went year by year to his estates in Modagdri> 
province of Kadzusa, spending the time from the eighth 
to the twelfth month there. On his return he would 
ask father for the news and be told, ** There is none." 
After some years he said, ** How is this ! Among so 
many samurai surely something has happened these years 
past!" But father replied, ** Great matters we communicate 
to you at once, trifles we arrange and tlicre is notliing 
to tell." TlKireafter, when the Kobu returned, he called 
fatlier and told him the happenings in Kadzusa to which 
father listened and retired. 

In the autumn of 1645, the Kobu was put in charge at 
Siiruga> and in his stead father went to Kadzusa. The fol- 
lowing spring, he u'as summoned in haste to Suruga to look 
after the young samurai who climbed the bamboo fence at 
night, and went out for their amusement, not heeding the 
rebuke of the officials. Father wished to prevent the scan- 
dal of piunishments for such offences, so he set up four or 
five guard houses with two foot-soldiers in each and himself 
went the rounds all night. This wholly put a stop to the 
offence. 

In 1647, the Kobu was put in charge of the fire dei>art- 
ment in Nikko, and in 1649, of the Osaka castle. Father 
went with him to keep the young sanmrai in order en route. 
So he did not sleep at all at night, but dozed on horseback 
ift the day time or when the company halted. He suffered 



* Not to lie down after awaking, to walk with resounding stejjs and 
Cttrn to the "east on leaving his gate was to fT>llow the classical examples. 



i 



94 K^wx :— Autobiography of Aral HakusekL 

so from night blindness that when he returned to Mishima 
he could not see the lanterns. His real object was the 
protection of the Kobu against the vengeance of a young 
samurai^ who had committed a flagrant crime and had fled. 
The Kobu was determined to take him, but could not, and 
put his aged mother in prison, thinking he would come for 
her relief But he did not come and the woman died in 
prison. So the samurai disguised himself that he might 
kill the Kobu. Father knew all this, and feared the journey 
might afford advantage to the criminal. 

A boy named Ashizawa had been left an orphan at an 
early age. He was given office and honourably employed 
by the Kobu. When Ashizawa was twenty years old the 
Kobu one day called father. The Kobu was seated with 
his sword by his side and his countenance ehanged. He 
said, " Come close to me." Father thought there was 
need for his sword and started to get it, but the Kobu said, 
*' Come as you are. I shall kill Ashizawa myself. Stay 
and see." Father stood in silence and soon the Kobu said 
again, ** What is your opinion?" And Father replied i-7- 
'* Ashizawa acknowledges that your kindness to an orphan 
deserves an extraordinary return. He is naturally strong 
but is still very young, often does wrong and has given 
cause for your wrath. But, are not men of a different 
mould useless when mature ? Thinking of all this my 
answer was slow and I beg pardon." At this the Kobu 
. was lost in thought and father too stood in silence. Tlie 
moquitoes gathered on their faces until the Kobu spoke 
again, when six or seven fell gorged and father carefully 
picked them up and put them in a paper. At last the 
Kobu said," You may go now and rest." 

Ashizawa had been given to drink and rioting, but, as 



Kfiox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki, 95 

father and father's friend Seki urged him now, he reformed. 
After a few years he was given his father's office, and when 
the Kobu was dead, father said, '* See that you do not 
forget the past !" for he had taken to drink again. 

Jn the Kobu's household was a man named Kato, who 
was about sixty years old when I was twenty. He had two 
famous swords — **dish cutter" and "monkey leader." I have 
seen the first, it was narrow and three feet long, but not 
the other. That he had from a monkey leader. When 
Kat5 was sixteen years old he killed one of his samurai^ 
cutting quite across his body and clean through a dish. 
But after father retired from office he told me the facts 
as a secret. 

" One can*t believe all that men say, that sword I gave 
you when young is the true dish-cutter. Katd's apartment 
adjoined mine anci one day I heard him from the second 
story quarrelling in a loud voice with one of his young 
samurai who was cleaning fish below. What a miserable 
row, I thought, and just then Kato nished down stairs, 
and I picked up my sword and went to see. He had 
struck the samurai but had been too weak to injure him, 
and he had turned on Kato with his knife. So I cut down 
the man from the shoulder, my sword going quite acro.ss 
liis body and through the dish. As he fell, I said to Kato, 
* Now stick him !' wiped the blood from my blade and 
went home. So when others came rushing in they called 
Kato's sword " the dish-cutter." 

" My sword had belonged to a man named Goto, and he 
had it from his elder brother who had cut a man's head 
in two with it. Half the head he kept in proof of the 
sword's qualities. From Goto it came to me. Have a 




96 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki. 

care for it ! '* I have kept it for cerenK>niaI occasions and 
for service and call it lion." 

I have also a sword which once belonged to the grand- 
son of Okabe, Lord Tambu. Once when going out into 
the forest with a young companion they met a wild boar. 
The companion ran and climbed a tree, but his lord waited 
with his back to a tree. When the boar charged him 
with its tusks he cut it across the mouth and the brute bit 
the sword and ran with it in its mouth and struck against a 
tree,-destroying the ornaments of the sword and killing it- 
self. This boy did many such deeds, and father begged 
the sword from him and gave it to me. But father added 
** I never talk of the quality of my sword, for when men 
talk of their swords they soon come to testing them in 

fight." 

A certain old man constantly swore by the gods and the 
Buddhas, and father cautioned me, " Men who lie, swear 
as a proof of truth. This old man is not a liar, but is care- 
less in his talk, and has acquired this habit. Beware of it !" 

Father had a friend, five or six years his junior, named 
Seki, who became imbecile when more than .seventy years 
old, and father thought, " How pitiable one is when his 
powers fail with age ; and there is no help for it unless 
preparation is made in youth. Old men do and say wrong 
things from forgetful ness. Old and young have a certain 
routine, if they attempt more they may do it or may not. 
So from my youth I have undertaken few duties, but those 
I have done with my strength and have not left them to 
others. I have a place for everything, so I can find it in 
the dark, just as we learn the parts of our bodies and use 
them involuntarily. And there is profit in asking old men 
of their youth ; for that they do not forget and answer well 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, gy 

if asked; but we should not speak of the new and wonderful 
things we hear. I forget names heard only once, and tinies 
and places escape me soon. Nothing is thought of it if a 
youth forgets, but if it is an old man they say, He is im- 
becile. So I take special care not to forget. Seki was 
honest and skillful, but be was careless in speech and act. 
So he has become imbecile.'* 

As I remember father he was very grey, his face was 
square, and his forehead high. His eyes were large, and 
his beard heavy. He was short, large-boned, strongly built. 
He showed no sign of emotion in his face, he did not laugh 
loudly nor scold in an angry voice. His words were few 
and his movements dignified. I never saw him surprised, 
amazed or lacking in self control. For example, he thought 
small moxa useless and would have five or seven large ones 
applied at once, showing no sign of suffering. 

When off duty, he cleaned his room, hung up some 
ancient painting, arranged a few flowers of the season and 
sat silent all day or painted pictures. He did not care for 
colored pictures. 

When well he did not have servants wait on him at 
meals. He ate two bowls of rice and a variety of other 
things that he might not hurt himself eating too much of 
any one. He did not pick and choose but ate what was 
set before him whether he fancied it or not, weighing the 
several dishes in his hands to determine their quantity. He 
did not order his meals, though he insisted upon having the 
fresh food of the four seasons as soon as it was in the 
market, and ate it with the family. He was easily affected 
by wine, and merely took the cup in his hand at the cere- 
monies. Tea he much liked. 

At home, he wore carefully washed clothes, nothing soiled 



98 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki. 

even in bed. When he went out, his dress was new and 
fine, but not extravagant or beyond his rank for, like the 
famous men of old, he wished no criticisms after death. 
He associated things with their owners and thought char- 
acter revealed by possessions, and that it was a shame to 
forget one's things. 

His ordinary fan was of an ancient pattern with white 
ribs, and its paper splashed with silver and gold, but at 
times he used a fan ornamented with pictures, and was care- 
ful to get pictures by famous artists. Still more was he 
particular as to the ornaments of his swords and armour. 

When past seventy his left elbow troubled him and he 
wished to retire, but the Kobu would not consent. So 
father wore only one sword, a short one a foot long and 
an inch wide, with its scabbard wound with silk, and his 
servant followed bearing his long sword. That \vas extra- 
ordinary, but the Kobu permitted it. * Father thought a 
sword for use, and not to be worn when it could not be 
handled, and so wore only his short one. That he kept 
until death, and then gave it to his adopted son in Oshu. 
Its ornaments were iron, its scabbard had black lacquer 
waves ornamented with ebony. When he took the tonsure 
he put it away in a leathern bag. 

Some years after his death the late head of the Kotoku 
temple told me that when father was past eighty a drunken 
fellow came to the temple flourishing his sword, and no one 
faced him until the old man came out, caught him by the 
arm, tripped him, threw his sword into the drain, and went 
back into the temple. Then the young priests came out 



* Extraordinary, because the swords of Daimyo were thus carried by 
servants. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hahiseki, 99 

and guarded the fellow where he lay, until sobered, and 
finally sent him home. The priest thought father's deed 
should not be mentioned, lest people think it a mere display 
of vanity on the part of an old man. But persons of dis- 
crimination will see the reason for his act. 

When I was seventeen or eighteen, I dropped a green 
colored cord with a hook at its end used for securing 
criminals. " What is that he asked," " When I was a 
censor I had such a cord for years, for fear my servants 
might not have one in time of need. When I gave up 
office I used it to tie the cat. That is the cord you have. 
A samurai should take care. Each one has things to do 
and other things not to do. That is not for you, and you 
are too old to be heedless. 



STORIES OF THE PAST: FATHER'S RE- 
TIREMENT AND DEATH. 

Father told me this story of Takadaki Kichibei, of 
Harima a samurai of Shizawa. He was very fond of fish- 
ing and one day left his swords with his servant and waded 
into the water with his net. He went into the boundaries 
of a neighboring daimyoy and was taken by two guards and 
bound up with his net. With tears of blood he begged off, 
but keenly felt his disgrace as the story got around. He 
had much desired that which is not for samurai, and so was 
led into these misfortunes. 

On the New Year's day following he went to the great 
gate of the neighboring daimyo, and there, in the crowd, cut 



lOO Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki. 

down one of the best samurai and fled leaving a card with 
this writing, — '* I cut him down to cover my shame." They 
searched the neighborhood but could not find him. Next 
day he cut down another samurai, left his card and dis- 
appeared, and again, on the seventh day repeated his 
exploit. They could not find him. Once to do such a 
deed is easy, to do it three times showed his strength and 
audacity. 

I used to tell tliis story while I was employed by the 
Kofiu ; and once, wlien in Kadzusa my attention was at- 
tracted by a man standing among the farmers. He kept 
looking at me and averting his face as he caught my eye. 
He did not seem an ordinary man, and I went to his side 
and asked who he might be ? At first lie said,—''* I am 
of this place," and averted his face. But as I insisted at 
last he said, ** I am the Takadaki whom you once knew. 
This was the home of my ancestors, and hither I fled and 
was taken in for my family's sake. When I heard that 
Arai was here I came to see if it was indeed you, and was 
overcome with shame as I recalled the past." 

Father told me anotlier stor>\ of an Echizen man named 
Kurv4xi who had disap|K*ared. Years after, fatlier was 
crossing the 1 lakonc pass, going to I iarima in the west on 
business. Just beyond I lata he s;\w a coolie with a bundle 
ixf w^.Kxl» and fussing him a little hoard a call. He looked 
back auil s*\w that the c*.K^lic had Uiid down his wood, taken 
iho cloth tVvMU his face, and was coming toward him. " So," 
iv* toll the slv^n* in t'athcrV words. " I turned back and he 
said, * You do not ronKuibcr me ? I am Kurobci. Why 
arc vou sv> foolish a< to come here alone ? ' Then as I 
Kv^kv\{ at him I so^Mticd to remember him. but as in a dneom. 
so Ullon was he, * \ low did vo;i oonw to this ? ' I asked 



Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Haktiseki, loi 

and told him of myself. So he said, * As you have leisure, 
and I wish to talk with you come to my house. It is near.' 

As we went togctlier he said, * I have an aged father, and 
as I could not support him otherwise took to his work. 
When I saw you I could not restrain my desire for a talk 
of the old times, though I was ashamed to call. But father 
is very old fashioned and will not see strangers, so I must 
explain to him. Wait here a little.* 

So he left me and went into a wretched hut, but soon 
came again, and took me in. There was an old man of 
eighty making a fire. * I have nothing for guests ' he said, 
' but must not be shamefaced before my son's friend. You 
shall have such as we have, and pray spend the night.' So 
lie gave me rice mixed with wheat and some bulbs. I^ter 
on he said, * I interrupt your talk,' bade us good night and 
went into another room. 

We sat by the fire, feeding it with faggots, until after 
midnight and then he went into his father's room and 
brought out two bamboo sticks. From them he took his 
swords fine in make and beautiful in ornament. He wept 
and said, ' As a samurai I could not support my father, 
and he had no one else. I sold all but my swords. These 
I shall keep while my strength lasts. As you see, my 
father is not long for this world. If I can support him to 
the end I shall be happy. Afterwards you may meet mc 
again.' 

The next morning he prepared food for his father and 
me, went with me a distance on my way, and took his 
leave I never heard of him again. 

Father was unmarried when he entered the Kobu's ser- 
vice. He adopted a boy named Ichiya Masanobu, the son 
of a dear friend. Ichiya became a retainer of the Kobu's 




1 02 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 

second son and went with him to Dshu. When father 
retired, Ichiya supported him until I was able to do so. 
I^ater, Ichiya gave his possessions to his eldest son and 
became a priest. He died soon after 1 obtained my position, 
and his eldest son soon followed him. Then his second 
son died, and now his property is in the hands of his 
son's son. 

Father was well past forty when he married mother. 
Their first two children were girls, and both died before 
they were three. The third was also a girl and died when 
nineteen, and my younger sister died at eighteen. Father 
was fifty .seven, and mother forty two, when I was born. 

I do not know certainly of my mother's parents. I knew 
her sisters, elder and younger. When I was old enough 
to understand, I earnestly asked after my grand parents but 
she replied, ' Nothing should be concealed from a son, but 
I'll not tell you. Often have men of rank been born of 
humble mothers and it will not disgrace you to be ignorant 
of your mother's family. But this much I will say, all 
know of my father and my grandfather. The latter was 
distinguished in Nobunaga's history; and my mother's 
grandfather distinguished himself in the Korean expedition.' 
My mother told me this in detail, weeping bitterly. 

Mother was in the service of the Lady of Gcishu,* and 
went with her to Oshu when she became a nun. There 
mother met and married father. 

She wrote a fine hand, composed good verses, and read 
many books. She taught all this to my sisters. She was 
a skillful player of ''go'' and chess, and taught me to play. 
She had the finger tips for the " koto'' She thought 



* The wife of the lord of Geishu. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Haknscki. 103 

women should weave cloth and make clothes ; and she 
made father's and mine. I have some of her making still. 
The proverb says, " like marry like," and so it was with 
my parents. They were alike in words and actions. 

When father shaved his head, mother did the same. She 
was sixty three when she died. The Kobu had died when 
father was seventy five. He was very ill at the time but 
recovered after he had been given up. He would not 
resume his office. The Kobu's heir pensioned father and 
praised him highly for his faithful service for so many 
years. Father and mother shaved their heads, and took a 
small dwelling in the temple H5-on, Asakusa. 

The next winter, Yorinao's distant cousin, a Minister 
of Kobu's and an intimate friend of father s consulted him 
about deposing Yorinao and making his young son heir. 
Father vainly tried to dissuade his friend, as the attempt 
was premature. The scheme failed and I too lost my posi- 
tion as I belonged to that party. (26th March 1677). My 
younger sister died the same year, and mother, sorrowed 
by these things, took ill on the 20th June 1678 and died 
suddenly on the 22d. So father was left alone. 

In April 1679 Yorinao lost his rank and his son was 
given only a fraction of his possessions. The son sent for 
me, but I refused to go while father remained in disgrace. 
It was done as I wished and I went to the young man. He 
had as yet no *' true name," and at his request I gave him 
one, Tatenao. Thus a way was opened for me * and I 
took service with Furukawa no Shosho, Masatoshi, Asson 
Hctta Chikuzen no Kami, Tairo. 

Now I purposed to care for father, and the 15th July 

* While in disgrace he could get no enii^loyment. His new aUow- 
ance was 500 koku. 



I04 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusekL 

1679 he spent with me in talk and mutual solace. He 
went home the next day and the day following I heard 
that he was ill and went to him at once. He was dying. 
He heard that I had come, opened his eyes, took my hand, 
and died as one goes to sleep. 

It was only an hundred days after I had become a samu- 
rai. It was a great grief; but he was comforted as he 
knew that I had a position and that his name had been 
cleared. He was eighty two years old. 

I remember father well, as he was when over eighty. He 
had remained unchanged from my youth, and this both 
because of his natural superiority, and his careful habits in 
every thing. I well remember hLs oft repeated teachings 
and especially the following : — " Men should persevere. 
Attack the greatest difficulty first, and the others will not 
seem formidable.'* I have greatly profited by that, and 
especially as to my temper, for I am naturally impatient 
and restraii myself with difficulty. But with good fortune 
I have passed through many dangers, and my years and 
strength decay together. Probably I am not so impulsive 
as in the past. I desire this teaching to be handed down 
to the future members of my family.*' 

Again father said, — *' I left home when thirteen and lived 
among strangers. I have had many intimates and have 
kept their friendship by avoiding avarice and lust. Men 
differ by nature, rank and education but all alike destroy 
friendship by these two vices. As my teacher said. Lust 
and avarice weave a hatred nothing can undo. Let old 
and young beware of them." 



Knox : — AiUobiography of Aral FlakusckL 105 



CHILDHOOD AND EDUCATION. 

The Kobu's mansion burned in the great fire, 4th March 
1657^ and all fled to Yanagiwara. There I was born in a 
temporary dwelling on March 25. So the Kobu called me 
when very young, Spark (i.e. the Son of the Fire). His 
mother took a fancy to me and I was much at her dwelling. 
The Kobu saw me there when I was three and aftenvards 
sent for me daily and treated me with a kindness beyond 
that shown his own son. So folks thought me a natural son. 

When I was six Oshu Nambu Shinano no Kami, Toshi- 
nao, said to the Kobu, " I have no son. Give this boy to 
me." But the Kobu explained that I was the son of one 
of his retainers, whereon Toshinao said, — *' I^end him to 
me. ril care for him, educate him and give him an allow- 
ance of a thousand koku.** But the Kobu, for his own and 
his mother's fondness, would not. Folks thought it a pity, 
as the Kobu could not do so well by me. 

On New Year's day, my seventh year, I broke out with 
malignant small-pox. The Kobu's mother daily sent mes- 
sengers, and priests to pray at my bed side. That fatlier 
did not fancy, but permitted it. The Kobu .sent two of his 
attendants and was much troubled when they told him that 
the doctor had given me up. He told him to redouble his 
efforts and sent me medicine with unicorn in it. So the 
spots came out and turned red, and folks said, — ** So then 
he is for tlie world, but he is not the doctor's son." Dr. 
Ishikawa told me this when I was twenty four years old. 
When I had recovered the Kobu's mother gave me a feast, 
and my savmrai sword and outfit. She died when I 
was nine. 



lo6 Knox : — AufoNo<:^t'(i/yhy of Ami Hakuseki, 

When three years old, I was sitting one day tracing the 
pictures and ideographs in the Ueno-inonogatari of people 
going to see the flowers, and mother said several of the 
ideographs were well made, and showed my work to father. 
Others thought it extraordinary, and it was shown to a 
number. I saw it in Kadzusa when I went there in my 
seventeenth year. I also wrote my name on a screen and 
two of the ideographs were well made. The screen burned 
in a conflagration. From that time I constantly amused 
myself reading and writing but had no teacher and so 
studied the pictured guide books. 

The Kobu had a retainer named Tonda, who had a com- 
mentary on the Taihciki which he used sometimes to ex- 
pound in father's house, folks assembling to hear it. In 
my fourth or fifth year, I sat up by father and listened to 
the end, however late it might be, and then asked questions, 
to the astonishment of those present. 

When six years old I was taught a Chinese poem with 
its explanation and music, so that I could comment on it, 
by a scholar named Uematsu, who also taught me two 
others. He advised sending me to some good master, but 
the old conservatives said ;-r-** No one can become a scholar 
without talent, diligence and w^ealth. The boy has talent, 
but whether diligent or no we do not know. He surely 
has not wealth." And father said, ** The Kobu is too fond 
of him to send him away to school." But still the Kobu 
took pride in my writing and wanted me to learn, and when, 
in my eighth year, he went to Kadzusa, he set me this task, 
to write three thousand ideographs every day and one 
thousand every evening. When the winter days were too 
short for my task, I moved my table out on the verandah 
so as to finish by day light, and when I grew sleepy at 



Knox : — Atitobiograpliy of Aral Ilakuscki, 107 

night I put two ijots of water by my side. Then as I 
began to nod 1 threw back ni)' gown and my friend emptied 
one of the pots over me, and as I gradually grew dry and 
warm and sleepy again, he threw the other over me and so 
I got tlirough the task. This was in the winter and autumn 
of my ninth year, and from that time I conducted father's 
correspondence. 

In the autumn of my eleventh year I learned the Tcki- 
norai by heart in ten days, wrote it out and presented it to 
the Kobu who was greatly pleased. From my thirteenth 
year I conducted his correspondence. 

When I was eleven father had a friend named Seki, 
whose son was a clever fencer, and taught the art. I asked 
for lessons, but was refused as too young, w^hen I replied, 
" If I cannot use my sword why should I wear it ?" Then 
he consented, and taught me one style so well that in a 
contest with wooden swords with a youth of sixteen throe 
times I was beaten and thrice victorious, the lookers laugh- 
ing in their interest. So I took up martial exercises and 
read all the old war stories to the neglect of my writing. 

In my seventeenth year I saw a copy of the Okina- 
Hondo* in the house of a fellow page and borrowed it. 
Out of it I first learned of the " Way of the Sages." I 
liked it at once and wished to study it, but had no teacher. 
However, a physician of .some attainments heard of my 
desire. He came daily to the Kobu s mansion, and taught 
me the *' Introduction to the Little Learning," and then 
the history by Chuki. Day and night I .studied the 
" Little Learning " and the " Four Classics." So far the 
physician helped me but as I went on to the " Five lk>oks " 
I had no teacher and worked at them with a le.xicon and 

* Trans. As. Soc. Vul. XX. pp. 13 ff. 



io8 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 

made many mistakes as I now know. So I studied by 
myself, and understood only in part and took up composi- 
tion and rhetoric and poetry, making my first poem of fifty 
six characters in the twelfth month of that year. Then I 
wrote an essay, my first attempt at prose, in explanation of 
my verse, as I had heard a man ridicule and criticise it. I 
kept these boyish studies from the knowledge of father and 
his friends, but as I needed books I made a confidante of 
mother. 

When twenty one I left the Kobu's mansion and con- 
tinued my studies with congenial friends but, for reasons 
of my own, without a teacher. The scholar Ahiru of 
Tsushima was one of my friends and when, in the autumn 
of my 26th year, I was in .service again, and a Korean 
ambassador arrived, I sent an hundred verses of my own to 
him by Ahiru with a request for an introduction for the 
book. He liked the verses, and asked to meet me, and so 
I had an evening with him and his two attendants, writing 
poetry, and, at the close, the ambassador wrote tlie intro- 
duction to my verses, as I had asked. 

The same year Kinoshita first took office from the Sho- 
gun. (1682). I^ter I went to Yamagata and kept a 
journal which Ahiru showed to Kinoshita who was his 
master. Ahiru also showed Kinoshita my book of poems 
and he liked the books and asked to see me, and so I met 
him. When Ahiru died he asked me to request Kinoshita 
to prepare his epitaph, and I acted as amanuensis. 

So I became a disciple of Kinoshita and very intimate 
with him, though the usual ceremonies of initiation were 
omitted. For years he had many distinguished disciples, 
but I was put at their head and he sent me to teach the 
heir apparent of the Shogun. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki, 109 

As I review my life it would appear that I shouki have 
made much greater progress had I had good teachers, when 
I began to write at three years, study poetry at six, and the 
" Way " at seventeen. When employed by the Shogun 
I bought many books and was given many, but was so 
pressed by my duties that I found little time for reading. 
Itefore that I was so poor that my books were borrowed 
or copied and therefore few. In this matter of study no 
one has been more unfortunate. That I have so far suc- 
ceeded is because I have followed father's advice and done 
the most difficult task first. What others learn at once, I 
master only with ten repetitions and what others with ten, 
I with an hundred rcixititions. 



YOUTH. 

The year before the Kobu died, (I was then eighteen), I 
went with him on his usual visit to Kadzusa. 

In the middle of the eleventh month I was accused of 
leaving my post, when on guard, to see the hunt, and was 
imprisoned in my own house. Toward the end of that 
month the younger samurai quarrelled and, together with 
their relatives formed two parties. All joined one side or 
the other and in the beginning of the twelfth month ihcy 
met and decided to fight. All father's friends were with 
Seki, and were expecting to go to the fight at the hour of 
the sheep. 

I was told about the affair, and sent a trusty servant to 
bring mc word when all should be ready, telling him not 




I 1 o Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusckL 

to come even when the party should go forth, but to wait 
until the fight began. The other servants I told to report 
me ill, and in bed with a cold since morning, should any 
one call for me. Then I put on my chain armour under my 
clothes and went to bed and waited for my messenger. Hut 
he, to my surprise, did not come until evening, until the 
middle of the dog hour, and then he said ; ** They expected 
to start at the bird hour, but men went back and forth and 
made peace at last. Uesugi asked me my business and I 
told him, what you had said." 

The next evening one of Seki's sons called and said, — 
** So you were coming to help us?" ** Yes,'* I replied. 
*' But you are imprisoned ; and how did you expect to get 
out ?' he asked. " By the small gate on the west." **That" 
he said, ** is guarded by day and shut at night. How did 
you expect to get through?" ** The other gates are strong- 
ly guarded : that only by an old man and woman who keep 
the key in a little house by the side. Should they let me 
out I could go and die and no one be the wiser, nor their 
fault be known. I expected assent, but should they refuse 
I purposed to cut off their heads, take the key and go." 

Whereon he ; — ** My father and yours were old friends 
and it was a matter of course that you should help us. But 
you were under arrest and could not come out ! To have 
killed those two old folks, and have forced the gate would 
have been a dreadful crime !" And then I laughed, — ** Was 
it not a crime then to collect a band and fight ? You 
purposed killing the leading samurai^ I, two old people. 
We are like in this — we both purposed killing the people 
of our lord, but considering the difference in the rank of 
our intended victims my crime was small. But when I 
knew of your plan, if I had not joined you the Kobu would 



Knox : — Autobu\^riiphy of Aral Hakuscki. 1 1 1 

have thoui^ht me no samuiuxi, tliouMi of course he would 
have said nothing. Had I been a real criminal I should 
have been bound hand and foot, but not being bound I was 
at liberty to go out at a time like this. Had I remained 
a spectator, the law would have been silent as I was under 
arrest, and I might have taken contemptible advantage of 
my position and so have saved my life. Or had I been of 
the good natured age I might have worked for peace, but 
I am not yet twenty, and peace-making is not my virtue. 
Not to help my friends would be my shame. You need 
not thank me for it. In joining an unlawful deed one more 
unlawful deed goes for nothing." He had nothing to say 
but went away and told his father, who exclaimed, — ** Ah ! 
He is his father's son!" and wept joyful tears. 

When I was in disgrace I had thought with sorrow, — 
Father will not forgive me even if the Kobu does, but 
when the Kobu restored me to my old place father was 
greatly pleased. Seki wrote him in full of this affair and 
he did not ask even why I had been punished. For when 
father joyfully showed mother Seki's letter with its account 
of my purpose, and conversation with Seki's son she said, — 
"Because of this forgive him for the past." As I now 
see, this event was the beginning of the sad fall of the 
Kobu's house. 

When the Kobu died his eldest son succeeded him as 
YoshO, lyo no Kami. This man who destroyed his house 
was very displeasing to his father, and the two had met 
only on New Year's day for a long time. The household 
did not know of Yoshii's bad conduct, but thought it a plan 
on the Kobu's part to make his son by a concubine his 
heir. Yoshu divorced his wife and she bore him a son 
afterwards, whom the Kobu sent to Kadzusa and left there 



1 1 2 Kfiox : — ' Autobiography of Arai HakusekL 

until he was twcK^e or thirteen. Then the Kobu sent for 
him that he might show him to the household, but YoshO 
thought the boy was to be made heir and kept him away 
on v^arious pretexts, and finally let him come only when the 
Kobu was fatally ill. So the Kobu died with the thought, 
" My house will perish with my son." 

So the Kobu's intimate retainers did not look upon 
Yoshij as heir, especially father who did not perform his 
duties for a day. Yoshu was greatly angered for he knew 
it was from distrust, and so he accepted father's resignation 
giving him only just enough for subsistence; and did not 
kill nor exj^el him. Yoshij feared to do that. Nor did I 
get father's allowance but was left unemployed, for I was 
not liked as I had been brought up from childhood at the 
Kobu's knee. 

A year later father was slandered and so Yoshu took 
away his allowance, exf)elled us, and shut the door to 
employment on me. My parents were cared for by their 
adopted son in Oshij and I did not know in the least what 
I should do. I became a ronin, with only two followers, 
and lived with the merchants. My friends wished to em- 
ploy me as a teacher for their sons, but I did not fancy it. 
Instead, I attended the lectures of famous teachers mornings 
and evenings, and paid my respects to my parents at noon. 

About that time I saw my elder sister, who had died 
when nineteen, in a dream. I was greatly troubled and at 
day break went to my parents. They told me my younger 
sister was confined. So I went to her place. Her child 
was born easily but sister died soon after. So I was with 
my parents more than ever. The next summer I again 
saw sister in a dream and hurried to my parents. Nothing 
was the matter : but in a brief hour mother was taken ill 



Knox. ': — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki, \ 1 3 

and after a while died. So father and I were left in our 
sorrow, lonely beyond expression. 

There was an old ronin who had often been at the 
Kobu's that came to father and said ; — ** Yoshu will never 
employ your son again, for he particularly hates all who 
were trusted by the Kobu ; I have known your boy from his 
youth and share your grief that he cannot be a samurai. 
Now I have a rich merchant friend who has a daughter but 
no son, and wants to marry his daughter to a samurai and 
will leave all his fortune to his son-in-law. He has en- 
trusted the affair to me, and if your son will have her he 
can provide amply for you. " It is to talk this over that 
I have called.'* Father replied, " Many thanks, but my 
son is not a child and I decide nothing for him. Consult 
with him." So father told me when next I saw him and 
I promised to see the man and went to his place. " Very 
many thanks for your kindness," I said to him, *' but I 
have other plans and cannot consent." Then I went home 
and told father, — " I know it is a grief to you that we are 
in such a condition and so poor, but I was born your son 
and shall never become the son of another. And in spite 
of poverty and of the fact that I cannot be employed any- 
where, I shall not forsake that samurai path which my 
father and grandfather trod and become a merchant." 
Father was highly pleased. ** There are many men of 
many minds," he said " and though your father I cannot 
decide such things for you. You answered well. It is 
filial piety to throw one's self away to help one's aged 
parent but such conduct as yours is great filial piety. * I 

* Mencius gives the differing degrees of filial pictj. The samurai on 
Hakone Pbss p. 13 ante illustrated filial piety but Anii nourished his father's 
heart instead of his body and so showed '* great filial piety." He also 



114 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki, 

purposed to endure this poverty when I resigned my oflfice 
and you need feel no concern at all." 

Another man planned a physician's career for me and 
said, — " Most physicians now-a-days are ignorant and with 
your learning and ability you can soon surpass them all. 
The profession is not ignoble. Will you not learn it and 
so support your father?" But I replied, ** Medicine is for 
the aid of others, and I might well adopt this profession 
since I have no other prospects. But I have neither the 
learning nor the ability, and were I to hurt men I should 
not have the physician's benevolence. I cannot do this 
well, and the Ancients said, ' Do not kill innocent men.' ** 

At this time I had a student friend who was the son of 
the richest man in Japan, and he said to me, — *' Father 
thinks you will be a famous scholar and told me to propose 
a marriage with the daughter of my deceased elder brother. 
Father will give you a mansion costing three thousand ryo 
and all you need for your studies." I replied, " I shall 
nev^er forget your kindness but must tell you this old story, 
— One summer a man was resting in the Divine Monntain 
with his feet in the water when a tiny snake came and 
licked his toe. Soon it went away, but only to return at 
once grown bigger. It licked his toe again, and a third 
time came, still bigger, and took his toe into its mouth. 
So when it went away the man put his short sword on his 
toe and when the snake came back again, yet larger than 
before, it took toe and sword into its mouth and the man 
jerking the sword cut the snake's mouth. It fled and he 



showed loyalty — by remaining unemployed until restored by his owii lortL 
For to be employed by another would indicate that he had been unworthy 
of punishment and this would reflect upon his master. " Though the 
Lord ceases to l>e Lord, the retainer is still retainer," Sho Kyo. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Ann Hakiiscki. 1 1 5 

wont into the house and shut the door, and lo, a great 
hubbub without. After an hour he went out and there 
dead before the house was a monstrous snake, ten feet long , 
with a frightful wound a foot in length across its head. 

The story, as likely as not, is not true but it serves to 
illustrate your proposal. The small snake got a small 
wound, but the cut grew with its growth and became a 
foot in length. Should I, ignorant and unknown, accept 
your proposal the wound would be small, but should I really 
become famous it too would be great. To make a wounded 
scholar with three thousand ryo .is not amusing, and besides, 
I do not want the small wound even now. Tell your 
father what I say." The girl afterwards married a well 
known scholar. Father fully approved my act, thinking it 
a matter of course and my illustmtion pat. 

In the summer of my twenty third year Yoshu's house 
was destroyed and, as I have written, I was again given 
employment. When twenty-six I was recommended to 
Ki no Masatoshi Asson, Hotta Chikuzcn no Kami. In the 
autunm of my twenty-eighth year he was killed, having 
been charged with plotting against the emperor, though 
there was no proof of his guilt. His son was very unfor- 
tunate and cut down the allowance of his samurai and 
many left his service. I was not in confidential relations 
with him or with his father, but would not leave at such a 
time, for if one has enough for himself and family such 
desertions are not loyal, even though the service be unsatis- 
factor}^ It is natural that a samurai should be poor, yet 
he must maintain his station, but finally my funds all 
gave out. 

So in the spring of my thirty-fifth year I wrote out my 
thoughts and presented the paper to my lord, asking dis- 



lili 



1 1 6 K710X : — Autobiography of Ami Haktiseki, 

missal. I told my friends I had long desired tins, but 
remained because of my lord's misfortunes. They urged 
me to remain saying, ** Your livelihood is provided for and 
if you go away you lose even that. Consider your wife and 
children if you do not care for yourself." But I told them 
** either I should have left the .service long before or have 
accomplished something i:i it, had he been fortunate. But 
in his misfortune it was the duty of a samurai to endure 
for years. Now this going forth without knowing the 
future and with wife and children, will show my true quality 
and purpose. Heavens knows all, and there is no such 
fear as you suggest." But my lord made no reply, nor 
told me his thought and so summer passed into autumn 
while he refused his consent. In the early autumn my 
child was born and when I again asked for my dismissal 
it was given me. 



LFXTURER TO LORD KOFU. 

I had, say, thirty cents in money and a few quarts of 
rice, so there was no danger of hunger for a few days. 
With wife and children I went to the temple Kdtoku in 
Asakusa, (we had long been p.irishioners there), and took a 
house in the neighborhood. A man servant and a maid 
went with us. I tried to dissuade them and told them I 
had nothing for them, but they would go and said they 
could provide for their own wants. 

The younger brother of a man I had formerly taught 
heard of our circumstances and most une.x[x:ctedly offered 



Knox : — Autobiography of - \rai HaktisckL 1 1 7 

to provide for us until I should find employment. Toward 
the end of autumn I moved to the cast of the castle and 
there the number of my pupils constantly increased and 
there were many men of position among them. 

The next spring a man named Tani said to me, — ** You 
are from a house that is in ill repute with the Shogun and 
you follow a master who is unemployed. So your advance- 
ment is slow and difficult, though your learning is great. 
Consider your interests and change your school." At 
first I only laughed at the suggestion, but when it was 
repeated the third time I replied : — " You mean it for my 
good but you mis'ake. You remember how the disciples 
of Confucius still thought his teaching that which they 
should learn, even when he was unemployed by the govern- 
ment, and suffered with him and followed him out of office 
as when he was in power. In gratitude for their favours 
we are taught to follow father, lord and teacher until death. ^ 

My father is dead : I have no lord, and can only follow 
my teacher until death." So Tani was silenced. * 

Kinoshita recommended me to his old lord, the prince 
of Kaga, but a man named Okajima Chushiro, from that 
province, begged me to give place to him as he wished to 
return to Kaga to care for his aged mother ; but, he added, 
the recommendation must come from Kinoshita. So I 
told Kinoshita that I was ready to serve any daimyo but 
should refuse this appointment as I did not wish to stand 
in the way of Okajima. Kinoshita wept at my words and 



♦ Hayashi was Minister of Kducation and in favour with the liflh 
Shogun. He was the head of the ofllcial scholars. And so Tani advised 
Aral to leave Kinoshita and enn>ll liis name, as a matter of form, amon^ 
liayashi's followers. 



1 1 8 Knox : — Atitobiograpliy of Aral Ilakuseki, 

said, — ** Such conduct in these times is extraordinary. It 
IS wortliy of the ancients !" And he recommended Okajinia 
forthwith and told everj'one what I had done. 

On the tenth day of the tenth month of my thirty-seventh 
year, Koriki lo no Kami asked Kinoshita who was first 
among his followers, adding ** Toda Nagato no Kami sent 
me to ask." (Now Toda was chief minister of Ixjrd Kofu, 
the Shogun's heir.) Kinoshita replied, Arai of course, as 
you know." And on the fifteenth he said to mc, " Koriki 
has not been here for a long time. Go and see him." So 
I went to him and was asked many questions. On tlic 
fifth day of the twelfth month Koriki again visited Kino- 
shita, told him Toda's views, and arranged for my recom- 
mendation. However, Kinoshita thought the salary too 
small and said he must first consult with me. He 
cmie to me that night, the next day saw K5riki again, 
was with me the following evening when I gave him my 
answer, and on the morning of the seventh our letter was 
sent in. 

The first offer was an allowance for thirty men, but 
Kinoshita refused at once saying," Though learning can- 
not be measured by the pay yet the world judges by that. 
Some of my pupils who are inferior to Arai get more than 
you offer him. Iksides, he has not always been a teacher 
but has twice held office as a samurai and so has his rank." 
So Koriki came again and said, " You are right and we'll 
give him an allowance for forty men. Let him take that 
and we will see as to the future.** Kinoshita would not 
agree even then, but I thought, I^rd Kofu is heir and so 
cannot be compared with other princes. If I now refuse 
I must hereafter refuse all offers unless the salary is larg^er. 
We do not know our fate, and I will accept. Kinoshita 



Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hahiscki. \ 19 

thought I should wait a while before answering but I wish- 
ed to reply at once and so our letter was sent. 

I afterwards heard that Hayashi, Minister of Education, 
had refused the place for his disciples and that Toda heard 
of me and wished to recommend me but could not, as I 
was not enrolled among Hayashi's followers. And this 
was the reason Tani had come to me. A follower of 
Hayashi got the place, but was soon given other employ- 
ment, and then my engagement followed. 

On the fifteenth I was summoned to the residence of 
Lord Kofu and going on the morning of the sixteenth was 
made his retainer by Toda and the other ministers. On 
the eighteenth I met my lord, and began my lectures, on 
the twenty-second, with an exposition of the ** Great 
learning." 

At the beginning of the new year my lord said to me, — 
" I have thrice read the * Four Classics," the *' Little learn- 
ing " and the Kin-shi-roku (A Cento from the Ancients) ; 
but still do not fully understand the Way of the Sages. 
What should I study now?" I replied in substance that 
the four great scholars teach the Ancient Sages' Way for 
the government of self and others, and must be our teachers 
in act and heart. Great government and great laws are 
set forth in the " Five Books " and these must be studied 
with the others. You have still time and with diligence 
your great ability will .soon be apparent. Let us begin 
with the Book of Odes and the l^ook of Rites." So I 
expounded the former and Yoshida (a scholar of Hayashi's 
school) the latter, in daily lectures. 

Toward the end of that month my daughter died of the 
small pox and my son had the disease, so I began my lec- 
tures on the thirteenth of the second month and, that year, 



1 20 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HakiisckL 

lectured one hundred and sixty two days, finishing on the 
twentieth of the eleventh month. I illustrated my lectures 
with sketches. 

The next year I lectured upon the Hook of History and 
as we still had time left each day, at my lord's request, we 
read the History- of China by ChQhi. That year I lectured 
seventy one days and ended on the eleventh day of the 
twelfth month. 

The following year I began the Spring and Autumn,* 
using the great commentaries, and Yoshida lectured on the 
Hook of Changes. For six years I lectured on the Spring 
and Autumn, one hundred and fifty .seven days in all, and 
kept on with Chuhi's history until my lord's death, t 

After my lecture we usually went to another room and 
took our ease. My lord would ask me questions about 
China and Japan and especially as to the history of the 
House of Tokugawa. So, at his request, I wrote a history 
of all the daimyo of more than ten thousand kohi. I 
would first make an outhne and, as he approved, would fill 
it out, making careful inquiry of the different daimyo. I 
began to write on the eleventh of the seventh month and 
finished in the tenth month. The history was chiefly oc- 
cupied with the events of the eighty years from 1600 to 
1660. It relates how the estates of 337 daimyo were won, 
inherited, augmented or decreased. It is in twenty parts, 
one part introduction, two for conclusion and index and 
ten for the Tokugawa family. I wrote tlie preface myself 
and presented it to the Shogun, the eighteenth March, 
1702. He named it Hankanpu. 



* A history by Confucius. 

t The work is in 500 vols. 'Hie Five Hooks are llie five classical 
Scriptures of the Chinese. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 1 2 1 

At first I expounded the Book of Odes, then the Four 
Classics with the Book of Filial Piety, and parts of the 
Book of Rites. After my lord became Sho<jun I went as 
his messenger to Kydto, and when the Korean embassy 
came I met it. Excepting these times, nineteen years 
were given to learning and I lectured 1299 times before 
my lord. Others also lectured occasionally or regularly, 
especially on the Classics and thus history and the Classics 
were studied thoroughly. I have heard of no other ruler 
so fond of learning in China or Japan. 

In the end of the. autumn of 1695 my lord told me to 
make a list of the books he should read, and, with Kino- 
shita's help, I made one, naming one hundred and some 
tens of works. In the twelfth month he set two men to 
cataloguing his other books, and their list embraced two 
hundred works in Chinese and Japanese. He told several 
of us to put our own mark on any work we desired, 
but each so deferred to the others that very few were 
taken. I took only eleven books of those left by the 
others, for some of the works I Ixad and others I thought 
more useful to the other retainers. But my lord detained 
me and said, ** Here are some books I am particularly 
fond of. I send them to your son ;" and he gave me the 
Six Classics. The next New Year's day I made a special 
feast for Kinoshita, showed him the books and got him to 
write an introduction for them. 

The fifth October, 1698, my house was burnt and my lord 
sent me fifty gold ryo to help build my temporary dwelling. 
Others of his retainers lost their dwellings but I was the 
only one thus favored. But as I could rebuild with my 
own funds, and as the gift would be lost should the new 
house bum, I determined to buy something with the money 



122 Kn(yx : — Autobiography of Aral Ilakuscki, 

that could not burn. So I bought a suit of armour and a 
hehiict, and thus showed my readiness to die in his service. 
I give them, with the sword 1 afterwards received, to my 
eldest son that my descendants may know my purpose. 
Five years later, December 1703, my house again burned, 
but the armour and hehnet were saved and I have tliem yet. 

Kinoshita died the twenty-fourth December 1698 (aged 
J^i) and at his request I had charge, with another scholar, 
of his obsequies. 

Yearly, when the lectures began, we had an opening cere- 
mony, and the courses of study for the year were deter- 
mined. At the end of the ceremony I was always given 
two suits of clothes. 

lectures began on the fifteenth day of the first month 
and were continued, even on ordinary festivals days, until 
the end of the twelfth month, being interrupted only by 
very great events. 

When I became feeble my lord bade me come in the 
evening during the hot weather, and in the middle of the 
day in winter. He had a fire box set between us and an- 
other behind me when the weather was very cold. When 
it rained or snowed he always sent a servant to bid me 
stay at home. 

He wore his robes of cerembny at the lectures save in 
summer when he wore his unextended robes and a Itakafna,* 
He did not sit on the dais but on the mats, nine feet from 
me. Even in the hottest weather he did not use his fan, 
nor brush away the mosquitoes, and when he had a cold 
he carefully averted his head when he blew his nose. 
Though the lecture laiited two hours, all present sat im- 
movable throughout. 

* The skirt worn In* sainumi. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusekL 1 2 3 

Spring and autumn he took me with him to his villa, and 
gave me a special apartment with wine and tea. • Often he 
asked us to write verse. 

My lord gave me costumes at the four seasons and at 
the end of the year gifts of gold and silver ; and he began 
this before he became Shogun. When he moved to the 
Castle he sent very fine silks for my wife and children in 
the spring, and in the sunmier fine thin silks for them, with 
cakes. He often sent these last, and this became the 
custom and was continued by his successor, although it 
was done for no one else. 



THE GREAT EARTHQUAKE. 

On the thirtieth of December, 1703, when I was living in 
Yushima, Hongo, at one o'clock in the morning I was 
astonished by a violent movement of the earth. Ojiening 
my eyes I seized my sword and rushed out as the slides 
about my room and those about the house fell. Going 
to the rooms of my wife and children, I found them gone. 
There was high ground at the back of my house which 
I feared, and so we gathered at the front and lAit wooden 
slides (doors) under us lest the earth should open. 

There I left my family while I put on my robes of 
ceremony and went to my lord's, taking tliree servants 
-with me and leaving the others with my wife. We went 
on the run. I feared I should be very thirsty and had 
taken out some medicine and put it on one side while I 
dressed, but disgracefully forgot it as I ran out in my haste. 



1 24 Knox : — Autobiography of Arat Hakuseki, 

As I hurried by the east gate of Kanda Myojin there 
was anotlicr violent shock. All the merchants left their 
houses and gathered in the plaza, and I told them to put 
out the lights in their shops for fear of fire. At Megane 
bridge, I met my wife's younger brother going to our 
place, and told him to. go on and take charge there. 

Crossing the bridge I turned south, then west, then 
south again, and by the light of the moon saw a man on 
horseback in the middle of the street. It was Fujieda, 
lord of Wakasa, and he had been stopped by some water 
whose depth he did not know. Followed by my servants 
I jumped across and wet my feet but put on other sandals 
and went on. At Kanda bridge there was another terrible 
shock. The crash of houses was like the breaking of 
chopsticks, and the cries of men mingled with the noise. 
The stones of the castle wall fell on the dogpath with 
clouds of dust. We thought the bridge would fall, and 
were separated from the bank by a gap of three or four 
feet which we jumped, and ran into the gateway. The 
boards which covered the plaster on the houses shook 
like cloth and fell with a crash. 

As I came to the Tatsu-no-kuchi, I saw fire arising in 
my lord's enclosure, and as it was low down feared the 
mansion had fallen. So I was greatly troubled and my 
heart rushed ahead at such a pace that my feet seemed 
to .stand still. 

Going a quarter of a mile or .so I heard a horse, and 
looking back saw I^^ujieda. — " I am greatly troubled by the 
fire," I said, '* you are the lord of Waka.sa I take it." 
** Yes," he answered, " pardon my preceding you." At 
the Hibiya gate the guard house had fallen and I heard 
cries of the dying. A little further on was Fujieda, dis- 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 1 2 5 

mounted, stopped by a hill of tiles fallen from the guard 
house of the Sakurada gate which his horse could not 
pass. ** Please come with me/' I said, and we climbed 
over and went in. As we went in through the small gate 
we saw that the guard house had fallen and was in flames, 
and that the mansion still stood ; and we were comforted. 

The great west gate stood o\)^x\ though the guard house 
had fallen and Fujieda passed in, but I said, " I'll go 
through the small west gate as usual." Ikit the buildings 
had so fallen that 1 could not get in, and I again met 
Fujieda and took him to the kitchen entrance where we 
got through at last. The ceiling was hanging from one 
comer but I |>assed through and went to my usual place 
near my lord's. There I met the present lord of Echizen, 
Zembo Asson and asked him of my lord's safety, and told 
him 1 had ventured to come without waiting to be sum- 
moned, and we went to my lord's apartment. The roof of 
the verandah on the east, was covered by a house which 
had fallen on it, and the attendants were all in the garden 
at the south, and they told us that my lord was in the 
garden still beyond. Toda, Koidc, Inoue and others were 
in the south garden and we consulted with Igarashi who 
was in charge of the apartments and took out some ten 
mats and spreading them in the garden all sat down. 

The shaking continued and the hills by the garden 
pond fell, making the broad pond narrow. Sakae Saemon- 
no-jo Masatada was commanded to put out the conflag- 
ration ; and indeed w^ere it to continue we should all have 
to move again. 

My lord was dressed in hakaitia with an outer robe, and 
as he went to the south of his ai)artment he .saw and 
called me. I went to him, and was asked about past 



1 26 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki. 

earthquakes and then he went to his apartment. When 
day dawned he said, ** I shall go to the office." I said 
in the ear of the lord of Nagato, ** With these severe 
shocks continuing is that wise?" "No," he replied, **but 
I could not venture to stop him," and, meanwhile, he was 
gone. As I could not accompany him I went to see 
the fire. 

Many bodies had been pulled from the ruins, and as 
the wells were dry there was no water, except in the 
pond and it was forbidden to use that. 

The lord of Oki took me to breakfast to Zenbo's house. 
During the night I had eaten nothing but a trifle Dr. 
Sakamoto had given me from his sleeve, which I had 
soaked in water, and I was very hungry and ate much 
and drank some wi le. Going away, as I passed the house 
of the lord of Ichi, I was invited in and given tea. 

When I heard that my lord was returning I went to 
meet him, and went back across the gardens with him and 
his two ministers to the place where he had asked me 
about the earthquakes. He said that the crowds reminded 
him of the throngs he had seen in his youth wlien he 
went to Ueno to see the flowers. 

The fire was put out at last ; and at one o'clock my 
lord came out again and called for me and asked about 
my family. I told him I had heard nothing since the 
previous night when I had left them. Then he said, — 
** When I went to my villa at Yanaka, I was told that 
your house stands at the foot of a hill." " So it docs/' I 
replied. **This shaking may continue fur days," he said, 
and if there is another shock as severe as last night you 
need not come again. Now go home." 

As I went out 1 found some of my people. Those 



Knox : — Autobiof^raphy of Aral Hakuscki. 1 27 

who had come with me had been relieved by others, and 
had been back to my house and had come again ; and 
their report that all was well removed my anxiety. I got 
home at three o'clock in the afternoon. 

The next day when I went to my lord's, I found that 
the mansion was so aslant that a temporary building had 
been set up on the eastern ix)lo ground and that my 
lord w^s there. 

The earthquakes continued and I feared fire. The 
plaster had fallca off my storehouse and I had it moistened 
and put on again. As I expected, on the night of the 
sixth there was a fire. I put all my valuables in the 
storehouse ; but as I feared the plaster would fall off 
again with the repeated shocks we dug a big hole, and 
put my books and manuscripts in it, covered it with six 
mats and put earih on top and fled. The neighboring 
houses burned and when we returned we found one had 
fallen across our hole and was still on fire. We put it out 
and pulled away the timbers They had displaced the 
earth and one of the mats was on fire. We pulled it away 
and put it out. The store house was unharmed ; and we 
laughed at our misplaced labour. 



PROMOTION. 

On the thirty-first of December, 1704, my lord was made 
the heir apparent. I hurried with my congratulations as 
SOCHI as I heard the news. All passers were stopped at 
Tatsu-no-guchi because of the preparations for his removal 



1 28 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Ilakuscku 

to the western castle. Giving my name and business I 
was permitted to pass. 

At my lord's mansion I met a crowd of officials who 
had come to accompany him ; and I sought out Zembo 
Asson who was eating. I sent in my congratulations 
through him and said, as he finished his meal. '* Tell 
my lord that I have nothing to add to my instructions 
given in the years past. Remember them and it will be 
well with the empire. I came to say this." Afterwards 
I was told that my lord replied. — ** Surely I shall not 
forget them. Have you forgotten, Zembo?" 

Then I remained at home for twenty days or so when 
a man .said to me, ** All Lord Kofu's retainers have been 
promoted and made retainers of the Heir Apparent ex- 
cepting ycui and me. Others sent in their petitions and 
I shall send in mine. Join me." But 1 replied, ** That 
him we served so long has reached this exalted position 
is enough. I ask no other reward. In spite of my worth- 
lessness I have long been his teacher and now shall do 
nothing on my own account unless summoned. I prefer 
to ri.se or fall in accordance with the precedents and for 
the sake of the empire. Though others petition yet with 
these views I cannot. Thanks for your infonnation but 
I cannot act with you." 

After one day, on the evening of the twentieth, I was 
told that preparations were being made for the promotion 
of .several of us to the immediate presence of the Heir. 

The twenty-first, at the monkey hour (four p.m.) 
Z'jmbo came for me and I uent at once. Others also 
had been detailed for our reception, there were seven of 
us, and conducted us to the appointed place and there 
three nobles met us. Zembo and Koide gave us our in- 



Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Ilakuseki. 1 29 

struction from the ITcir and then all dej^arted, I only 
being asked to remain. I was told who were my supe- 
riors, what would be my duties and my place of atten- 
dance. Koide said to me, ** Our lord's affairs arc now the 
affairs of the empire and we alas ! are wanting in ability 
and knowledge. Do not fail to remonstrate and advise 
freely for we depend upon your great learning." This 
was when we two were alone. Alas ! Shortly after he 
died, through evil fortune. Zembo came to me after the 
others were gone, and told me the events of the past 
weeks and when my lectures should begin and their hours. 
I went home an hour later. (After this I entered my 
lord's enclosure by the middle gate, passed her grace's 
apartments and entered my lord's private rooms.) 

On the twenty-third came a letter bidding me to the 
New Year's festival. 

The next day I went to the castle and on the eleventh 
began my lectures, and continued daily as before. 

On the twenty-third of September, 1705, I was advanced 
one grade in rank. 

The next year, twenty-fifth of June, 1706, I was given 
land, timber and two hundred ryo for a new house, and 
removed to it on the second of September. On the seventh 
of the same month I was permitted to go to the castle 
by the private gate of the mapletree hill and the back 
entrance. 

When my lord's child was born, I was informed with 
the family and went with them to pay my respects. 

When my lord heard of my removal he gave me per- 
mission to use another entrance to the castle. I lived 
near the Pheasant bridge and the gate was a small one 
near by. On the last day of the month I was invited 



1 30 K7tox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki, 

to the ** No '* performance in the castle in honor of the 
infant, and 1 went in company with its uncle, the younger 
brother of its mother. (This child lived only a little 
while.) 

On the seventeenth of December, 1706, 1 was summoned 
to the castle. Tlie night before there had been an earth- 
quake, that morning there were sounds like thunder, 
ashes covered the ground like snow and a thick cloud 
in the south-west flashed like lightning. As I entered 
the castle the ashes covered the ground, and trees and 
grass were white. My l(3rd had gone to the palace of 
the Shogun and returned at the sheep hour (two p.m.). 
The heavens were black as I went to him and I lectured 
by candle light. The ashes ceased fdling in the dog 
hour, (eight p. m.) but the earth continued its shaking 
and roar. On the nineteenth again the heavens were 
darkened, tliere were thunderings and at evening ashes 
fell in abundance. We learned that day that Mt. Fuji 
was in eruption. Black ashes fell constantly until the 
eleventh of January (1708). On the twentieth it snowed 
and every one had a cold. On New Year's day it rained 
heavily. (23 Jan. 1708). 

On the first of March an edict commanded the removal 
of the ashes from the base of Mt. Fuji, in the four prov- 
inces of Musashi, Sagami, Suruga and Mikawa ; and as 
the expense was great, a tax of six ?y3 per hundred koku 
of land was laid upon each daimyo. 

On the fifteenth a new currency called " toju " was made. 
In April was a wonderful fall of white hair, some of it 
coming on my own ground. Folks fiirther reported 
many wonderful things, but I put down only what I saw. 

Toward the end of July the people who lived near my 



. i 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Ilaknscki. 1 3 1 

house were compelled to move, to make room for the 
erection of a new palace at the north of the castle. 

Near the end of September a law was issued forbidding 
the cutting of horses' hair, and all, both those led and 
those ridden, soon looked like beasts from the wilderness. 

In early November the ** toju " were issued. 

In the same month three laws for the protection of 
birds and beasts were issued, and so even men whose 
duty it was to ride walked instead and led their horses. 

Shopkeepers disliked the ** tbju " and would not take 
them, so the government conmiandcd every one to send 
in his promise to accept them at once, and while this 
work was still incomplete the year ended.* 

The Shogun was ill, and my lord held the New Year's 
reception in his stead. (loth Feb. 1709) I was ill and 
remained at home. In the afternoon of the tenth I saw 
a great hurrying to and fro and in the evening was 
astonished to learn that the Shogun was dead. (20th 
February 1709). 



* The **/(^«" were inconvenient in .sliape and worth only three 
tenths of their nominal value. The jxiople naturally did not want to use 
them and very severe jienalties were threatened. Tor the laws al>out 
beasts see supra p-3 intri». The new mansion was llie (inal extravagance 
of the fifth Shogun. 



►><— 



BOOK II. 
ADVISER TO THE SHOGUN. 



CHAPrrER I. 

Tlir: SHOGUN'S TREASURY. 

On the tcntli day of the new year I heard of the Shogun's 
death and we were all summoned, for the next day, to 
the western castle. I took a confidential communication 
for the Shogun and purposed sending it to my lord by 
Zembo but he was so occupied that I could not see him 
and I sent it in by his younger brother, Akihira. I had 
written of the three most important things that needed 
immediate reform. That evening rain fell, the first since 
the second December. 

I went daily but did not meet Zembo until the fifteenth 
when I asked as to my papers. On the 17th the " toju " 
were recalled, and again it rained all night. At this time 
the removal of the dwellings from the north of the castle 
was likewise stopped. 

On the nineteenth the Shogun asked me about the 
Gcmva-rci^ of leyasu and I went home and wrote an ex- 
position of it and before I had started the next day was 
summoned in haste. And that afternoon as I intended 
to go home the Shogun sent for me again. That day 
the decree for the protection of birds and beasts was 
rejxialed. 



* The Gt-imui-ici is a colled ion of laws or maxims for the guidance 
of ihe Tokuj^awa House, supposed to have been formed by leyasu. 



Knox : — AntohiograpJiy of Ami Ifakuscki. 1 33 

The funeral rites were on the twenty-second. They had 

en postponed because of the rain which fell from the 
7th to the 20th. * 

Many servants of the late Shogun desired to become 

riests at his death and Kippo his prime minister was 

old to select eleven. He himself wished to be of the 

umber as he had been especially favored by his master and 

ad been elevated from a low position to his present 

nk. The Shogun recognised the force of his plea but 

vould not grant the recjucst as it did not accord with 

sage and might be made a precedent. Hut Kippo was 

old that he might resign, give his honois to his son 

nd then become a priest if he so wished ; and this he 

-^id.t 

On the 1 8th Hayashi, Minister of I^ducation, was told 

"9.0 write the epitaph for the late .Shogun, as this had been 

"•he duty of Hayashi's house for generations past. So 

lie wrote it and on the 19th i)rescnlcd it with his j)roofs 

"that it accorded with the precedents. But I showed the 

Shogun that it was badly written, mistakxii and not ac- 



* The Classics teach that llic actions of statosmcn inlUicncc Heaven. 
"The evil laws of the late Shojjun brought Fuji's eniplion, carlh<iuakcs, 
^a, and drought ; but their rci)eal brouj^ht the lonj^cd for rain. The 
iimeral was postponed to permit the rc|)eal, for the Classics say, "Change 
not your father's way for three years," but by a legal fiction while the 
late Shogun was unburied he was not dead and the rcfxial was ix)ssible, 
as his act. 

t During ancient times certain servants were buried with their 
lords, but later images were substituted for the men. During the ages of 
feudal strife the custom revived, as an expres.sion of enthusiastic loyalty 
and love. I^eading samttrai desired the honour. The custom was finally 
aholished in A.D. 1664. ^^"t the ministers and confi<U'nlial officials gave uj) 
office — and, as alwvp, often entered monasteries on the death (»f tlieir lord 
— construing literally the maxim — a samurai cannot serve two masters. 



1 34 Knox : — Autobiography oj Ami llakuscki, 

cording to precedent. So I was bidden to write one and 
mine and Hayashi's were sent to the priest in Nikko 
who judged that mine was right. So it was sent to 
Hayashi and he was told to write with it as model, and 
so he did. 

On the 27th I sent in another communication to the 
Shogun : — ** leyasu was endowed with courage and wisdom 
and won the Empire. Moreover, his long line of illus- 
trious ancestors so transmitted their virtues to him that 
he was enabled to bequeath the ICmpire to his heirs. He 
had many children and while some died young four be- 
came lords of great provinces. The second Shogun had 
three sons but after the trouble of the lord of Suruga 
only the adopted son of the lord c)f Aidzu was left, be- 
sides the heir. Two sons of the third Shogun became 
daimyo. The fourth Shogun had no son but, at his 
death, adopted his brother as his heir. He had a son 
who died immediately his father became Shogun, and as 
there was no other son Lord Kofu was made heir. Thus 
twice has the line failed and twice have heirs been 
adopted since the third Shogun, surely a grievous thing 
within an hundred years of leyasu. It has not been 
without its cause. 

" Now that your Highness has become Shogun I deeply 
feel the need of a reform in the government, and for a 
renewed connection with the virtue of leyasu for Heaven 
has taken notice of the evil. However, after my teaching 
for so many years I need not dwell on this. 

But one thing ^ihould be done at once, lA:t the children 
of the Emperor no longer be forced to become monks 
and nuns but </ive his sons establishments and let 
his daughters be married. Xobunaga began the work 



Knox : — Autobioi:;rapliy of Arai Ilakuscki. 1 35 

of restoring the state of the Imperial Family, Hide- 
yoshi continued it and leyasu completed it but still the 
Prince Imjxirial only is provided with an establishment. 
The others are left as before, to save expense as other- 
wise the family mij^ht become too numerous ; and to 
avoid entanglinej alliances and a possible revolt against 
the Tokugawa rule. Neither reason is good. The Toku- 
gawa Shogun prepare estates for their children. Even 
common men do the same and it is the esjx:cial wish of 
men of rank. Why should the Kmpcror only be for- 
bidden to provide for his own ? 

** The expense will not be too great for the Empire to 
sustain, as the number of the Emjx^ror's family is or- 
dained by Heaven and cannot be exceeded. So in the 
Tokugawa line there have been two failures in an hund- 
red years." 

" Nor is there danger from alliances. When as in the 
<jenji and Hojo times there is misgovernment, though the 
lEmperor's sons be priests th.y may leave their retire- 
xncnt and head armies like Takakura-no-Miva and Dai- 
^o-no-Miya. If the government is good there is no cause 
ibr fear, and if evil there is no escape ; so let us stop this 
3)ractice and set up establishments for the sons, and marry 
the daughters to the members of the Tokugawa family." 

The Shogun listened attentively and said so great a 
proposal needed careful thought. Both suggestions were 
adopted. 

This one thing I did for the .country which gave me 
birth and whose Imi)erial favur I had received. * 

♦ Tlie Shogun in this acicd ai;ain.st ilic .idvicc of the officials. lie 
cstal)lishe<l the family of Kan-in-no niiya and from this branch of the 
ImiJerial House comes the present I'lniiKior, II.I.M. Mutsuhito. The only 
time the advice as to the dauj:;hter.s was ftillowed was in 1861. 



136 Knox : — y lutobiograpJiy of Arai Hahtseki. 

But alas ! as I liad feared in secret my lord died and 
the line was broken a<^ain, though the present Shogun, 
through leyasu's wise plan, continues the family to the 
blessing of the lunpire. 

My argument was very long and gave the Chinese and 
Japanese precedents. It is not easy reading for the un- 
learned, and I have put down here only its brief outline. 

I also urged that the Shogun's investiture be brought 
in haste from Kyoto. 

On the 14th of March (1709) I was called to the castle 
and told the following by Zembo Asson at the request of 
the Shogun : — Since the funeral as the ministers have been 
on duty in turn in the castle this has been the topic of 
their discussion viz. — Our Lord must take his proper 
place at once and occupy the palace of the Sh5gun with- 
out delay. Now the custom '.is that the palace of the late 
Shogun be destroyed and a new one built for his succes- 
sor. But the treasury is bare and we cannot build. 

Under the late Shogun, Okubo, Lord of Kaga, was 
minister of finance and he left everything to Shigehide, 
Lord of Omi, Kippo Lord of Mino, and Shigetomi Lord 
of Tsushima, Kaga did not know the condition of the 
treasury and the other officials were still more ignorant. 
Everything was in Shigehide's hands and this is his 
statement of the present situation, — 

The income is 4,000,000 koku of rice and 760,000 or 
770,000 gold ryo. 40,000 ryo were from the Nagasaki 
customs and 6,000 ryo from the Kdo sake tax .300,000 
ryo go for salaries and the remainder is for all else. But 
last year the expenditure was i ,400,000 ryo besides 
700,000 or 800,000 ryo needed for the new palace in 
Kyoto. So the deficit is v^ery large. Even were the late 



Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki, 137 

Shogun still alive we should have nothing, but now we 
need in addition money for the elaborate ceremonies on 
the forty-ninth day after the late Shogun's death, for the 
erection of the mortuary chapel, for the Shogun's new 
palace and for the ImjXirial palace in Kyoto. We have 
only 370,000 ryb in all ; of this 240,000 ryo is the balance 
of the 400,000 ryo collected Tor the removal of the ashes 
from the base of Mt. Fuji. This balance we had pur- 
posed to use in the erection of the palace to the north 
of the castle. But should it be used for prcsent needs it 
will not meet the tenth part of them. 

Kaga-no-Kami was astonished at this statement and 
found, on consultation with Shigehide that the expendi- 
tures of the late Shogun were twice his revenues and that 
the treasury was thus exhausted. So in 1695 the gold 
and silver coinages were debased and that year and tlie 
following a profit was made of 5,000,000 ryo and so the 
deficit was met. But all was used in the expenditures 
entailed by the earthquake of 1703 and the deficit re- 
appeared. So in August 1706 they again debased the 
silver and yet the deficit was not met. So last year 
Tsushima-no-Kami advised the debasing of the copper 
coins " having no other means to meet the deficit." 

As Kaga-no-Kami knew nothing of all this the other 
officials simply adopted the plans of Shigehide, Omi-no- 
Kami. The Sh5gun had known that the treasury was 
bare but had not imagined such an extremity. He can 
not find it in his heart to debase the coinage further and 
desires some other means of relief But Omi - no - Kami 
replies to him ; " Though blamed for debasing the coinage 
what other resource remained ? How else could the govern- 
inent have been carried on the past thirteen years and the 



138 Knox : — Atttobiography of Arai Hakuseki, 

suffering caused by the earthquake and other calainities 
hav^e been relieved ? Hereafter, in good years we can 
easily restore the value of the coins.*' And all the officials 
agreed with him, that calamities cannot be guarded against 
and that Omi-no-Kami's suggestion is the only one pos- 
sible. But the Shogun exclaimed, — " Though that sounds 
reasonable still had not the coinage been debased perhaps 
the calamities had not come. * And if others come there 
will be no remedy remaining and the Tokugawa house will 
end with me ! Why then should I torture the people ? 
Find some other remedy ! '* When the Shdgun said this 
those present wept bitterly and could say nothing, until 
after a little Akimoto Tajima-no-Kami said, " We thank 
you for your words '* and all withdrew. The Shogun 
tells you to consider this subject well as the discussion 
affects the whole Empire. 

As I listened to this account I thought of the funds in 
Osaka and further that last year's revenue must be still 
on hand as only the funds of the last year but one could 
be used for current needs. But on inquiry I was told that 
all was gone. In leyasu's time thirty great gold pieces f 
had been made and stored as a resource for need in time 
of war ; but I 'was told that only one or two remained. 
But still I sent this answer to the Sh5gun. — " The Book 
of Changes says, " When things are at the worst a way 
appears." And now, though the funds are gone yet the 
Empire is the Shogun's. Why should he be troubled. I 
will arrange his affairs." 



* Again the theories that natures evils arc punishments for misgov- 
ernment. 

t These were stored not in leyasu's time but in the period Manji' 
Each contained 44 fnvan 700 nie. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki. 1 39 

Before this occurred I had another matter I wished to 
lay before the Sh5gun, and so that ni^ht I wrote and on 
the morrow sent him two papers through Zembo. Their 
import is summed up in the words of Confucius in the 
analects when he undertook the government ; — " Be careful 

and so use truth : Be economical and so cherish men : 

• 

employ men with regard for the times ; " and in the Great 

Learning, ** If producers are many and consumers few : 

If users use slowly and workers work fast, there will ever 

be enough." This I have taught so thoroughly in the 

past that I need not enlarge upon it now, but if we act 

upon it the treasury will be full in a few years. To stop 

the debasing of the currency is to confer a blessing on 

the people. The ceremonies of the forty-ninth day, the 

erection of the mortuary chapel and the investiture must 

go on whether there is money or not ; but were the 

treasury full, it would not accord with filial piety to destroy 

the old palace and build a new one at once. Business 

can be carried on in the castle and let the Shogun abide 

in his present mansion. By and by when there is money a 

new one can be built. 

I do not agree with Dmi-no-Kami that we have only 
370,000 ryo, for the money spent last year was collected 
the year before and we have 760,000 ryo of last year's 
taxes still. (Omi-no-Kami had reasons of his own for 
concealing this.) So in all we have more than 1,100,000 
-ryo. Need I add, that things required at once may be 
paid for later on ? Pay what we must, postpone what we 
may, say a half, and we can tlo all. Then let a propor- 
tion of the late Shogun's debts be paid each year till all 
is paid. As of old Feng I of the Later I Ian dynasty 
said, " Let the nation not forget the attacks of the northern 



1 40 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HakusekL 

tribes," so I beg that our condition be not forgotten but 
that care be exercised ; and a great blessing will be bes- 
towed upon the Empire. 

The Shogun was greatly pleased with my counsel and 
when I went to the castle on the sixth, further debasement 
of the coinage and the destruction of the late Sh5gun*s 
palace had both been forbidden. This was the first of my 
being consulted on affairs of state. * 



SUNDRY AFFAIRS OF STATE. 

On the twelfth of March I sent in a memorial to the 
Shdgun concerning tlie pardoning of criminals. The fol- 
lowing is its import : — Of old the pardoning power was 
used for the rectification of errors or for the relea.se of 
those whose relatives needed their aid ; but now it is used 
indiscriminately, for those whose guilt is great as well as 
for those whose offence was small, for the convicted as for 
those still unconvicted. Relatives i)etition and the gov- 
ernors decide and then summon all who are pardoned to 
the temples and there set them free. But unless there is 
a petition even those who deserve pardon are kept until 
death. Besides the pardoning is in Edo only and thus 
prisoners under the daimyo and hatamoto get nothing ol 



* ** After my i)Ctilion ( )mi-no-Kaini i>crMia(lcd the Shogun to build the 
new palace, since the funds were so unex|>ectetlly large ! It cost more 
than 700,000 ryit and the mortuary chajjcl cost 200,000 r\'d, OfBcials 
great and small thought only of their own profit and merchants and 
artizans were of the same mind. The evils of the late reign were not 
thoro ighly reformed and now they l)egin again." 



Kfwx : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki, 141 

"^lie benefit. It is not a great forgiveness, but a petty fol- 
lowing of ancient precedents. It is no longer as of old 
SI blessing to the people through pity. 

The officials of the late Shdgun were intolerably severe ; 
<br a bird or beast's sake a man was put to death, all 
tihc family suffered with the criminal and no one could 
Idc in peace. Even when not imprisoned parents and 
ohildren were made beggars. Truly the people suffered ! 
How many thousands and tens of thousands thus suffered I 
cio not know. Relief can now be found only by a great 
I>ardoning throughout the Empire. * 

Precedents show however that such release of prisoners, 
in China and Japan, has been at times of revolution or of 
l>ublic rejoicing, not as now at the death of a ruler. Do 
Ave not teach criminals to desire the Shogun's death ? 
The proverb says, " One blessing cannot conquer ten 
thousand curses." 

But all should not be changed at once. On the 49tli 
X>ardon according to the usual custom and later, when you 
src invested, make a general pardoning for the whole Em- 
pire. As I Wu said, " In general pardoning is some 
Teason and great evil;" and Chu-ko Liang said, '* Let the 
government exhibit great virture and not bestow small 
£Lvors ; " and Sun Yueh said, " Pardoning is for extra- 
ordinary times : it is not the rule.*' When the Empire is 
in confusion because the government does wrong and not 



* Criminals would be convicted only after confession. Torture was used 
%o elicit confessions, but many were kept in prison a life-time unconvicted, 
t.heir cases not being decided. The pardon in j; jwwer was intended to 
»ight soch wrongs. The taking to temples and freeing there contains a 
Viint of the Buddhist merit-making by Iniying caged birds and setting them 
free in temple grounds. 



142 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki, 

because the people commit crimes, then we must pardon. 

My paper was discussed and further particulars were 
asked. On the 17th my daughter's illness, it was small 
pox, kept me at home. On the 20th the mother of the 
late Shogun died and a messenger brought the news. On 
30th the decision as to the pardons was reached. 

The Shogun examined the records of imprisonments 
during the late reign, being buried from night until morning 
with the reading, and released 956 persons. On the death 
of the mother of his predecessor he pardoned 92 others, 
and the daimyo and hatamoto released, throughout the 
Empire, 3737. When he was invested, 8th June 1709, 
he pardoned 2901, and the daimyo div^A hatamoto 1862 more. 
No such pardoning had been known since the establish- 
ment of the Tokugawa regime. * 

The daimyo did not agree at first as they thought there 
was no precedent, so I was commanded to write out the 
reasons for my proposal. And from this time the Shogun 
examined the records of the courts himself and then passed 
them on to me, when I wrote my opinion and sent it to 
him and, finally, he made the decision. This showed a 
care for the people that was unparalleled. 

At my request the Shogun forbade gambling, the ex- 
tortions of the firemen, street walking and private pros- 
titution. The sons of the members of the Loyal League 
were pardoned at this time : actors were forbidden to wear 



* " This year measles and small pox were epidemic and so many died 
that the fish flew over only a house or so in a distance of three squares. 
My second daughter and one of my sons were so ill that the doctor could 
do no more, but they got well, *by the help of Heaven* the doctor said. 
Perhaps he was right. Tlie Book of Changes says, — ' Thunder, rain, then 
clear weather.' So came a blessing to the people." 



Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki. 143 

swords and to associate with other folks : the wearing of 
silk crape, the visiting of temples in a series by women, 
and the cutting of the hair of beggars, were also prohibited.* 

On the 1st of April the decision as to the intimate officials 
of the late Shogun was announced : all hatamoto of more 
than 10,000 kohi were promoted one grade and the ranks 
were established. The women of the late Shogun were 
sent to their homes, f 

On the nth of May the new regime was formally 
instituted, and on the 13th 730 sons of hatamoto were 
summoned to the Shogun s presence and presented their 
congratulations through Zembo Asson. 

On the 28th of April I had asked that my son might 
be presented and the Shogun not only consented but pro- 
posed to give him an office usually bestowed only on the 
sons of very high officials. But I did not wish precedents 
violated in my favor and so declined this very great and 
especial honor, and my son was given the same office with 
the sons of other officials of my rank. 

On the 6th of June I was invited to attend the investiture 
with the officials nearest my lord and was loaned then 
proper robes. At the ceremony, the 8th of June, I stood 
nearest the Shogun. I was also present at the ceremonies 
of the lOth and the nth, when the ambassador of the 
Emperor from Kyoto was received and dismissed. And 
at the further ceremonials observed throughout my lord's 

* The lioyal League avenged the death of their lord by killing his foe, 
and were commanded to commit hara-kiri and their sons were punished. 
The story is well told by Milford in " Tales of Old Jaj^an." 'ITie visiting 
of the temples by women led to immorality. 

f " He was fond of women and called in any one who took his 
fancy, afterwards keeping her in charge of Kip|X) and Terusada." 



1 44 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HahisckL 

life I was given a most distinguished position near his 
person. This honor was bestowed because of my minute 
knowledge of the ceremonies. 

On the 29th of July I sent in another memorial calling 
attention to the condition of the Shogun's arms and stand- 
ards, which had been so neglected during the many years 
of peace that they were useless. The Shogun privately 
told his officials to make the needed repairs and have all 
in readiness for the festivals of the next two years ; and 
he did not inspect his armoury that year lest shame should 
be cast on the memory of his predecessor. 

On the 9th of August the Shogun's son was bom and 
called, temporarily, Serada instead of Tokugawa, accord- 
ing to custom. * And in connection with this birth I 
told the Shogun there were ten things I questioned in 
the ordinary account of his family line. The documents 
sustained me and the Shogun was much impressed with 
my accurate information. I had stumbled upon certain old 
books and letters that gave much information while 
looking up my own family line. 

On the 25th of July I was consulted about the promotion 
of Her Grace to the third rank, and the following day 
the honor was bestowed on her. f 

On the 5th August I was summoned to the castle but 
was too ill to go until the 1 3th. That day I was greatly 
honoured and was made a hatamoto with 500 koku of 



* '''Ilie year was an unlucky one, and children Iwrn in such a year 
were temix>rarily disowned, taking some oUier family name, that fate might 
be cheated." 

t The Shogun varied in rank, and each rank from 9 to i had two 
grades. Only three in all history had the higher grade of i. Yorilomo 
was only Sho-shi-i. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki, 145 

J snd in the villages Nara and Koshibata in Hiki town 
.hip, and Nohira in Saitama township, province of Musa- 
ihi. Later in connection with the Korean affair I was 
[iven 500 koku of land more and my title was Chikugo 
:m-io Kami. Finally I was made a samurai of high rank. 

I have written elsewhere of my interviews with the 
IRoman. * 

. My lord gave me permission to enter the castle at any 
^ime, day or night, by any of the eight gates, and this 
in spite of the protest of his council that such permission 
"\Aras unprecedented, the Shdgun replying, — ** He is not 
like the other officials." 

I was present at all the ceremonies, the Shogun made 
:Kme his representative at the coronation of the Emperor 
^nd entrusted the reception of the Korean embassy to 
»Tie. He took me with him on his excursions and at the 
:^easts given to the father of Her Grace. I was given the 
Xionor of drafting memorials and writing explanations on 
'^he laws, to the chagrin of Hayashi, Minister of Education, 
^ince these duties belonged to his family and office. 
I£ut he was incompetent. 

Murakami Ichi no Kami Masanoa brought a stick from 
UCyoto a foot in circumference which disclosed in its 
^rentre the characters, ten-ka (empire). I told him it was 
j>art of a persimmon tree and he asked how I knew that, 
adding that it had been found among the firewood in a 
temple, and had been sent to him when the words were 
^discovered. So I told him that old books narrate how 
^%vords written on the bark of persimmon trees when 
;^roung, grow black and gradually sink into the wood. 
' Jlhere is nothing wonderful in it. And another man 

' ™ ' - - — — - 1 — — 

* For his interview with the Abbe Sidotti see trans. 



146 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 

brought a paper with tenka taifiei (great peace to the 
Empire) written on it, and thought it the work of a spirit 
in China ! But I told him that the paper was Japanese 
though the writing was like that of a spirit ** What!" 
he exclaimed, ** have you seen a spirit's writing ? *' But 
I told him, ** No, it is merely that the writing on this 
paper resembles a man's writing much as a horse formed 
by the clouds resembles a man's drawing of the animal. 
There are references, in ancient books, to writings by 
gods and demons, but such beings can do nothing in 
these times of peace. This writing is nothing." When 
my reply was repeated to the Shdgun he remarked, 
" His discernment is wonderful ! The words were written 
by a child who had been bewitched by a fox." After- 
wards when more wonders were found growing on a 
stone in the garden nothing was said to me about it. 

My lord had been fond of the " «^ " and had taken 
part in it, but I opposed it and told him that the em- 
peror of China who was fond of such exhibitions des- 
troyed the Empire. When commanded to explain in 
what respect the " «i; " resembled those improper Chinese 
dances, I wrote out my reasons and sent to my lord fifty 
six volumes concerning the dances in China. Some argued 
that as leyasu and other Shogun took part in these plays 
so might our lord ; but I told them that Confucius said, 
** Put in history that only which is worthy of record," 
and that the Tokugawa shame should not be written 
in its history. Hideyoshi made leyasu dance that he 
might be humiliated and lemitsu only danced before leyasu 
his grandfather. After my lord became Shogun he occa- 
sionally saw the *' no'' but he never invited me. 

For the former Shogun, Hayashi had written an ac- 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 147 

count of the immediate ancestors of leyasu and it was 
loaned to my lord, and one day Zembo Asson read aloud 
its account of the murder of the father of leyasu, and of 
the killing of the assassin by the by-standers as he fled. 
And the Shogun said to me, ** It says leyasu's father 
was wounded in his leg ? If that was all and he let his 
assailant escape what will people think of him ? Hayashi 
supposes that the immediate murder was shameful and so 
substitutes this wounding. There is nothing of this 
wounding in the leg in your account. Hayashi does not 
understand the true samurai spirit." So my lord bade 
me write this history, but alas ! before it was ready he 
had died. * 



SOME JUDICIAL DECISIONS AND THE 
EMBASSY TO KYOTO. 

On the 22nd of the 6th nK)nth, Zembo Asson told me 
the following : — 

Diiring the late reign there was a quarrel between two 
temples in Nara. The decision was reached, but before the 
seals were affixed the Shogun died, and now two priests 
have come and stated their case anew, saying that the 
fatlier of her Grace knows all about it. Tokyu-in Saki 



* " Hayashi asked to resign when my lord succeeded, but I asked him 
to consider what a disgrace it would be to Hayashi should he accept the 
resignation. It is true he was Kippo's creature, and wrote the petition 
which got Kai for him and so his own promotion, and assisted in Kipix)'s 
schemes. A man with such a heart should not l>e entrusted with the 
guidance and instruction of others. The Sliogun fully ai^rced, and Hayashi*s 
resignation was not accepted." 



148 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki. 

no Kampuku, Saki-hisa had two sons, the elder became 
chief priest of the Sonke, Dai-sho-In of Ichi-jo-In, and the 
younger the general Nobutada. leyasu was a great friend 
of the father and going from Fushimi to Kyoto slept at 
his house and had much talk with him. Once when the 
elder lad was eleven leyasu said to him, " I have been 
here often and have given you nothing. What will you 
have?" And the boy replied, *' Authority and means to 
restore our parish temple." Remarkable ! said leyasu. The 
boy became a student in the temple, rose to be its head 
and restored it. When leyasu became Shogun he did 
not forget his promise but gave much land to the temple 
" for the advancement of learning." But as he added no 
requirements as to the ability of the incumbent the posi- 
tion became merely hereditary. When the son of the 
Emperor Gomidzu-no became head of this temple it was 
still farther enriched. 

During the late reign the chief priest was installed 
during a convocation on the sixth day, and the priests of 
the other temple, the Dai-jo-In, thought their chance to 
get the privilege of preaching before the Shogun, with 
authority over the order, had come, as their chief was 
brother of the wife of the then Shogun. So after much con- 
sultation the land given for the advancement of learning 
was taken from the first temple and given them, but before 
the seals were affixed the Shogun died. Now these two 
priests have come asking that the grant made by leyasu 
and left intact for generations be undisturbed. The whole 
was in the writing of the btigyo and the Shdgun sent it 
on to me with orders for my opinion. His own was 
annexed. I took all home with me and the next day 
reported as follows : — 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 149 

I have not yet gone fully into the case but I cannot 
believe this story. When leyasu was in Fushimi and 
went thence to Kyoto after making peace in Osaka, this 
eldest son, so the records show, was already twentyfive 
or twenty six years old, and when he was eleven there 
was war between Takeda of Kai and Hideyoshi, and 
leyasu had no leisure or opportunity for such a journey. 
The story is false and therefore I cannot agree with 
your judgment. The biigyo of the late Shogun had ample 
reasons for their decision. If now we reverse it the 
quarrel will not end at all, but will break out between 
Hieisan and Midera. Shokoku claims that the decision 
was made because of tlie relatives of the wife of the late 
Shdgun, but if we reverse it we shall never escape the 
imputation of having acted for the sake of the relatives 
of your wife. If you will leave it to me I shall do my 
best. I do not return the papers but at your command 
will write another decision. 

The Shogun sent for me, assented and told me to 
follow my own judgment. I finally sent in two volumes 
of manuscript on the affair and the officials of both 
temples were called and examined. The representatives 
of the Ichi-j6-In could not answer me, and the Shogun 
asked if I could not suggest a peaceful solution. But 
these men pleaded illness and so obtained leave to go 
home, and on the 25th of the ninth month the Shogun 
gave his decision and both parties retired. All is written 
in full elsewhere and I give only an abstract here. * 



* The representatives died of chagrin. It was proved that seals and 
documents had been forged. Even the defeated party acquiesced in the 
final decision. The head of the defeated l>arty was a relative of the wife 
of the Shogun. 



1 50 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki. 

Another case was still undecided when my lord became 
Shdgun. It concerned the rights of the people of Yase 
on the Eisan domain, and as the poor folk were greatly 
inconvenienced by their long stay in Edo he bade me 
decide it. The villagers had long been in the habit of 
cutting wood and grass on this land in spite of an 
ancient prohibition, but recently the prohibition had been 
strictly enforced and the people could not gain a liveli- 
hood. I sent the Shogun my opinion, but he decided that 
the previous decision could not be reversed though there 
was much to be said for the villagers. So he proposed that 
an equivalent should be given them in land elsewhere. This 
was done. I wrote the decision in Chinese and my lord 
put it into the mixed style himself, a great condescension. 

In the winter I was in Kyoto I climbed Eisan and 
returning passed through this village. While my atten- 
dants made my lunch ready I went to a house by the 
wayside and talked with the old woman in charge. 
*' My son is in Kyoto " she said and in reply to my 
questions : — ** The prohibition took away our livelihood 
but, now, through the great blessing bestowed upon us 
we feel as if we might live. We do not understand 
farming but we shall learn." 

The Shogun asked me to prepare the programme for 
the ceremonies when he should visit the Confucian temple ; 
and again, I wrote an account of the ceremonies to be 
observed in the worship of the national gods according to 
the Shinto rites. 

On the 27th of September I was appointed messenger to 
Kyoto and given 100 gold ryo for my expenses. I was 
told to start after meeting the Loo Choo ambassador in 
October, and was privately told to return in December. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki. 151 

On the 31st of October I was formally appointed repre- 
sentative of the Shogun at the coronation in Kyoto, and 
was given five gold pieces, and then, being called before 
the Shogun was given two sets of robes and one suit of 
outer garments. The same day I was given orders for 
men and horses for my journey. On the 7th of November 
five pieces of rare and costly silk were given me and on 
the 13th the Shogun sent for me, as I was to start on 
the morrow, and with his own hands gave me a medicine 
case and a wallet. 

I had purposed going after the arrival of the ambas- 
sador from Loo Choo, but he was detained by contrary 
winds and was at Otsu when I entered Kydto on the 
20th. 

I saw the coronation on the x 2th of December and soon 
after was told to delay my return until after the enthrone- 
ment, one hundred gold ryo additional being given for my 
expenses. So I wisited Csaka, Nara and Uji, and returned 
to Ky5to on the 6th of January. 

The enthronement was on New Year's day, (30th 
January 17 10) and I was favored with a near view of 
His Majesty's face. 

Hearing that the Loo Choo embassy was at Fushimi, 
on its return I went to the Satsuma mansion there, as I 
had been asked, and met the two sons of the king of 
Loo Choo. 

I left Kyoto on the 19th of February and was back in 
Edo on March 2nd. On the 14th I was summoned to tlie 
castle and was commended by the Shogun in person. 



L 



1 5 2 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 



THE KOREAN EMBASSY. 

After I had been made a samurai of rank in July of 
this year I was bidden to arrange for the reception, enter- 
tainment and farewell of the Korean embassy ; and on the 
1 8th of September was told to meet the Koreans at Kawa- 
saki and one hundred gold ryo were given for my ex- 
penses. Fourteen gold ryo more with orders for men and 
horses were added afterwards. 

At this time I was made a ftatamoto with the title 
Chikugo-no-Kami and my robes and all things necessary 
were given me at once, having been prepared at the special 
command of the Shogun. 

On December seventh I went to Kawasaki at the horse 
hour (i2 m.) and met the ambassador at evening. The 
next morning we started at daybreak and came to our 
hotel in Asakusa in the middle of the sheep hour (3 p.m.). 
I gave the necessary instructions to the people and in- 
formed the Shogun of my return. On the next day was 
the ceremony attending my assumption of my new rank. 

On December 20th was the Koreans' audience, on the 
23rd was their feast, on the 24th they gave an exhibition 
of horsemanship, on the 31st was the farewell and on Jan. 
8th they took their departure. 

I have written a full account of all this elsewhere but 
as it made much talk I set down an outline here. 

Our relations with Korea had not been satisfactory for 
an hundred years. When leyasu came into power he sent 
an embassy to Korea but as the Koreans and Chinese 
hated us because of Hideyoshi's invasion, they sent an 
embassy in return only after a year. When it arrived 



Knox : — Autobiography of Ann Hakuseki. 1 5 3 

lyeyasu was engaged in war and there was no time to 
arrange the proper ceremonies. * But a precedent was ' 
created that was followed for generations instead of the 
ancient usage, and this to the great injury of our honor. 
As Confucius teaches that ceremonies are formed in the 
course of an hundred years, the Sh5gun f decided that 
this usage must be carefully considered and reformed. He 
consulted with Hayashi, the Minister of Education, but as 
his response was not satisfactory, at first privately and 
then publicly the whole affair was entrusted to me. 

The question of title was the most serious of all. From 
the Kamakura times the Koreans had called the Emperor, 
Son of Heaven, and the Shogun, King. % I'l Hidetada's 
time however they had come to call the Sh5gun Nippon- 
kohl Taikniiy (Great lord of Japan) a title objectionable on 
two grounds, first, because taikiin is applied to officials 
in Korea and second, because it has been applied to the 
Emperor in both China and Japan. Contentions arose 
about this and it was decided to return to the title king, 
and Tsushi ma-no-Kami who conducted the negotiations 
with the Koreans was commanded to inform that govern- 
ment. This he neglected to do. 

It was also decided to stop the Korean custom of 
sending presents and letters to our officials, as the practice 
was not according to our ways nor was it desired by 
them or us. 

In March a letter came from the Korean officials setting 
forth their ideas but we did not follow it. We changed the 



* leyasu was not yet sufficiently secure in his position and so would 
not meet them. 

t It was now a hundred years after leyasu. 
J Nippon Tcnno and Nippon Koku-o. 



1 54 K710X : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki. 

following particulars ; — We substituted a meal of four 
courses for the great feasts of fifteen courses morning and 
night, and of thirteen at noon, which had been given them 
in the past. They had been entertained more elaborately 
than the Emperor himself and it was a heavy tax upon 
the daimyo whose possessions touched the route of the 
Koreans and who were obliged to furnish the feasts. Our 
proposal was to give our guests the same treatment ac- 
corded our ambassador in Korea. We added money for 
their other expenses. This change occasioned no debate, 
as the feasts were very tedious to the Koreans, and they 
preferred the money. 

We next insisted that they should cease to ride into 
their inns in their palanquin and should come forth from 
their apartments and descend to the courtyard to meet 
the messengers of the Shogun and bid farewell to them. 
This followed ancient precedent and the conduct of our 
ambassador in Korea. They refused compliance and the 
feasts appointed for Osaka could not be given. The 
Koreans urged recent precedents and the discussion was 
very great. They left. their palanquin and entered their inns 
on foot, but they wholly refused to meet the representative 
of the Shogun on the lower floor. They would not discuss 
the matter but merely said, *' We were told to follow 
precedent," so Tsushima-no-Kami's people determined to 
hold the Korean men at arms and to carry the ambassador 
below by force. Then the Koreans complied with our 
demand. 

Members of the Council of State, in the past, had met 
the ambassador at his successive lodiiinLrs with salutations 
from the Shogun, but we sent lower cjfficials instead of the 
rank of those whom the Kinci of Korea would send to 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 1 5 5 

greet the Japanese ambassador. The Koreans accepted 
this change. 

In their reception at Edo the following changes were 
made ; — Instead of the secretary, the ambassador himself 
must present his credentials to the Sh5gun at the first 
audience. The ambassador cannot be treated, as here to 
fore, as of equal rank with our Sanke (the three Tokugawa 
houses which might furnish an heir to the Shogun on the 
failure of the direct line) ; nor shall representatives of the 
Sanke wait upon the ambassador at the feast. That is 
not done for our Emperor, nor does it accord with ancient 
precedent nor with the treatment of our ambassador in 
Korea. This last occasioned a discussion that had not 
terminated when the hour for the feast came. The Shogun 
arrived but the Korean did not come. The officials would 
have yielded rather than keep the Shogun waiting, 
but I would not yield and finally the ambassador gave 
way, and the feast proceeded as the Shogun had directed. 

The ambassador objected to my use of a certain ideo- 
graph in our formal reply to their communication, because 
the ideograph occurred in the name of the seventh ancestor 
of tlieir king. They insisted that the word be mutilated. 
I refused. I told them the custom applied only in the 
relations of son and father, and of vassal and lord, and 
not at all to international intercourse. Besides, the rule 
applies only to the fifth generation, and when by mutual 
. agreement the rule is followed in international relations it 
never applies beyond the fifth generation. Why should 
they forget, too, the precept that bids men never to do 
to others what they do not desire for themselves, since in 
their letter to the Shogun they had used an ideograph 
which was part of the Shogun's father s name. They 



1 5 6 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki. 

became rude in their replies and I refused to continue the 
discussion. But they would not give up, and went to 
Tsushima-no-Kami and asked him to mutilate the word 
privately, as otherwise they could not survive their return 
and war might result. So I was again asked to agree, 
but I replied that all the other matters were trifles com- 
pared with this and that I would die first. So next they 
went to the Shogun and he decided that the ideograph 
should be mutilated, on condition that the character in the 
Korean letter should be treated likewise. So it was settled. 
In all this our countrymen opposed me mc»re than the 
Koreans themselves. * 

The officials did not consider the Shogun's commands 
but only my affairs. And for such cause men of old 
forsook the world and superior men did not delay. So, 
without waiting a day, as soon as the Koreans departed, 

* ** At Edo the Koreans were astonished at the great state of the 
Shogun and arrayed themselves in their great robes of state for the 
audience." 

As to the ideograph, the Koreans would not return to Kor6a with it 
unchanged and Ilakuseki would kill himself were it changed ; and so it 
was that the Sh^un interfered. Tsushima-no-Kami tried to bribe Ilaku- 
seki, being himself in Korean pay, but Ilakuseki cared nothing for private 
gain but purposed suicide should be fail. And so it was the Shogun 
trusted him. 

(Tlie idea in mutilating the ideograph was this. Confucius says, 
Thou shalt not lightly use thy ruler's name, and so the names of rulers 
were never written in full but were mutilated, written and pronounced in 
part. Nor might the ideographs comjwsing them be used in other words. 
Cf. the Jewish usage in the writing of God's Name, and the taboo of 
Pacific Islanders.) 

The Korean ambassador was put to death on his return homd and 
none other came afterwards. 

(It is said that Hakuseki purjx)sed to kill the ambsssador as well as 
himself.^ 



Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki. 157 

I sent in my resignation to the Shognn through Zembo 
Asson. 

Zemb5 took it without a word but soon summoned me 
in haste at the command of the Shogun. I did not know 
why I was called but went at once and the Shogun, 
with Zembo Asson as intermediary, said ;— ** I am asto- 
nished at your action. No doubt it is caused by the talk 
that goes on. Others have criticized your course from 
the beginning and I know the source of their remarks. 
International intercourse either benefits or injures both 
countries and is of great importance. As your ideas 
pleased me I entrusted all to you and you had your (5wn 
way in spite of the protests of the ambassador. At the 
last this matter of the writing unexpectedly came up, but 
even then I told Zembo Asson that I had left all to you 
and that you would make no mistake. I did not wish to 
lose all we had gained because of this one point. As 
the Buddhists say, * One form, two bodies,* and this ap- 
plies to you and me. And I added to Zembo, Chikugo 
no Kami's errors are mine and mine are his, see that you 
do not blame him but act with him in all things, and it 
will be as I wish. I have nothing more to say. I am 
sorry this has occurred, but if he resign now folks will 
think all has been wrong and everything will be undone. 
It touches not him only but me also. So include me in 
whatever you think of him and lead him to give up his 
purpose." 

I wept as he spoke of " one form and two bodies ' 
and accepted his decision without a word. 

On the 9th of January (17 10) I was again summoned to 

^ the castle, and going on the loth Zembo Asson told me 

that the Shogun bade me listen, and not decline his gift. 



158 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki. 

Then Kaga no Kami Tadamasa told me that my domains 
were increased and Zembo Asson said; — This is only a 
trifle, a remembrancer, for the Sh5gun knows you would 
not accept gifts that should accord with your merits." 
His wisdom was great. I had done nothing but I yielded 
to his desire and accepted his gift. 

We should examine all we see or hear, that we may 
know its history and reason. Such investigations were 
called "science'* by the ancients, and I have found greal 
advantage in following this rule even in seeming trifles. 
For example, when a child I read an account of house 
construction which excited my curiosity, and I pursued 
the studies especially in regard to the ancient forms oi 
gateways, and this enabled me to speak with authority 
when the new gate into the castle was built just before 
the coming of the embassy. So too, our letters in reply 
to Korean communications of late had been sent in silver 
boxes with gold rings and red silk cords, but when the 
Shogun asked if we should use such an one this time I 
recalled an ancient box of quite another pattern which I 
had seen in Kyoto and we imitated that. Again Tsu- 
shima no Kami had the entrances to the inns in Osaka 
and Kyoto hung with curtains and arranged seats in a 
certain way, but in Edo we had all si)ecially made for 
the occasion and the Emperor's representative from 
Kyoto highly praised them. And once more, when 
ordered to meet the ambassador at Kawasaki I gave 
careful thought to my dress and remembered the detaih 
of similar occasions in ancient times. So I decided thai 
ordinary robes would not do and obtained an appropriate 
costume from the Shdgun. My hat had a colored rim 
my robe was purple, its skirt was drawn together, ant 



Knox : — Autobiography of Arm Hahiscki. 1 59 

my sword had silver ornaments. I put shoes in my 
palanquin, and when the ambassador met me at the gate 
of the inn I put them on and left my palanquin. But 
only men who understand our national institutions and the 
ceremonies of the Shogun's court can discuss these things. 

I add several items to this account of the Korean em- 
bassy ;-^When I went to Kyoto early in the year as I 
passed through Ogaki, in Mino, there were notices af- 
fixed to the houses along the way, saying that an inch 
from one housefront, a foot from another and six feet 
from a third and so on, be taken off. Asking the reason 
I was told that Tsushima no Kami had commanded it 
so that the street might permit the passage of the broad 
banners of the Koreans. Asking further if this was their 
first passage along this route I was told they always 
came this way. So when in Kyoto I wrote the Shogun 
asking that the thing be stopped and he so ordered. It 
was simply a plan for extorting money. 

Now it had always been the custom for the daimyb 
to furnish horses and men for the use of the embassy 
on route, the eastern daimyb providing for the western 
section of the journey, and the western daiinyo for 
the eastern, and each daiviyo for just one day's travel. 
But this time the western daiwyo arranged for the west 
and the eastern for the east, and each daitnyo for two 
days, thus reducing the number of daiviyo called upon 
and the number of horses and men required by more 
than half. Daimyo who were too distant or two poor 
were excused altogether. * When the Shogun told me to 



* It was part of the Tokugawa j)<)licy to weaken the daimyo by 
exactions, and so this duty had l)ecn arranged so as to require the greatest 
expense and the least real service. 



1 60 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 

arrange this service he was surprised when I had the 
plans all ready the next morning. 

At the feast in Suruga the principal members of the 
embassy were, heretofore, waited upon by nobles, but 
I objected as this gave double duty to these lords who 
already were burdened by the feasts and relays of horses 
and rlien. furnished. Besides, on my journey to Kyoto I 
had noticed the particularly fine appearance of the people 
of this province, caused by the long residence there of 
leyasu. So I proposed that this duty be entrusted to the 
sons of merchants, who also would perform it better than 
rural samurai. It was so arranged. 



THE BURDENS OF THE PEOPLE. 

The 29th of July (1710) was an extraordinary event, — 
four thousand one hundred and sixteen men from eighty 
five villages on the fief of Murakami, Echigo-no-Kami, pre- 
sented charges of misgovernment. The magistrate decided 
to punish severely the petitioners, but the Shogun bade me 
look into the case. The magistrate's statement was as 
follows : — " When, last year, Matsudaira, Uky5-no-Taiyu 
Terasada, received this fief certain of the farmers asked 

In all of these negotiations with the Koreans it was Ilakuseki's pur- 
pose to force a recognition of the Shogun as the full equal of the Korean 
king, and to refuse to allow the Shogun to be treated as the Minister or 
lieutenant of the Mikado. His contention as to the mutilation of the 
ideograph in the dispatch puts that in the clearest light, especially his 
reference to the use of the character which occurred in the name of the 
Shdgun's father in the Korean dispatch.. 



Kfiox : — Autobiography of Arai Ilakuscki. 1 6 1 

"t^o be taken under the immediate government of the Sho- 
^un. When the request was refused they went home but 
the people of their villages refused to pay taxes and to 
obey the local officials. So more than fifty of the leading 
men were brought to Edo and here repeated the same 
request. Though repeatedly told that it cannot be granted 
they refuse to listen to us. Now shall we inquire further 
or shall we punish these men at once, and send officers 
to command all the rest to submit to their daimyo under 
the penalties of death, banishment and confiscation of their 
estates ? " This was the statement that was sent to me 
and with it letters written by the deputy of that province. 

On examination, however, I found that the deputy had 
only rumors without proof for the charges he made, viz. 
that all the people had bound themselves with oaths that 
if the fifty-eight men in VAo were put to death one 
hundred men more should go to Edo with a like jxitition, 
and if these should suffer then all the people would follow 
them ; that these folks look upon officials as enemies 
and liave sold and sent off in boats the grain and grass 
which they should pay as taxes ; that they are deaf to 
the remonstrances of the local officials, with many other 
things of the same sort. (It was said that the people 
purposed insurrection, with their priest as leader, but this 
charge was not in the documents.) 

I sent in my opinion the next day, and this is its out- 
line : — '* I have examined the papers. As these people 
cannot appeal to their dainiyb they must appeal to the 
Shogun. They have committed the slight offence of not 
obeying the deputy; but on mere rumour, the magistrate 
adds the serious charge of rebellion and proposes the most 
grievous punishment, a course surely not befitting the 



1 62 Knox : — Atitobiography of Aral Haknseki. 

* parents of the people.' Did they purpose rebellion they 
would not sell their grain but would buy more, and did 
they purpose rebellion without preparation it were a small 
matter. But these farmers who desire to become the im- 
mediate tenants of the Shogun do not purpose rebellion, 
but seek redress for evils that are unendurable. I will 
be the surety that their intentions are not evil. The matter 
has been left to officials who hate the people and are 
hated by them, and so the truth is not discovered. For- 
tunately this paper suggests further investigation. Let it 
be made by men good natured and merciful." 

So the men proposed by the magistrate were passed by, 
and three other men were told to make an examination. 

It proved that the petition was not caused by Echigo- 
no-Kami Murakami at all. Sixty years before Matsudaira 
Yamato no-Kami received the Murakami castle and forty 
thousand kokii of land in Mishima and Kambara townships. 

The year before last Honda Nakatsukasa Taiyu Tadanaga 
got the castle and twenty thousand koku of the land, the 
other half becoming part of the Shdgun's estate. * But a 
part of Honda's domain was from fifty to seventy miles 
from his castle, and there were two big rivers and the 
Shinano river between. The large embankments were con- 
stantly out of repair and were very costly to mend. Besides, 
in the original fief were ten establishments of officials, and 
eight were left on the moiety which remained with Honda. 
So the farmers petitioned to become tenants of the Sho- 
gun instead of the farmers who lived near the castle. 



* Tlie former Shoguii changed alx)ut the weaker daimyo at his pleasure 
taking valuable lands for his own and giving others of nominally the same 
in exchange. Naturally the daimyo made up their losses by increasing 
taxation. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Ilakuscki. 163 

But the deputy would not consent. So three men were 
chosen by the farmers to lay the matter before the 
magistrate but nothing came of it. Next they thrust a 
petition into Kawachi-no-Kami Masamine's, palanquin as 
he passed along the highway. The magistrate resented 
that and imprisoned the men. Shortly after, Murakami 
became daimyo and the magistrate released the men and 
told them : — ** With a new daimyo there is no reason for 
your petition. Go home at once." So they went home 
joyfully, supposing they had gained their cause, and all 
the farmers rejoiced. But there was no change made. As 
they did not understand this, the three representatives again 
appeared, but were put in prison with their fathers, brothers 
and sons: and there two of the party died. No judg- 
ment was given, and as the farmers did not know where 
to pay their taxes they did not pay them at all. The 
situation became unendurable. In March of this year 
(17 10) the magistrate sent for fifty-eight of the leading 
farmers. Now the commissioners decide that the farmers 
are in the right, but fear to decide in their favor lest an 
unfortunate precedent be created, and the authority of the 
magistrate be destroyed. So they command obedience at 
all costs. 

But the men declared that the families would be beg- 
gared and scattered by the local officials if no change 
were made. ** Let twenty or thirty of us go home and 
consult with the people" they went on, **and then we 
will reply.*' Most of the officials wished to refuse consent 
and the Shogun again asked my opinion. I replied, ** The 
proverb about setting a tiger free upon a plain has its 
application, but not in this case. No trouble will arise 
from this visit and if it is not made, how shall the villagers 



1 64 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Haktiseki. 

know of your sympathy? Moreover, the complaints against 
the local officials must have attention." So thirty two of 
the men went home, and in the middle of September came 
again with the local officials, who were to be examined 
by the three commisioncrs. In October came another 
report from the local deputy, saying that the farmers had 
constantly met for debate, since the return of the thirty 
two men and that their grain had bei*n garnered. Im- 
mediately twelve men came from the farmers to the Shogun 
to thank him for his kindness. There was a further ex- 
amination of both sides, and the officials had no defence. 
For example, during the previous year, in a space of eighty 
days they had taken nine hundred and fifty 7'yd from the 
farmers for the expenses of two deputies. It was without 
excuse and this was only one thing out of many. And 
the reports about selling grain were false. 

The Shogun's decision was given on the 22nd of Decem- 
ber. It left the land with Murakanu', forbade such practices 
by the local officials and redress.ed the farmer's grievances. 
On the 1 3th of February the farmers paid their taxes for 
the two previous years. 

At tlie end of the year a conflagration started near 
Shinobazu pond. A strong wind from the north west 
was blowing, and more than ten thousand houses were 
burned. There have been many such great conflagrations, 
and in some of the wards the houses liave been burned tens 
of times. Men cannot live in peace, prices rise and the evil 
spreads far. I, with some of the officials, was asked how 
such fires should be prevented. I named fifteen causes 
for them, four of Heaven's decree, two of the forces of 
the earth, four of men, and five of the want of efficient 
ne.ins for extinguishing them when started. The causes 



Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki, 1 65 

set forth by the firemen and magistrates were not sufficient 
to account completely for the fires. All recommended the 
enlargement of the wall in Shirokanecho and this was 
done. I differed from the others even as to the plans 
for this, but the Shogun died before my recommendation 
could be adopted. 

The next year I was sent to meet the Hollanders to 
inquire as to the lands to the south and west ; and I was 
with the men fourteen days. I have written a full account 
of it elsewhere. 

In another paper I called attcnion to the heavy burdens 
laid upon the people, during the late Shdgun's rule, because 
of the increase in the value of the gifts to the Shoguns 
and his officials, from the daimyo and hatamoto. The 
people greatly suffer as the result. Let us return to the 
standard established by leyasu. After his war the taxes 
were lightened, as war taxes cannot be paid in times of 
peace. But they have been increased again, beyond the 
times of war. That is monstrous, l^oth in foreign lands 
and here in Japan, rebellions have always arisen because of 
too heavy taxation, while in good times the people are 
aided, instructed, enriched and made virtuous, as the 
Classics teach; If this matter is neglected none other plan 
can be carried out. The most imperative duty now is 
the lessening of the burdens of the people. Reduce the 
retinues the daimyo are obliged to keep, the number of 
guards at the castle gate, and, in short, let a third or a 
half be taken off every requirement. Cut down the number 
of places where guards are placed by fifteen. If the 
number and value of the gifts for high officials be decreased, 
there will be far less bribery and flattery. 

My plan was adopted in part, and I was told to deter- 



1 66 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakusekt, 

mine the number of guards really needed. The retinues 
of the dainty o were reduced, but the officials prevented the 
lessening of the gifts, urging the honor to the givers and 
their reverence for the Government. But were these the 
real reasons? 

This year new rules for the great highways were made. 
They were made because of a report I sent in after my 
trip to Kyoto, together with the need for repairs in pre- 
paration for the coming of the Korean embassy. The 
officials urged the following points : — 

Many causes combine for the impoverishment of the 
posting towns on the highways, but the chief cause is 
found in the large retinues with which the daimyo and 
kn^e travel, so large that the regular supplies of men 
and horses do not suffice, and so demands for additional 
men and beasts are constantly made on the neighboring 
villages. Then too, with the new rules about the crossing 
at Arai, travellers of all degrees prefer the Nakasendd 
and it is so thronged that its supplies are too small 
while the Tokaido loses its usual patronage. So we 
propose that either the daimyo be required to furnish 
more men and beasts for the Nakasendd, so that the 
villages be less burdened, or be forbidden to travel in 
such numbers by the Nakasendo, so that the posting 
towns on both routes may be benefited. And send 
officials often to inspect the roads, and report as to their 
true condition, and make these men subordinate to the 
magistrates. * 



* The daimyo were forced to spend half their time in Edo and went 
up from their provinces with retinues iK'fitting their rank. So they kept 
horses and men at the posting stations to provide for these journeys and 
men travelling on official business received, as Ilakuscki p. 68 supra, 



Knox : — Autobiography of Ann Hakuseki, 167 

The Sliogim asked my opinion and I wrote at length 
as follows ; — I have been over the highways recently as 
your representative, and I know their condition. It is 
not true that the large retinues of the nobles burden the 
ix)sts, but they do burden the neighboring farmers. By 
the late Shogun, inspectors of posts were appointed and 
in the Shogun*s domains the assistants of the deputies 
perform this duty. When one of the Shoguu*s represen- 
tatives passes over the road, these officials conspire with 
the keepers of the posting stations, and the number o 
men and horses needed is doubled, and the whole number 
is demanded from the farmers, while the horses belonging 
to the station are let to ordinary travellers for gain. And 
when the farmers fail to bring in horses enough, the 
officials fly into a j^assion and extort money as fines. So 
they rejoice when retinues are large and grieve when 
they are small. The neighbors are imprisoned for not 
furnishing the horses needed, and become so poor that 
year by year some move away from the vicinity to escape 
such impositions, and thus the burdens of those who 
remain are still further increased. Such crowds of horses 
^d men meet officials that their servants ride and their 
^^^lies pass over their burdens to these men from the 
P^^. The first reform of all should be the removal of 
the inspectors. 

Nejct, folks travel by the Nakasendd not so much be- 
cause of the Aral crossing, (I had no trouble there al- 
though advised to take the other road to save expense) as 



'^^'5 for the number ncctlcd. The abuses complained of by the author 
^^tinued (lovi-n to the restoration of the Pjnpcror in 1867. Naturally the 
ft^ber of men and Ixiasls provided on the Nakascndo, as the less 
*nveUe(j mad, was smaller than on the Tokaido. 



L 



1 68 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Haktiseki, 

that the posting charges on the Tokaidd, were increased 
at the requests of the posting station keepers in the late 
reign. If the charges are put back to the old figures 
travel will increase again. It will not do to forbid travel 
on the Nakasendd. 

Single Imposts collected only once, like that for the 
building of Todaiji in Nara, or the removal of the ashes 
from the base of Fuji, occasion great discontent. How 
much greater will the discontent be, if these requisitions 
for men and horses are permanently increased. 

The rule is that one hundred men, and one hundred 
horses, be kept at each station on the Tokaido, and half 
the number at each station on the Nakasendo. Let of- 
ficials remember this, in their preparations and let them 
have none beyond the legal number. This will lessen 
the exactions on the farmers. 

However, if the required number is not maintained, it is a 
real danger in time of war ; but if so many cannot be 
kept let only the actual force be paid for. Some seven 
points in all were insisted on in my letter, and this year 
the inspectors were dismissed and other reforms effected. 
However, at the request of the magistrates, constables 
were sent to the posts in place of the inspectors. Their 
reports showed the number of men and beasts at fifty 
three posts to be 107,551 and 36,411 respectively, a 
reduction from the former numbers of 122,589 men and 
2823 horses. 

Companies of men waited at Osaka and Edo, seeking 
employment in the trains of daiviyo coming from a dis- 
tance. These fellows were unruly and the magistrates 
could not control them. They would demand palanquin, 
horses and coolies for themselves and after riding a short 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki, 1 69 

distance would send away the men and liorses, for a 
consideration, and they would vent their wrath unclieckcd 
on all posting men who resisted their demands. The 
remedy was plain, put the men under employers in 
Osaka and Edo and hold the employers to a strict ac- 
count for the conduct of their men. 

In the end, alas, the magistrates had their own way, 
for while the reforms were in preparation the Shogun 
died, and after that the inspectors were reappointed and the 
old abuses began again. It was like a child's house, by 
the wayside, quickly destroyed by his playmates. 

In the spring I was ill and the Shogun sent five times 
to inquire, and once, on the return of the messenger, he 
said, " The doctor says Chikugo no Kami is very ill 
and that his constitution is affected. Ten thousand ap- 
plications of the moxa have been made without curing 
him. He wishes to get out at once but his eagerness 
interferes with his recover}\ He bears the burdens of 
the Empire both the foreign and home affairs, but his 
constitution cannot be injured or he could not stand so 
many applications of the moxa." 

When well enough to go out I sent my thanks to the 
Sh5gun through Zembo Asson. I also told him what I 
had heard while ill ; — " Folks talk of the many dancing 
girls employed by the Shogun. Yet His Grace gave up 
employing them when he became Shogun, and these 
rumours doubtless arose from the feasts Her Grace gave 
in honor of her father's visit. I do not believe the 
gossip but it is my duty to speak." 

When I next visited the castle Zembo Asson told me 
that the Shogun had said ; — *' The dancing girls were 
employed when my wife visited the mother of the late 



1 70 Knox : — Autobiography of Afai Hakuseku 

Shogun, and again when the visit was returned, and once 
more when Her Grace's father visited her. I saw no 
harm in these courtesies, but since I had forbidden the 
employment of tliese women in the castle doubtless it 
was a mistake to permit these exceptions. I have 
renewed the prohibition strictly, and you may tell Chi- 
kugo no Kami." 

A little later in the year I was given a new residence 
nearer Hitotsu-bashi, in exchange for my former one. 
The Shogun also sent me one hundred gold ryoy by 
Zemb5 Asson, saying he had heard the place was badly 
out of repair. The new place was larger than the old 
one, and was said to contain eight hundred tsubo but it 
really had only six hundred. But the ShdgUn promised 
an adjoining piece of ground in addition as soon as the 
lease should expire, and after- his death I got it and 
have it now. 



THE TREASURY AGAIN. 

I wrote a paper on the management of the Treasury 
and sent it to the Shogun. I showed the connection 
between our system and that of the ancients, and went 
on to urge the appointment of censors, since finances 
affect the welfare of the people of more than sixty 
provinces and should not be left to the discretion of one 
man. The censors should have oversight of the deputies 
and of the taxes paid in the domains of the Shdgun : 
they should take charge of the transportation of the 



Kfiox : — Autobiography of Ami Ilaknscki. 171 

^^<^€ paid as taxes, of river embankments, and house 
^Construction, of roads, and posts, and of the mines in the 
different provinces. 

The Shogun followed my plan and appointed these 
officers. Revenues had decreased a fifth, not because 
the farmers paid less but because the expense of col- 
lection had increased. The cost of needed rei>airs grew 
larger year by year, for the oflFicials kept back part of 
the funds and the work was badly done. The first 
year after the appointment of the censors the revenue 
was very much increased and a large saving made in the 
repairs* account without injury to the work. The farmers 
rejoiced. We also heard nothing more of heavy losses 
in grain while being brought to Kdo. 

Another paper called attention to abuses in the ju- 
diciary, and the Shdgun ordered a strict investigation, 
but he died before the reforms were accomplished. 

In the autumn Hagiwara Omi no Kami Shigehide 

was removed from office and put under arrest. People 

did not know why he was removed but all rejoiced at 

the feet. The way of it was this : — During a period of 

six months I had sent in three papers accusing him of 

the following crimes. As every one knows in the reign 

x)f the late Shogun, Shigehide controlled the treasury to 

flie destruction of good government and the great grief 

of satnurai and people. And he wished to debase the 

silver still further when our lord came into power but 

this was stopped. 

I have already mentioned the building of the new 
palace, rumor said the extravagance was very great and 
that this magnificence excelled that of the Chinese 
l£inperor whose extravagance caused the overthrow of his 



V 



1 72 Knox : — Auiobiognxphy of Arai Hakuseki. 

dynasty. Rumor added that one room was wholly made 
of aloe wood and that this illustrated the whole. So I 
told &mbo Asson that " our lord's removal to his new 
home is not a subject for congratulations, though I do 
not believe these rumors." After awhile I was taken 
over the place and shown everything, even the private 
apartment and the room of aloe wood. This was a 
little room ten feet high and six feet square with posts 
in its recess which had been planed. The room was in 
the south garden, by the pond below the hill. "This" 
said my guide, " is the so-called room of aloe wood. 
The wood is not Japanese and was found in one of 
the government warehouses, last summer, in Asakusa. 
It has no odor, perhaps from its age. The Sh5gun 
commanded its use here." In nothing was rumor sus- 
tained so the large expenditure was the more inexpli- 
cable. But Hagiwara explained that the lumber in the 
storehouses proved worthless and so he sold it and 
bought from the merchants. He paid whatever they 
asked, an hundred ryd for a stick, saying he had no 
time to bargain and so brought the total expenditure up 
to seven hundred thousand ryd\ Owing to fires, lumber 
was dearer than ever before 2iXid hi-no-ki was said to be 
worth its weight in gold. At all events, many poor 
lumber merchants suddenly became rich and many of- 
ficials also. So they divided the wealth of the people 
between them. 

The following spring (17 10) the coinage was again 
discussed, as the officials had suffered much loss from 
coins which broke, as Shigehide said because the proper* 
tion of silver had been so much increased. He proposed 
to restore the coins to the old standard, but to decrease 



Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki, 1 73 

heir size by half, and urged that the only other way 
y which the standard could be restored was by halving 
he number of the coins. The officials all assented to 
^his, and he further proposed to gradually increase the 
"^veight until both in size and fineness the coins should 
k)c restored to tlie old standard. 

I argued that if the weight were reduced, folks would 
still distrust the coins even though the fineness be re- 
stored, for ever since the gold had been debased with 
silver and the silver with copper, prices had fluctuated 
<:onstantly and this new plan will increase the distrust. 
The standard was gold 8. 5. 6 and silver i. 4. 2 but by 
^he change the gold was reduced to 5. 6. 4 and the silver 
increased to 4. 3. i. Shigehide was so distrusted that 
one chief censor and two ordinary censors were appointed 
^0 watch him as the re-coinage went on. But I soon 
Jieard that the new coins were worse than the old, and 
ivas astonished, as I knew the Shogun had forbidden the 
iurther debasement even in the financial straits at tlie 
T)eginning of his reign. So I mentioned the rumor to him 
T)Ut Shigehide declared that the coins conformed to 
standard and then I left the decision to the Shogun's own 
judgment. 

When I was in Kyoto tlic regent asked me why Shige- 
hide was given new honors and I replied " Because he 
works day and night. Too great promotion is good for 
no one, but if he reforms his ways because of these 
favors it will be a blessing to the country and to him- 
self.** He was everywhere praised because he had pro- 
vided for all needs at the beginning of this reign in spite 
of the financial distress. He covered his evil deeds and 
tlisplayed his good ones. For example, when the new 



1 74 Kiiox : — Autobiography of Aral Haknseki, 

buildings were to be put up at the north of the castle, 
no one could get timber but when he was put in charge 
he got it at once, to everyone's astonishment. But he 
liad sole charge of the treasury, for he dismissed the 
censors and so all the merchants were at his bidding. 
Their profits were great and how much he made no 
one knows. From the re-coining of the silver only he 
made at least two hundred and sixty thousand ryo and 
pictures and curios innumerable, besides sixty thousand 
ryo that one of his servants got. This we discovered 
from the books of one of the silver workers who was 
punished for his crimes. Sliigehide had been in office 
thirty years, and had gradually risen in rank until his 
allowance was 3700 koku. It was cut down to ^QO 
kohl as a part of his punishment. 

In providing horses and men for the Korean embassy, 
his proposals were so injurious that I took the matter to 
the Shogun, who directed the dainty o to follow the an- 
cient precedents. 

Everything was bought and built by public tenders and 
these were opened in the presence of the merchants and 
officials, the lowest offer to be accepted and payment to 
be made on the completion of the work. But there were 
gifts to the officials when the tenders were sent in, and 
thankofferings when the work was done. Those who 
gave nothing got nothing however low their bids. No 
official failed to get rich, and the treasury was exhausted 
when the former Shdgun died. Things worth an hundred 
ryo cost ten thousand ryo. Shigehide had charge of all 
purchases for the Korean embassy. 

Soon after the re-issue of the coins prices rose and 
varied constantly. Folks said it was because of the heavy 



Knox : — Aiitobiof^niphy of Aral Ilakuscki. 175 

c^X[X!nses in the beginning of the reign, and consequent 

^on the coming of the embassy. I argued in a pajx^ that 

^ sent in to the Shogun to this effect, The ancients 

said, ** In three years examine your course of action " 

lut in these three years past no investigation has been 

made. But the Shogun replied ; — *' Men of honesty lack 

ability and men of ability lack honesty. Very seldom 

is there a really competent man and we have no one 

able to take charge of the finances. Shigehide's misdeeds 

are known but there is no one else." But to this I 

replied and urged the appointment of examiners, and 

denied that Shigehide had either honesty or ability. The 

examiners were appointed. 

A dispute had arisen between some tenants of the Sho- 
gun and the tenants of a daimyd. Shigehide decided fur 
the Shogun's tenants, and the other judges were silent. 
So no decision was reached and I sent in another paper 
asking an opportunity to argue his incompetence in public 
and making ten charges against him. Zembo Asson told 
me that the Shogun was astonished at the fierceness of 
my attack and shortly after dismissed him fiom office. It 
was quite useless for any one to bring any acusations 
against any of the Shogun's people before Shigehide. For 
example, — he let a dispute as to boundaries be decided in 
favor of the Shogun s tenants, through the evidence of 
stones and posts cunningly hidden in the ground : when a 
ship was wrecked on the Shogun's domain and broken up 
and looted by his farmers, the latter were acquitted and 
the sailors punished ; and when some of his farmers in- 
sulted some samurai and the latter cut down some of the 
fanners the samurai were punished ! 

Only forty days before Shigehide was removed from 



1 76 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 

office, he again debased the coinage, alleging a secret 01 
of the Shdgun. The Shdgun had said to him just bef< 
" I am told there is much suffering because of the coin 
issued two years ago " but Shigehide sent in a wril 
denial which the Shogun believed. However, as 
reports continued, he sharply asked the reason for s 
rumors of distress and hatred and then Shigehide said 
** When you became Shogun there were no funds ; 
although you told me not to touch the money, still 
there was no other way I debased it privately. I kr 
my crime and confess it openly." The Shogun ' 
amazed and took the matter into consideration. Where 
Shigehide took this silence for consent and began to deb 
the coins again, with this conversation with the Shoj 
as his warrant. 

Shigehide died soon after his removal from office, 
the evil he had done continued, the military preparati< 
were stopped, the coins would not circulate and gove 
ment and people were alike troubled. I have not he; 
of another wretch like Shigehide since the beginning 
the Empire. In these thirty years no one in all 
sixty provinces was ignorant of his misdeeds, and yet 
one of the great retainers of two Shogun informed th< 
for the sake of Shogun and country. I only with mov 
arm and pen ceased not to write accusations and 
third succeeded. No Shogun for many years deser 
such praise as my lord. He died the next month so t 
he would have been blamed had he longer delayed 
great escape ! As of old Yu aided Shun* so to my o 

♦ Tlie fabulous sage king of China Yu being first the efficient mini 
of Shun. It is said Arai purposed to insult Shigehide and then, in 
quhrrel, kill him, himself committing hara-kiri of course and that 
coming to the ears of the Shogun led to the dismissal. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakitseki, i jj 

family may Zembd Asson and I be said without error to 
have contributed a twentieth to the success of his rcie^n. 
This shows too how intimate was my relation to the 
Shogun. 



THE SHOGUN'S DEATH. 

All the year the Shogun was ill and the coohiess of 
autumn brought no benefit, nor did any medicine help 
him, to our great anxiety. On the 26th October (17 12) 
I was summoned and given, as a parting present the 
history of the twenty three dynasties (of China). 

Two days later I was again summoned and Zemb5 
Asson gave me this message from the Shogun : — ** That 
which has a beginning has an end and we must consider 
what comes after ; and especially I in my illness. Folks 
hate death and will not think of it, and so when it comes 
their thoughts are in confusion. In my illness are now 
and then intervals for thought, and I have considered two 
plans which I submit to you, for decision. That is why 
I send for you. 

Without desire of my own I became the heir to the 
Empire of leyasu, and now leave a son. But I do not 
look upon the Empire as my pro^x^rty and I know that 
troubles ever arise when the ruler is a child. To guard 
this leyasu established the Three Houses. Now what 
shall I do? Shall I send for the Lord of Owari, make 
him my heir and let him decide as to my son should he 
become a man? Or as one of my sons has survived 
fortunately, shall I let him be heir and put the Lord of 



1 78 Knox : — Aiitobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 

Owari in the Western Mansion to help my son and to 
succeed him should he die while still young ? *' 

This was my answer ; — " I agree with neither pro- 
posal, though they are most generous, since even the 
humblest seek the advancement of their children. But 
your proposals are not for the good of the Empire. We 
need not search ancient history, for even in the days of 
leyasu men were undecided as to their course of action 
until one of his sons died, and the same difficulty arose 
in the time of the second Shogun. Surely there should 
be no trouble between father and son, or between brothers, 
but as the proverb says '* trouble comes from below " and 
officials create difficulties and tell lies, making bad feel- 
ing, until men have killed their younger brothers by the 
same mother. So was it in the days of leyasu and it 
will be worse now. If your plan is adopted there will 
be parties formed with confusion in consequence. In the 
days of Ieyasu*s ancestors were many youthful heirs and 
among them leyasu himself. I need not state the reason 
why it was so. But now there are the Three Houses 
and the other great vassals and there need be no anxiety 
though your heir is so young." * 

Again the Shdgun replied ; — " All say my son is like 
a bubble on the stream. If he die in a few years I 
shall be thought a man without foresight. What of 
this ? Consider ! " 

And I replied, — '* The three Houses were established 
by leyasu for such an emergency ; " and with this my lord 



* Doubtless the many historical instances of the murder of rulers and 
of their sons that darken the pages of Ja|)anese history were m the mind 
of Arai. To make a child the ruler that the official might rule through 
him was not uncommon. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral IlakiisckL 1 79 

>vas content, saying " Should I recover count this as 
X>leasant talk." As this was repeated to me I wept 
T)itterly and said " This is the end of my labor for him, 
with my poor strength and little wisdom." I told Zcmbo 
Asson to tell him this also, and thought he would sum- 
mon me again, but no response came and I could add no 
more. 

After Shigehide's rcnioval the new coinage was stopixid, 
and I was told to consult with the officials and to pre- 
pare plans. On the eighth November .the Shdgun told 
the officials to publish it on the tenth. That night he 
was very ill and there was rushing to and fro. I too 
went to the castle where Aoyama Bizen-no-Kami awaited 
me, saying, — " I am greatly distressed about the succes- 
sion but your coming relieves me." And when I told 
him it had long been arranged, he added, **Then I am 
content." He thought only of this and there was none 
other like him — ^a worthy descendant of worthy ancestors. 
On the thirteenth the Shogun died. At noon he 
summoned Her Grace and the others, and the mother 
of his child and said, " I am much better and shall soon 
be around and see you all." Next he summoned the 
Council of State and explained his plans for the future ; 
and then he called the lower officials and thanked them. 
Finally, through Akihira Asson (Zembo's brother) he 
sent for me. Zembo was by his pillow and Masanao 
was behind the Shogun. He said nothing but opened 
his eyes and looked at me. This was the end of our 
daily meetings during twenty four years. 

Afterwards he said to Zembo Asson '* I have no more 
to say. Have you anything to ask ? " '* No " said Zembo, 
iiothing remains." The Shogun said, "Raise me up!" 



%€ 



1 80 Knox : -^Autobiography of Arai Hakiiscki. 

''What! When you are so ill!" they cried. "With 
nothing more to say or think it is time to rest" he 
said. Even now his servants weep as they think of 
that time. 

The Shogun had well considered the future and told her 
Grace, but at his death he told the officials that he had 
entrusted everything to Echizen-no-Kami Zcmbo Asson 
and that they should ask of him. 

When one of the servants wept before the Shogun he 
said, '* Weep not ! It is the common lot." In the intervals 
of his final illness he spoke only of public affairs and 
especially of the coming hundredth anniversary of the 
death of leyasu. I have never heard of an equally splendid 
death of a Shogun. 

From the beginning of my lord's reign the supply of 
copper had been insufficient for the trade with the Hol- 
landers in Nagasaki and the magistrates asked for in- 
structions. The Shogun referred their question to me. 

Since leyasu, more than half of our gold and silver has 
gone abroad (the government's books show that one fourth 
of the gold and three fourths of the silver, and much has 
disappeared unrecorded) and anyone can see that all will 
have gone in another century. Though the metals are 
constantly dug up, yet are they like the bones in a man's 
body, they do not grow again, and so differ from the grains 
which are like the hair. Great is the difference in land 
and season as to grain production; still fewer are metal 
bearing fields, and good seasons for mining come very 
seldom. We have never been helped by foreign lands and 
need only their medicines. How unwise then to barter our 
treasures for their useless articles ! If their ships do not 
come still we shall suffer nothing, but if we must trade 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral llakuscki. 1 8 1 

let ,us heed the Classics and conform our expenditures 
to our income. We must jjovcrn our trade with Loo 
Choo, China, Korea and the lands of the west and south. 
The increase of prices would be a less evil than the loss 
of our treasures. 

I argued all this at length, and the Shogun bade me 
prepare tables exhibiting the results of this trade in years 
past, and he sent them to the Nagasaki magistrates to be 
filled out as the decision should be based on facts. 

The magistrates reported that the copiKT had not sufficed 
for two years past, and that some folks suffered while 
others carried on an illicit trade and sent gold and silver 
abroad. The Shogun said, " This commerce hurts both 
the present and the future. ICven the medicinal plants 
used to be grown at home. Once tobacco and cotton were 
unknown but now they are grown everywhere. Ixt us 
import other seeds and plant them in carefully selected 
soil. In the past our articles were sought from foreign 
countries: let us be content and make them again for 
ourselves. " So at his decree, the Kyoto officials ordered 
the goods for him of which he had spoken, but they came 
when he was ill and I grieved when Zembd Asson showed 
them to me and said, — " I am reminded of the bringing 
of the orange seeds.'* * 

This year there was a strife, concerning the color of 
the robes worn by the son of the emperor, when he visited 
Edo and Nikko as representative of the temples in Nara. 
He wore a red robe but there was a protest against 
it, which declarsd that abbots should dress in white and 
wear red only when their learning is complete and great. 

* The emperor Suinin sent to ("hina for orange seeds l>ut died as 
they were brought to him. 



1 82 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HakusekL 

But the other party contended for an exception to the 
rule in the case of the Emperor's son. The question came 
for decision after the Shogun's death. He had always 
followed my advice but now all is ended as in a dream. 

The Shogun died at sundown on the thirteenth of 
November (17 12). Next day the officials assembled and 
all wept as his parting message was read. * 

On the nineteenth the body was taken to Zojoji and I 
went with it. That day flowers fell from heaven and folks 
caught them in dishes. They were like gold col6red thistk 
flowers and crumbled in a few days to nothing, f 

On the 30th November was the funeral, at evening. The 
dress was not prescribed but each wore an oak leaf and 
the sword scabbards were black. Greatly mourning I was 
of the company. Others said they saw a great star 
encircling the moon, but I saw it not. As we went from 
the temple to the tomb, something like hail seemed to fall 



* Tlic last message of tnc Shogun, — " In my incapacity I have sought 
to rule by the help of the virtue of lyeyasu, whose inheritance I received, 
I need not say how greatly I have failed, in my brief time. 

Every one knows how, from ancient times, evils afflict the natior 
when rulers are children and officials quarrel over rank, form parties, will 
not agree but distrust each other. On the other hand even the barbarian; 
cross the tempestuous seas in safety when they join strength in workinf] 
the boat. Si ill more should all unite now, born now after an hundred 
years of peace, grown up together and all by the blessing of leyasu. 

In return for that blessing let all think of the i>eople and realm aiu' 
forbid the evils that came to ancient empires through youthful rulers 
Only by such united action can dangers to the Tokugawa House and to tht 
people l)c escaped. Let all, high and low, small and great look well t< 
this." Shotoku 2nd year, loth Month 9th day, (1712 November 7 
Sealed with a black seal. 

t The priests of this tcmi)le in Edo were very fond of marvels anc 
famous for their inventive powers. 



Kfiox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki, \ 83 

ever>'where but es[">ecially on the roofs of the temporary 
structures. It was a shower of round balls that shone 
like light, and for two or three days folks picked them up 
in the roads. There seem to have been such things — 
though one scarcely believes such tales from others. 

During the fifty days of mourning the very voices of 
the children were hushed. I have beared of a land mourn- 
ing as for a parent, it was a true blessing to see it. 

On the 19th of November the officials were asked their 
opinions of the decree as to the coinage which had been 
given to the Council of State on the 7th. I have been 
charged with getting up the decree after the Shogun's 
death but as the Elders had been told to issue it on the 
9th they -know that the charge is false. 

Three of the witnesses are still alive as I write. A 
placard was posted on my gate saying. — " The Place for 
Making Decrees about Gold and Silver ! " Such placards 
had been posted in the beginning of my lord's reign and 
in other periods but this one was the worst of all. The 
Council of State had desired to forbid them but the Shogun 
said, — '* No ! They may contain some truth and I shall 
not stop all expression of opinion.*' And he ordered the 
officials to show them to him. 

The Shogun had also passed judgement as to the boat 
from Funatsu village in the province of Kii which had 
been wrecked near Shinagawa Totomi province. The boat 
had run on the sands and the people had broken it up 
and stolen its cargo. One of its sailors cut down a man 
with his sword. The magistrate decided that though the 
people stole the cargo they were too many to be punished. 
The sailors on the other hand falsely accused the people 
of the theft of their cashbox and should be beheaded. 



1 84 K710X : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki. 

When my opinion was asked I wrote, — Though the folk; 
number ten thousand they should be punished if they tool 
the goods. The law of Kan-ei 13th, 8th month 2nd day 
(Sept. I 1636) provides that when the crew of a wreckec 
vessel conspire with the landsmen to steal the cargo al 
shall be put to death, and every house in the neighborhooc 
shall be assessed two pence and a half. This just meet; 
the case and it will not do to refuse to enforce it becaus< 
the offenders are many. By this law let the leaders b( 
fined that compensation may be made to the owners 
Moreover, is it not probable that the sailors charged th< 
theft of their cashbox in order to stimulate the zeal of th< 
officers, knowing they would not seek earnestly for stoler 
clothing and such like things? They acted frcJm some 
such motive and do not deserve punishment. Besides, \\ 
such an accusation a greater crime than theft? Hov 
happens it the less crime is punished and the greate 
forgiven ? " 

The Sh5gun decided in accordance with my opinion anc 
bade me write the judgment. It was announced aftci 
his death. 



BOOK III. 

THE REIGN OP THE INFANT 

SHOGUN. 



THE MOURNING FOR THE SHDGUN. 

During these many years my lord's kindness to mc 
had been wonderful, although I had uttered all that was 
in my heart. He had given great heed to all I said. 
But after his death no one listened when I spoke and so 
I wrote above, '* This is the end of my labor." His 
wise plans for the Empire were incomplete when he died 
but, as I know, he trusted me to carry them out after 
his decease. 

Beyond these plans I had no further connection with 
the affairs of state as the young Shogun had many help- 
ers. In the spring the Shogun had told me wath some 
others, to reform the court journal, but now as there was 
no one to decide between us I left this also to the others. 

While thus unemployed in the nth month (December 
— January) it was decreed that ambassadors should be 
sent at once to the shrines at Nikko and Ise since the 
Shogun was too young to observe the customar}'- mour-r 
ning. I was astonished, and on inquiry Zemb5 Asson 
told me that the Minibtcr of Education had stated that 
children not yet seven years old, do not observe the 



1 86 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hahiseki, 

mourning ceremonies for parents. As I said before, the 
affairs of state were not my business but I could not let 
pass this one thing and told Zembo Asson/' Though the 
Book of Rites states that children under seven do not 
observe the ceremonies, it nowhere says they do not 
mourn their parents. Still less does it bid the heir of the 
ruler of the Empire as he becomes the lord of the whole 
people, follow the rules for ordinary children." 

Zembo Asson repeated this to Hayashi Minister of 
Education and he replied, " The decree accords with 
the unchangeable rules of the Mourning Rites of Gen-roku 
(the period 1688- 1704), as determined by the Shogun. 
Who now disputes it?" The Council of State sided with 
him and 2^mbo Asson said to me, — " You cannot move 
the officials after such an answer." But I told him that 
the consequences would be great and that I should write 
out my argument though I had no responsibility, and no 
influence. 

This is the substance of my paper ; — ^The mourning 
ceremonies established by the Sages strengthen the rela- 
tionships of parent and child, lord and retainer. Even 
in China, from age to age, changes have been made, and 
still greater ones in our land but all, even the omissions, 
are in obedience to the ancient forms. So was it with 
the changes made in Gen-rokii. The late Shdgun at the 
beginning of his reign investigated this subject, and I 
wrote out the results in a book and made illustrations 
but he died before the reforms were complete. 

The Gen-roku rules say that a child of seven neither 
mourns nor is mourned for. This is said to conform to 
ancient Japanese precedent, and no ceremonies are laid 
down. Still it is not said the child does not mourn for 



Knox : — Autobiography of . Irai Ilaknscki. 1 87 

its -parents, and in the ancient ceremonies it did mourn. 

Why then do the Gcn-roku rules say that children neither 

mourn nor are mourned for, so that there is no mourning 

for our lord ? And why do they omit the ancient law 

that rulers be mourned Tor one year, so that his retainers 

do not mourn? But we need not discuss the reforming 

of the Gen-roku rules, but may argue on other principles. 

The young Shdgun only, survives of all the sons of his 

father and if he does net mourn because of his youth 

and if the retainers do not mourn, what shall be the 

symbol of the great grief of the Empire ? Our books 

speak of a mourning heart that may dispense with a 

mourning garb, and if the young Shogun and the officials 

follow this, though they wear no mourning costume 

and follow the Gen-roku rules, they will not propose 

festivities like these missions to Nikko and Ise. So will 

the Way of Piety and Loyalty and Filial feelings be 

strengthened throughout the Empire, even though the 

Gen-roku rules are obeyed. 

Some may doubt if this heart mourning does not 
violate those rules, but the question touches only the one 
point of the mourning of a child. But government is 
for the establishment of morality; and loyalty and filial 
piety are its foundations. Which shall we choose, — a 
doubt as to the mourning of a child, or the destruction 
of the basis of the Empire, and of the morals of the 
people ? 

In China in Ying Tsung's reign of the Sung dynasty 
(A. D. 1064-1068) and again in the reign of She Tsung 
of the Ming dynasty were similar incidents, and when the 
emperors became adults they punished the ministers of 
their youth. Though the Shogun has no opinions now. 




1 88 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakiiseku 

the time must be anticipated when he will be grown up 
and will reflect upon the past. 

Zembo Asson put my paper in his sleeve and sought 
the opinions of the officials ; but what they first hear 
is their lord, and so they would not take my advice. 

Then he took it to the august grandmother, and to the 
august mother, and showed it to them and they thought 
this omission of mourning something which should cause 
a fear of Heaven, as it violated Heaven's laws and they 
further feared the anger of the Shdgun when he should 
grow up, and learn of this want of piety. So the ladies 
desired the ** heart mourning " and it was decreed. The 
officials could not argue further and the festivities were 
postponed until the twelfth month. 

Hayashi was very angry and argued before the Council 
of State, that the obligations are mutual, and that as 
parents do not mourn for young children, the children do 
not mourn for parents, citing precedents from the ancient 
books. This was on the 27th of December (171 2) and 
Zembo Asson showed me the argument. I said in 
reply, " As my suggestion has been adopted I need 
not answer, but my ideas are certainly in accord with 
the precepts of the Sages and with good morals. Haya- 
shi's argument contradicts not me only but them also. 
Proud of his temporary position ho seeks to instruct the 
people, and will prove a guide to disobedience and dis- 
loyalty to all who follow him. A lasting sorrow! We 
destroy his errors by the teaching of the books of 
ceremonies." Then I quoted the books, showing that 
children do mourn, and I called on him to show clear proof 
to the contrary and to append his proof to my essay. 
I further set forth two arguments from our funeral rites. 



Kfiox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusckL 1 89 

When Zenib5 Asson showed this to Hayashi he re- 
pelled ; — *' As in tlie most ancient books I see no instance 
of such mourning, I hold as at first. Ikyond this there 
is no proof. I cannot say that the Book of Rites forbids 
the mourning ; but the commentary on the Ge7iji Mono- 
^atari shows that it was not the Japanese custom for 
children to mourn. If he quotes the Book of Rites then 
the mourning should be for three years." 

To this I replied ; — ** My use of the Book of Rites, 
was because he declared my contention to be opposed 
to the teaching of the Sages. He takes that back, and 
thus my position is shown to be correct to all future 
ages. As to the rest, what shall I say of a Minister of 
Kducation quoting a commentary on the Gmji Mono- 
g'atari, in order to show that the teaching of the Sages 
on the most important subjects need not be obeyed in 
Japan ? ** 

I took the paper and went home. To pass all this on 
will be of service, for it not only confirms good morals 
but establishes the system of Confucius for all time in our 
Empire. The whole debate is given in my manuscript 
and in Kyuso's book. 

Hayaslii's own pupils told of his cmbarassment when 
-2^emb5 Asson pressed him with my questions! Such a 
teacher naturally has such pupils and the decay of learn- 
ir^g in Japan is likewise explained. 

Hay<ishi also urged that the ideograph ** sho " should 
i'lotbe used in "year-names" and quoted Chinese authors 
support of his position. Zcmbo Asson asked my 
pinion, and though my ideas could no longer prevail 
ill I hesitated to refuse to reply and said ; — '* The men 
the Ming dynasty (in China) in more books than 




1 90 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki. 

those quoted, argued that the ideograph is of evil in- 
fluence and should not be employed. But superior men 
do not agree to this at all. 

The Empire's prosperity, man s long life or few days, 
come either from Heaven's decree or from man s deeds. 
Happiness and sorrow do not come from the use of par- 
ticular words in the "year-names." The men who lost 
the Empire (in China) in times when " sho " was used, 
lost it by their wickedness and not by their use of this 
name. So has it been with the great calamities, they were 
because of the emperors and not because of this word. 
Lay to heart Mencius's saying, — " Do not blame the age 
for your crime." 

It is unnecessary to argue at length and one illustration 
will suffice; — With his advancing age man does not lose 
identity, though he is called successively, infant,, youth, 
middle aged ; nor yet with the different names given him, 
at three months and at twenty years nor with the several 
appellations used by his various relatives. So is it with 
hours, days, months and years — ^the hours become days as 
they are joined together and the days become months and 
the months years. These names indicate the same time. 
So if ** sho " must not be used for years neither must it 
be used for months. * But from the time of the Sages 
" sho '* has been the name of the first month, and so Con- 
fucius writes in " The Spring and Autumn." ** The " sho ** 



* The peoples of the Far-east reckon time by periods of varying 
length, designated by " year-names." These " year-names " were given by 
the emperors and this was one of the most distinctive marks of their 
sovereignty. 

The ideograph " sho " means " holy " and brings misfortune if used by 
unholy men. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 1 9 1 

month is the beginning of the year." If then it is un- 
lucky every year should have been unlucky from his day 
to ours. And if anyone think this argument trifling I 
still want to hear why " sho " is lucky in months and 
unlucky in years. " The reforms wrought by superior man 
constitute the " Way '* of the Empire for generations, his 
deeds are its laws and his words its precedents ; " and 
"he who knows not the decrees of Heaven is not superior 
man," so it is not a superior men who thinks of " sho " 
as unlucky. 

In sixteen *' year-names '* has the word been used here 
in Japan ; and by no means have all been unlucky and if 
some of the periods so named have been calamitous, so 
may it be argued of all the ideographs used from the 
beginning, since in both China and Japan the "year-names" 
have been changed chiefly because of signs in heaven, and 
because of calamities on earth, floods, droughts, or epi- 
demics. If the names bring evil let us return to the ancient 
custom and use none, but even then there were evils as 
to-day. Further, I have met with men from Holland, 
Italy, and other lands, and though " year-names " are 
used only in two or three places and the rest reckon 
so many thousands, hundreds and tens of years since the 
beginning of heaven and earth, yet few countries in Europe 
during the past twenty-four years have escaped confusion 
caused by struggles about the succession to dead princes. 
This winter and last many were killed in war. For 
'^vhat was that the punishment? Even with no " year- 
'^^me " destruction is not escajx^d easily when man loses 
"xtue. 

In China and Japan the same words have been used in 
i fferent periods, which have proved the happiest and the 



1 92 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki, 

most calamitous in our annals and instances innumerable 
prove that '* names " and misfortunes have no connection. 

This change of the ** year-name" is the only edict that 
is promulgated by our Emperor, as even the Chinese 
know, and its cause has ever been calamities, portents and 
changes in the calendar. It has never been done because 
of the misfortunes of a Shogun. Doubtless there have 
been coincidences, and the superficial student may suppose 
the change was made because a Sh5gun had died, but 
there was always another reason for the change ; and with- 
out such reason no change has ever been made in the 
year when a Shogun has died. 

If now the " year-name " is changed because of the 
death of the Shogun what suspicions will be aroused in 
Ky5to ; and even if other reasons are assigned, still the 
Shdgun's councillors will suffer from the criticism of men 
who are truly learned and wise. Take great care not to 
make a mistake." 

But in spite of Zcmbo Asson*s efforts my opinion was 
not adopted. * 



A VERY DIFFICULT CASE. 

In my lord's time, one day (28th September 171 1) after 
the lecture he sent me a very difficult case. 

A merchant of Matsushiro, Shinano, came to Edo with 
his wife who was from Komabayashi village, Kawanoe 



* Hayashi obtained the aid of the ladies of the Shogun's court by an 
4ippeal to their superstitions. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki, 1 93 

township, Musashi province. On the 29th August the 
woman's brother took her out to Kawagoe, and on the 
2nd September told her to remain a while at her. father's 
as her husband had gone back to Matsushiro, but would 
return on the 19th at latest. But on the 19th he had 
not come and she was told of a man drowned in the 
neighboring river. Full of fear she went to see, but the 
man was floating face downwards. Her father and brother 
would not help her turn the body but said, *' It cannot 
be he." But she could not restrain herself and the next 
day had the body turned by the headman of the village 
and — it was her husband. This was on the land of Tajima- 
no-Kami, Takatomi. 

The officers examined her father, brother and others 
and as the answers were not satisfactory, searched the house 
and found the eiiects of the dead man. So there was no 
escape and the father and brother confessed the murder 
and to putting the body in the water. There was no 
question as to their guilt, but Tajima-no-Kami Takatomi 
widied to know if the woman were not " an informer 
against her father." 

My answer was, *' Consider it well. It concerns the 
three relations, not husband and wife, and parent and child 
only, but lord and retainer also. It cannot be settled by 
ordinary precedents." But the Shogun asked for pre- 
cedents and Kyuso and I examined the books thoroughly 
and in the morning he wrote me agreeing with my opinion 
and saying '• The Introduction to the Zansai of the Girei 
Scfukuden is conclusive." It was indeed fortunate that the 
proof was so clear. 

On the 4th of October, after the lecture, the Shogun 
•showed me the opinion which the magistrates had sent in 



194 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakmeku 

quoting a case of Teiko 4th year 4th month, when a 
woman, who charged her husband with adultery with her 
mother (the two were beheaded) was punished as an ** in- 
former," being imprisoned for a year and then sold as 
a slave. The Sh5gun remarked, ** This does not seem 
to apply,*' and I agreed and added "The woman is not 
guilty." 

On the 7th I was shown Hayashi's opinion. The mini- 
ster of education had written it for the Council of State, 
and this was its substance : When Saichu of Tei asked her 
mother. Which is first, father or husband? she replied, 
Only one can be father, anyone may be husband. This 
woman revealed her father's guilt, and the Analects say, 
**To conceal a parent's guilt is righteousness and truth." 
In the Laws it is written, " Let him who exposes a parent's 
crime be put to death." But I said, " She did not know 
her father's crime and her case is an exception. In our 
Japan an informer on a parent is banished though the 
commentary says the punishment should be strangling. 
Neither of those quotations apply and it was not a case of 
accidental homicide." So I was told to re-argue the case 
and going home wrote out my opinion at once and sent 
it to the Shogun on the 8th as follows : — 

I have carefully studied the matter submitted oh the 
28th of September viz.— The merchant's wife, troubled at 
his absence hears of the body in the river and gets the 
headman to show it to her. It is her husband, and as 
her father and brother were the murderers, the officials 
think it a case of '* informing against parents." The 
magistrates condemn her to servitude and the Minister 
of Education agrees with them. 

In my opinion the case does not come under " The 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral HakusekL 1 95 

Three Relations " nor do ordinary precedents apply. 
Three points should be considered, — The relations, the 
rules for mourning, and the application of exceptional 
rules to exceptional cases. 

The rules of the ancient kings provide, that while the 
daughter remains at home, though promised in marriage or 
though married having returned to her father, she shall 
observe three years of strict mourning for him should he die. 
But, if she is living with her husband she shall observe 
only one year of half-mourning. The difference is so very 
great that we shonld observe how it is set forth in the 
commentary of the Sofuku.^ A woman is never independ- 
ent but owes duties, when unmarried to her father, when 
married to her husband, and when widowed to her son. 
The father is the child's Heaven, and the husband is the 
x^fe's. So it is written, ** A woman cannot mourn strictly 
twice, as Heaven is not two." She cannot mourn for two 
£i.t the same sime. So then a wife who obeys her husband 
crannot obey her father. 

Events are ordinary or extraordinary, and in their judg- 
^ruent laws should be immovable or exceptional. As the 
^uicient scholar says; — Exceptions uphold the rule. 

Now it is the settled law that the woman at home 
obeys her father and when married her husband. In the 
Visual relations the lord is lord, and the retainer is retainer : 
the father is father, and the son is son : the husband is 
liusband, and the wife is wife. But now the retainer does 
inot ceise to be retainer, because the lord ceases to be lord. 
I3ut in following such exceptions we are not to lose the 
irule. The greatest possible exception is, when a retainer's 

* The book of mourning-rites and ceremonies. 



196 Kn^x : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 

father kills his lord, or when a woman's father kills her 
husband. The retainer then cannot be both loyal and 
filial, nor the woman obedient and filial. No human 
calamity equals this ! Of old in such emei^jencies retain- 
ers have been loyal to their lord, and women have obeyed 
their husband. Now no one can be found who has charg- 
ed her father with the death of her husband, though some 
have told a father that their husband had a command 
from his lord to kill the father, and so the father has 
killed the husband, and this was the instance quoted 
above when the mother replied, " Any one may be hus- 
band but only one a father." If that reply and the 
daughter's deed which followed were right, then are they 
disobedient and wicked who for a husband's sake make a 
father no longer father. And shall we say, " Any one 
may be lord, only one a father, — how can the two be 
compared ? " May one help his father to kill his lord ? But 
the superior man praised the man who revealed the plot 
of his father against his lord, as it is written, ** Great 
virtue destroys love." Confucius says, " The father con- 
ceals his son's evil, and the son his father's." This is 
the rule. Which is the greater offence to steal a sheep 
or to kill a lord ?* The settled rules of the ancient kings 
make the woman's Heaven to be her husband and not 
her father. If the father kill the husband the ordinary 
rules do not apply to a woman if she inform; and still 
less to this woman who recovered the corpse by the aid 
of the headman and then recognized her husband. The 
government discovered the crime. It is not a case of 
"informing." Why is she judged guilty? 



* Confucius words concerned the stealing of a sheep. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Ami HakusekL \ 97 

When the full discoveiy was made her suicide would 
have preserved her filial, wifely and sisterly virtue. It 
would have been the perfection of virtue in this great 
exception to the normal relations, but to reprove her for 
not attaining perfection is to judge her '' as we do not 
judge ourselves." No woman has killed herself for such 
a reason, but many have preserved their widowhood until 
death, nor did the ancients think their virtue small. And 
this agrees with my private opinion. 

A wife's relation is that of the retainer, and if we praise 
Risai and Sekien,* we shall not agree with the words 
quoted by Hayashi. The magistrates say that the pre- 
cedents show that she should be imprisoned for a year 
and then be made a slave, and the Minister of Education 
says, " Had she known her father's guilt the penalty 
would have been death, l^ut as she did it unwittingly 
she shall be made a slave." 

If she is declared innocent, as I propose, I have a 
strong desire for her. The young widow's passions are 
still undecayed and she has no protector. The pine's 
green leaf, if very strong, may resist the winter's cold 
but in her case I Iiave my doubts. Not only should I 
lament the loss of her virtue but the righteousness of the 
government would be violated. Those who have become 
monks and nuns for tlie loss of fatlier or husband have 
been many. Now if it is privately hinted to her that she 
become a nun, shave her head, enter a convent, study 
and keep the rules because of these deaths ; and if the 
property of her husband and father be given to the con- 



* Riati informed his lord of his father's jniqxised rebellion and com 
mi (ted suickle. Sekien also informetl and was killcil by his father. 



198 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 

vent, there will be no anxiety as to her support and her 
virtue and the righteousness of the government will be 
preserved/* 

My advice was followed and by the aid of Takatonn 
Asson the woman became a nun in a convent at Kamakura. 



THE INVESTITURE OF THE YOUNG 

SHDGUN. 

After the fifty days of mourning on the eleventh day 
of the twelfth month (January 7, 171 3) the young Shogun 
assumed the government. By the precedents he should 
have had the title S/idsanmi Dainago7i when his head was 
shaved and his hair fastened in a cue, and still later the 
title Shoni would have been bestowed, and only after he 
became Sh5gun should the emjieror's messenger have 
come from Kyoto. But as he inherited his position when 
so young Zembo Asson asked me to set forth the proper 
procedure which I did, since I could not decline. 

The name is given by the father, but in the present 
instance by the father of the emperor. I wrote the peti- 
tion to him and suggested the name. 

On the eighth of January came an Imperial letter con- 
ferring the Shb7ii rank and the title Dainagotp and so the 
child at once became Shogun. The letter bestowing the 
name came the same day. A lucky day was chosen for 
the ceremony Qanuary 17) and folks paid their respects 
on the next day but one. As in the case of the former 
Shogun I was given thirty ryo and other gifts as my 
honorarium. 



K710X : — Autobiography of Arai Hahiscki, 199 

The putting on the luikavia was on the next New 
Year's day, (26 January, 17 13) and on the seventeenth of 
February I was given three gold ryb for choosing the 
" precious ideographs " for the Shogun to write.* The 
same day I was given three books, by order of the 
Shogun, which had been ordered by the late Shogun 
through the governor of Nagasaki. 

On the thirteenth of April, as bidden, I sent in the 
details for the ceremony of the hair cutting, including a 
description of the implements and of the ornaments for 
the room. On the twenty-first the Shogun went to the 
Shraso-in where his crown was put on his head by Hikone- 
no-kami and his hair was cut by Aidzu-no-Kami. I saw 
it all from the rear. I too was often in the castle in 
connection with the visit of Konoe the former regent.f 

On the twenty-sixth of April was the investiture and 
this 1 saw from the rear as in the case of the former 
Shogun. A little later my land was increased as the 
former Shogun had commanded. 

On November fifth, 17 14, I chose the name for the 

great bell of Bun-sho-byo as I had been commanded. 

The previous year, after my lord's death a commission 

came from Kydto granting him such posthumous name 

^ might be chosen. When Zembd Asson asked me about 



♦ The first ideographs written by a young Japanese are chosen with 
^special care. 

t This Shogun was Yusho-in, lyetsugu-kO the third son of Bunsho-ko. 
^Xe vras four years old when his father died. A great discussion arose as 
*o liis *♦ crowning '* as if he were the son of the Emperor. It is supposed 
^o have been connected with plans of Arai's for the ending of the dual 
Sovemment and the enthronement of the Sh5gun. It is also given as the 
why Arai was not ** employed " by the next Shogun. 



2(X) Knox ': — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 

it I said, "As the name goes down to future generations 
and abroad to foreign lands, an excellent name should be 
chosen, and I suggest Bun and Sho.'* The Council sent 
both on to Kyoto where the two were adopted, Bunsho- 
ko. That my suggestion for the posthumous name of my 
lord and for the name of the Shogun should have been 
approved by the emperor and his father, and that I was 
bidden write the inscription for the bell were great favours.* 
At the anniversary services on December first, all was 
done according to the former precedent. Besides the 
highest officials only ten persons were present. All were 
arrayed in their most elaborate robes of ceremony. 



THE UOYANA BOATS. 

On the 22nd August the case concerning the Uoyana 
boats was heard. Freight sent from Osaka to Yamato 
province was transferred, because of the shallow water, at 
Kamegase in Kawachi province to the Uoyana boats and 
by them was brought to its destination. From the Keicho 
period (i 596-161 5) these boats which belonged to the 
folks in the village Tate, Heguri township, Yamato pro- 
vince, had been in charge of the Shinto priest and with 
the profits the Shinto temple Tatsuda had been maintain- 
ed without aid from the government, and moreover paid 
an annual tax of thirty ryo. 

In Gcnroku 10 (A. D. 1697) the villagers offered to pay 



it 



* The name contains an allusion to the ancient Chinese poem — 
Truly brave, truly wise, clearly equal to his ancestors." 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakustki. 20 1 

a tax of one hundred and fifty ryo if one of them were 
put in charge of the boats, and as the ofifer was large 
and the villagers were tenants of the Shdgun it was 
accepted. 

In the intercalary first montli of Hoei 5 (Feb. 1708) 
the farmers of five hundred and three villages, tenants of 
the Shogun and different davnyb, complained to the gov- 
ernor of Nara, Miyoshi Bizen-no-kami, that though the 
villagers had promised to follow the established custom yet 
they not only gradually had increased the charges, but 
when the boats were damaged and the freight injured 
refused to pay damages and stole the cargo that was 
saved. 

Again in March, the sellers of dried fish in Osaka com* 
plained that though in the past, fish (for use as manure) 
which was lost en route had been paid for, last year pay- 
ment was refused when boats were lost because of the 
great earthquake, and this in spite of the commands of 
the magistrates. 

In the fifth month (June-July) Bizen-no-kami referred 
these coniplaints to Kyoto and after an examination by 
Ki-no-Kami Nobutsune Asson the case was sent to the 
magistrate of the treasury in Edo, Hagiwara Omi-no-Kami 
and to those associated with him. 

After the preliminary examination the priest, Yasumura 
by name, asked that he might be put in charge again 
and offered to pay a tax of three hundred ryo^ whereon 
the villagers offered three hundred and twenty nine ryo 
and said ; — ^We are few in numbers but our land measures 
a thousand koku. For the fourteen years past we have 
paid our taxes out of the income from these boats, and if 
that is taken- away we shall suffer. 



202 Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Haknseki, 

In the tenth month of the next year (Nov. 1709) die 
decision was given in favour of the villagers. But it did 
not touch uporl'the complaints made by the Osaka merch- 
ants and the farmers of the five hundred and three villages. 

The spring of the next year (1710) after the change 
of Shoguns, when Bizen-no-kami came to Edo to the 
ceremonies, he handed in an account of the case to 
Kawachi-no-kami, Tadamine Asson, who with two others 
investigated it and in the intercalary eighth month (Sept.- 
Oct.) affixed their seals to the following decision; — 
*• Precedents do not show the boatmen to be responsible 
for the loss of freight ; but there is a special fund for this 
purpose in Osaka made by collecting .005 for each piece 
of fi-eight. Again the villagers claim that they can be 
held responsible only from Kamegase, where the freight is 
transferred to their boats. Their contention is sustained. 
Even government freight is not paid for when lost. The 
Osaka merchants have no case. Their fund is of private 
arrangement and not of law. If it is considered other 
complications will arise." 

Tadamine Asson was very zealous for this decision , and 
told the magistrates to so lay down the law that the case 
should not come up again ; and he sought to make all 
parties promise not to appeal. 

. But Bizen-no-kami would not agree, for the decision 
touched the complaint of the Osaka merchants only, and 
ignored the grievances of the five hundred and three 
villages, the dispute between tenants of the Sh^un and 
of the daimyo^ and he declared that a side issue should 
not stop appeal. Tadamine Asson became very angry, 
changed colour and said, •' It is not for your good to 
raise again a question settled by so many judges ! " and 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 203 

would not listen. In the winter when I visited Nara, 
Bizen-no-kami showed great anger as he told me about 
it and when I returned to Edo in the spring I told tins, 
among other things, to the Shogun, saying, " The decision 
was unjust." 

Almost immediately Hizen no-kami died in his rage and 
then Yasumura killed himself as he felt there was no one 
left to help him. 

Yasumura's son came to Edo in great anger, deter- 
mined to have the decision against his father reversed. 
He made constant appeals and the priests of the temple 
joined with him as they now had no funds tot its support. 
So !Zembo Asson, by what means I do not know, re- 
stored all to the original conditions, giving the manage- 
ment to Yasumura's son, putting the tax back to the 
first figure and ordering the temple to be repaired at once. 
He sent me a copy of his decision and told me he had 
the authority of the late Shdgun for it. 

In April (17 1 3) as I think it was, I said to Zembo 
Asson, — " Lu.xury is increasing and prices rise so that the 
liotatnoto perform their duties with difficulty. What should 
they do were there war ? In spite of the warnings of the 
late Shdgun the evil grows, and now one who wishes to 
live within his means finds the great jst difficulty in so 
doing. Tile case is peculiarly urgent during the youth of 
the Shogun. Pray consult with the elders as to remedies 
for this evil." He assented, consulted with the elders and 
bade every hatamoto send in his plan for the remedy of 
the evil. 

He showed mc the replies but they were mere promises 
of diligence in duty, and did not touch the reform of the 
government or the condition of the people. As the 



I 



204 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hafcuseki. 

Shogun had always asked my opinion so now the elders 
sought it. But if the note is high listeners are few, and 
without clear proof no one will believe, so I tried to meet 
the mind of the times and sent in points taken from the 
rules of the Shdgun, making three volumes in all. 

I never heard of any decision. I pressed for one be- 
fore the change of officials as did Zembo Asson likewise, 
but time went by and my memorial was returned, endors- 
ed, — '* Too difficult, it cannot be done at present." But 
I had not written my own ideas but the opinion of the 
Shogun and their refusal was of his ideas, not mine. The 
difficulty was, the officials would not! I could say no 
more. As it is said. When desires oppose commands 
there is no obedience. So if a decision were reached it 
could not be carried out with all the officials in opposi- 
tion. When the Shogun becomes a man, he will know 
I desisted because further effort was useless. They put 
it off saying, ** We shall decide when all are heard/* and 
never decided at all. So it ended. 



THE COINAGE. 

I knew that my advice would not be followed, even 
though it had been sanctioned by the Shogun, but as 
none of the officials considered the debasement of the 
coinage, which is the greatest of evils, I wrote papers 
zealously and though the Shogun was already ill his 
decision was made. He stopped the new coinage and 
removed Shigehide from office, and until death, was con- 
sidering ways and means for the restoration of the coins 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 205 

to the proper standard. But since his death no one has 
done anything. 

From the first I diligently studied how to remove this 
grief, and the more earnestly since it was unaccomplished 
at my lord's death and so might be accounted his error. 
It is filial piety to fulfill his wish and make known his 
will, especially as great suffering will be saved. My 
labour was for my lord and for his son. 

I sent in the results of my study, in three volumes, 
to Zembo Asson in the sixth month of this year (July- 
August 1 71 3) and further told him my ideas. Since the 
order to restore the standard had been given, all sorts of 
opinions were expressed: — i. To restore the silver minted 
since Genroku to the old stardard, would require 118 
tnan-gafne of bullion while the total annual product is only 
4 sen-gavie so that the product of three hundred years is 
needed. 2. For the separation of the copper and silver 
in the coins we shall need lead to the amount of 276 
man 4 sen gante while the yearly output is only 3737 
hiakkan^ thus requiring the product of 739 years. Nor 
can we count the men who will be killed by the poison- 
ous process. 3. Were the silver restored it would not 
correspond to the gold unless that also is restored, and 
so prices will vary with the two metals. But if we make 
the silver coins smaller than at present but of standard 
purity, botli the silver and the gold will answer. These 
were the opinions of the artizans of the Ginza. 4. If the 
rate of exchange is again put at 60 me for one gold ryb 
there will still be exchange to pay on the silver, for silver 
has been mixed with the gold, and copjx^r with the silver, 
and gold has been reminted once, and silver often, so there 
are three grades of old and six of silver. To purify the 



I 



206 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki. 

gold and reduce the size of the coins by half, and to fully 
restore the silver will not accomplish the desired object, for 
the relative values will not be restored. 5. Both can not be 
restored nor can the government force them to pass as of 
equal value. Let 10 fftan ryb of good gold be issued each 
year, and let the debased silver be gradually called in, thus 
its price will rise and values adjust themselves. Thus ui^d 
the exchangers (the bankers). 6. The low price of silver is 
in part from its over issue. Call in half and make good 
copper coins out of the copper it contains. This was, 
probably, the notion of those who had issued the big 
pence at the close of the former reign. 7. Let paper 
money be issued and the gold and stiver called in and let 
it be decreed that the three pass as of equal value. Coin 
copper in large quantities, and with the increase of currency 
prices will steady themselves. Search for mines, work 
them all, and in ten years or so good coin will be as 
plentiful as in Gcnroku, Then bum half the paper and 
there will be no adverse critic. So said some of the elders 
of a little wisdom. 8. The value of the coins is less and 
their number doubled. The price of rice is higher than 
in famines yet no one dies of want. That is because the 
coins are so many. So let us increase the number still 
more, and thus even the value of the silver and gold. 
Evidently there has been profit in these re-coinings since 
Genroku. It is the exchangers who unsettle prices by their 
secret manipulations of the rate of exchange. Even if 
the coins are restored to the standard who knows what new 
scheme they will invent to injure society. Punish severe- 
ly three or five of these men and the people will be com- 
forted and the prices of gold, silver and everything will 
be steadied. Thus thought the military folk. Folks take 



Knox : — Autohiography of Arai Hakuseki, 207 

wealth as wealth and profit, but misled by these evil ex- 
changers they clamor for a re-coinage, which cannot be. 

All these were wrong, as I showed before setting forth 
my own views. (It all made three volumes.) Zembo 
Asson well knew the puipose of the late Shogun and the 
urgent need but he came to think its accomplishment 
impossible in such a conflict of opinions. He was greatly 
pleased with my views, consulted the Council of State 
and on the 20th September the treasury magistrates 
decided to carry out the late Shogun*s decree. (This 
decision was of my writing.) But, of course, these officials 
desired their private gain and not the good of the Empire, 
nor did they understand the subject, and as they did not 
wish to be reproached for failure there was no one to 
carry out the project or to reply to objections. So it was 
necessary to a[>point someone and Zembo Asson with 
the Council of State appointed seven men. 

A merchant of Sakae, Idzumi province, named Tani 
privately wrote his views on this subject to a friend in 
Kyoto who forwarded the letter to me. Neither of these 
two men was an ordinary shopkeeper but both had been 
samurai. The plan differed from my own but could be 
carried out easily and as I knew the value of the opinion 
of a business man I showed it to Zembo Asson, who 
was gfreatly pleased at there being two ways of doing 
that which he had regarded as impossible. I said I 
should like to meet the man and was soon informed of 
his arrival in Edo. I sent for him and said, ** This is 
not my business but as it is for humanity, and for the 
nation lay your plan before the officials." He replied, 
" I know a relative of Yoshimasa " (one of those in charge 
of the re-coinage.) " I too know him well *' I said, ** Tell 



2o8 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 

your friend. It is very fortunate." So I told Yoshimasa 
and asked him to sfend for Tani, and Yoshimasa was 
much pleased saying, *' I have consulted so many to no 
purpose that I am made very happy by this." 

So he heard Tani, questioned him, consulted with others, 
and on February 2, 17 14, told Takatomo Asson the chief 
in charge. Zembo Asson of course knew all about it and 
left it to the seven men. 

In the east, gold and copper had been chiefly used 
while in the west, it was mostly silver with some copper, 
and so the greatest troubles from the debased silver had 
been there, and Tani's plan had to do with that section. 
But as the decree bade the restoration of both metals 
and as the re-coining of one would cause new complica- 
tions I consulted with Yoshimasa about the gold. But 
most officials thought best not to touch it as folks here- 
abouts were not troubled greatly by the debased silver, 
and as half the value of the gold would be lost. Most 
people supposed that a ryd of the old would be exchanged 
for one of the new, and all decided to study the subject. 

In Genroku silver was mixed with gold, and copper 
with siver. The size and form of the coins were retained 
and their number was doubled. But only blind men 
could fail to know that half the gold had been replaced 
by silver, and no one will sell an article worth 100 ryd 
for less than 200 ryd. So with silver, though prices seem 
to rise, it is only because folks see that 200 ryd represent 
only 100 ryd. So an increase in the false number adds 
nothing to the true one, and if our return to the standard 
seems to cut down 200 ryd to 100 ryd it is only the false 
number that is diminished. As we fix prices by law, we 
must decree that fifty of the new coins be taken in place 



Knox :^-AMhybiogf^(y of A^-ai Htikuscku 209 

of one hundred of the old, that no one may lose nor 
exchange one cf the old for one of the new. The num- 
ber of coins must be halved, how can the present number 
be maintained ? Were the products of tl.e mines sufficient 
there had been no reasoii for debasing the coinage. The 
people are accustomed to false dealing and their doubts 
will remain even if we are just, but what if any false 
element is permitted to remain ? 

All this is very simple, but the officials were so confus^ 
ed by sophistries that they were convinced only when all 
had been explained over and over igain, in repeated con- 
ferences which lasted lor days. In the end they saw their 
error and adopted Tani's plan. 

The silver could be taken from the gold readily, but the 
extraction of the copper took much lead and the process 
was injurious to the workers, so it was argued. But I 
t(Ad them that the Osaka merchants deal in copper) 
separafe copper arid lead and take out the silver. If the 
process is so deadly how do they do it? Our so-called 
silver is really copper with a little silver mixed in and 
they would think nothing of getting it out. 

So it was decided to examine these men, re^issue both 
gold and silver, and establish exchanges for the old and 
new coins. On the i6th June 17 14 the edict was issued 
and I wrote it at the bidding of Zembo Asson. 

The plans contained items I did not approve knd wera 
badly executed. Much was stolen, the law was changed 
and little good came of it, naturally enough, since men 
ignorant and without ability were eager to show What 
they could do. Zembd Asson came to agree fully with me. 

On June 24 four of the Ginza artizans were banished 
and a fifth was dismissed from Edo* Tvvo officials were 



2 1 o Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki, 

imprisoned in their own houses. They had violated the 
ancient laws and had made bad silver, a crime of great 
magnitude. In obedience to Shigehide they had caused 
much suffering throughout the Empire. Some men 
thought they should have been beheaded. 

Of old the coinage could be changed only when all 
the elders put their seals on the decree, but from Gcnroku 
it had been left to the treasury magistrates and, more 
recently, to Shigehide with two other officials. That was 
through Shigehide's cunning. Then he formed a company 
of artizans in the Ginza who carried out his plans. 

Their guilt was very great, but all had been left to 
Shigehide, and the artizans after all, were not to blame 
for carrying out his plans. It was a crime to leave off 
affixing the elders' seals, as it was to leave all to him. 
This was their method ; — One of the company would 
learn Shigehide's wishes privately and then get up an 
agitation, and a petition would be sent to Shigehide to do 
thus and so, and he would yield and affix his seal to a 
decree granting the petition. 

But the government makes laws and the people obey ; 
if the government violate laws and the people obey how 
shall crime be charged against them ? There are diflferent 
degrees in crime, leadership, purposed participation and 
unwitting agreement. Shigehide's guilt was the most 
serious, but he was only removed from office and im- 
prisoned at home and was pardoned at the Shdgun's 
death. He was not tried, but escaped just punishment 
and died of illness. How then shall they be put to death 
who sinned with him ? That would imply that his body 
should be exhumed and beheaded. But even if dead folks 
were conscious, and though you should cut his body into 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki, 2 1 1 

inch bits yet would such an unfeeling spirit as his suffer 
nothing, and the display of cruelty would be wantcn 
and not in accord with government by superior men of 
rightousness and benevolence. Everyone knows that I 
opposed Shigehide while alive, and as for these men I 
have never seen them and my argument is not for their 
sake, but for justice in punishment, the equalization of 
the past and present. And so it was that all were judged 
guilty of minor offences. 

When the books of the Ginza artizans were examined 
it appeared that Shigehide had a profit of 260.000 ryb out 
of the debasing of the silver, besides pictures and ancient 
treasures ; and that he gave 60.000 ryb to his follower 
Nagai Hanroku. Whereon, a great outcry arose against 
the latter but I argued again, " He was the servant and 
it was his duty to obey and so he got the money. If 
he is punished so must Shigehide's son suffer. But he 
has only 700 koku out of his father's 3700 and so is 
punished already. To again lay bare the father's thefts 
and again punish the innocent son is to heap hoar-frost on 
snow and is not the government of righteous and bene- 
volent, superior men. The chief being unpunished we 
need not discuss the punishment of subordinates, and 
especially with crimes which are unconfessed. All should 
be ignored." 

So further proceedings were stopped. 



212 Knox : — Autobiograpky of Arm HakusekL 



SOME QUESTIONS OF PRECEDENCE 
AND PRIVILEGE. 

I was not invited to the ceremony on the third anni- 
versary of the Shogun*s death but was told of it the 
following day. So when I met Zenibo Asson I told him 
I should resign, since I had not been infonw^d of this 
ceremony after being consulted about cverythijeg for years. 
I should be disgraced did I not resign for I should, spem 
to cling to office. 

He was astonished and said " What ! I Iiaye. not for- 
gotten your words about the young Shogun when bis 
iatlier died ancl just the pther day the Shdgtin*$ mothei; 
and grandmotl^r said, *^Is Chikugo no Kami w^U? He 
was always consulted by the late Shogun andt we- are 
safe when he is here.' If you resign I sliall be. bUined 
by them and by everyone. Do consider your purposes," 
But I replied, '* Years ago I said, this ends my service, 
when my lord died. For three years I have held, on that 
I might carry out his purpose, and reform the coifi9gQ 
and now that is done. He further wished me to loolc 
into the foreign trade at Nagasaki and I have made full 
preparations so that others can complete that work. Be- 
fore my lord died I had decided to resign, and could I 
be induced to change my purpose I should not mention 
tlicse details. But, as there would be hostile criticism 
were I wholly to withdraw, I will consult with you when- 
ever you w ish my advice on matters of great moment." 

So Zembo Asson ceased to urge me, but asked me to 
postpone my resignation until after the reception of the 
Imperial messengers from Kyoto. In the interval I was 



Km^ : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki. 2 1 3 

asked to a consultation over an important matter. Zembo 
Asson met me and sai<l : — *' I have told the elders of your 
purpose and of my failure to shake it, though I have tried 
earnestly since you were so deep in the confidence of the 
late ShoguQ. They tell me to try again in their name 
and to insist upon the public injury your resignation will 
cause. You will greatly favor us all and and will benefit 
the nation by withdrawing your resignation." 

** This is wholly unexpected " I said, " and I must con- 
sider my answer." So I went home and the next day 
sent this reply : — " My purpose was formed long ago and 
is. not of this one thing. But I hesitate to set my opinion 
against the wishes of those who carry on the government 
and so withdraw my resignation." Zembo Asson told 
me- that it was agreed to on die next day and said, ** It 
k a great iavor to the public and to me." He aslced 
me to come again two days later, when I met the elders 
as they came fi^om their audience with the Shogun. 
Zembo Asson and Chiiryd Asson presented me to them 
and when all were seated Zembo Asson said, '* He has 
agreed to our request.'* Masanao Asson Tairo said, 
**^You aFe not yet old. Take good care of your health, 
that yoti may long serve." The otl^ers said, ** You must 
help us even though you are ill. Do not worry but 
take good care of your spirit." Kii-no-kami Nobutsune 
said, "It is long since we have met;" and Yamashiro- 
no-kami Tadazane Asson said, "It is our first meeting, 
I repfce at the. happy conclusion of this affair.'* 

In the eleventh mouth we discussed the gift of land, 
of 50 koku ii> value, for tlie maintenance of ceremonies 
ia honor of Nan-mei-in, wife of Icyasu and younger sistei 



2 1 4 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Haktiseki, 

of Hideyoshi. It was a wish of the late Shogun for the 
centenary of lyeyasu. 

When in the temple Tofuku, Kyoto, I had seen the 
pictures of leyasu and of his wife. His picture is in 
other temples also but hers here only. As wife and sister 
her glory was great while she lived, but I wept as I 
found her picture in this little temple, left here with- 
out any offerings. The second Shogun maintained cere- 
monies in her honor, for she was in the place of mother 
to him, and he commanded on his death bed, that land 
be given for their perpetual maintenance; but the priests 
chose looo ryo instead^ for it was soon after the wars 
and temple lands often had been seized and given to 
samurai. 

On my return to Edo I told the Shogun and said, 
" Though leyasu had many children and they had many 
mothers, yet Nan-mei-in only was his wife. When peace 
was made between east and west, Hideyoshi gave his 
sister to be leyasu's wife and adopted leyasu's son. Still 
there was no meeting of the two until Hideyoshi sent 
his mother as hostage, and then when leyasu went to 
Kyoto he said to the men he left behind, " Whatever 
comes to me my wife knows nothing of it. Return her 
to her father." That shows the heart of leyasu. It was 
the decree of Heaven that saved him from injury but we 
cannot say his wife was without her influence. Her 
virtue • served her own time and posterity ; and, besides, 
she was the wife of the founder of the Empire. Why 
then is she forgotten save as a petty priest divides his 
scanty food for an offering ? '* 

The Shogun warmly assented but postponed the endow- 
ment until the centenary, lest reproach should be cast on 



Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Ilakuscki, 2 1 5 

tilie neglect of former generations. He spoke about it 
'vvhen he died; and the gift was made at this time. 

In the eleventh month (December 17 14) came an em- 
l>assy from I^oo Choo with congratulations to the Shogun 
3.nd the announcement of the accession of their king. 
Formerly their communication had been in the Japanese 
language but recently they had used Chinese in their 
dispatches. They had also changed the style of the box 
for the dispatches As in foreign lands there is no Sh5gun, 
t:heir use of titles and forms was wrong. Zembd Asson 
55poke tp me about it, and I sent them through Satsuma- 
i-io-Kami a list of terms they must not use. They sent 
^x,n answer asking about various titles and I replied to 
"tlieir inquiries and added, ** Tell the king to change the 
^liape of his dispatches. The questions come from igno- 
r«ince of our past customs and present usage. If they 
crannot use the Chinese properly let them use the Japan- 
se again. But let them decide for themselves." And 
ambassador replied, " We used the Chinese because 
f the late Shogun's fondness for learning and wished to 
him, but now we will return to the old custom.*' 
uma no Kami acted as our representative. 

I wished to meet the ambassador, and did so on the 
8th of the 1 2th month in the Satsuma mansion, Satsu- 

-no-Kami and Yoshitaka Asson being present also. 
I wore a robe of peculiar make, a cap, my ordinary 
ss^word and a red fan which had been given me by the 
icDrmer regent. 

In the eleventh month came a request from the priests 
of the Zojo temple, that one of the buildings might be 
iT'epaired and ceremonies performed there in connec- 
t:ion with the centenary of leyasu. Their grounds for 



2 1 6 Kfiox : — Autobiography of Aral HtikusekL 

this request were these : — we have a picture of leyasu 
painted by himself: wc also have his hair and finger 
nails : moreover, until the death of the third Sh^un the 
temple was honored, but the fourth Shogun did not visit 
it during his youth, and now from long neglect the grass 
grows thick about the place of prayer. leyasu and his 
family were of our sect the Jodoshuy he was learned in 
its doctrines, we gave him a posthumous name and his 
obituary ceremonies from the fiftieth day, to the third year 
when he was taken to Nikko were all here. TTie former 
Shogun was also of our sect and desired that tl^ cere- 
monies be here, and once more, the ceremonies for the 
fifth Shogun are performed in our temple. 

The Council of State consulted Zembo Asson and he 
came to mc. I told him that the family was not origi- 
nally of the Jodoslm but only from the sixth ancestor, of 
leyasu : that though the ceremonies of the fiftieth day 
were held at Zqjoji they were in private and without the 
usual gifts : that the ceremonies of the first and third 
anniversaries were not there at all, and that the request 
should be refused. 

He agreed and asked me to put the answer in due 
form. So I wrote three questions asking proof for their 
assertions. They could not give it and said their journal 
had been burned. I clearly showed errors in their at- 
tempts at other proofs and in the end they gave it up. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuscki, 2 1 7 



THE FOREIGN TRADE. 

The Council of State in the eleventh month (December 
M. 714) discussed the new coinage, for it had been criticised 
vvhen issued in the fifth month and disliked, prices rose 
lily and every one was troubled. 

A merchant named Nojima Shinuemon proposed a plan 
the exchange which was approved by the elders, and 
.s the news got abroad folks expected an immediate 
:hange in the law, and exchange wholly ceased. When 
I heard of it I .said, " It is as I expected and the men 
"v?vho for their own profit, impede this measure which is 
\T the benefit of all, should be severely punished. But 
I" the elders go on with their discussions the troubles also 
ill continue. Zembo Asson said to me, ** The men who 
'^^nderstand the matter are all in Kyoto and if anything 
i s done in their absence folks will say, ** It is all Chikugo 
»^o-Kami*s doing:" I have sent to Kydto for the men." 
lut I replied, ** From the beginning I have sought only 
he good of the Empire and care nothing for criticisms." 

then he discussed the subject with the elders and sent 
to Kydto for consultation. 

This was the merchant's plan : — The people of the sixty- 

jx provinces, according to the census was 57,096,000, 

md since that count was made the number has increased 

.n hundred-fold. Take 12 cents from each person to meet 

he expenses of the exchange and of the new pence. Then 

[ive 70 gold ryo of the new mintage with 1 20 me * of silver 

.nd 4 kantnon of copper for 100 gold ryb of the old coins. 



* Aooording to standard 50 me of silver (i ;//^=58 grains Troy) 
^^qoalled 1 gold tyb. Our kanmon was 1000 cash. 



2 1 8 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakusekL 

With minor modificatioi)s all approved this, but I wrote 
showing the folly of it, and set down the outline of my 
paper here : — As to the poll tax. The census can be 
trusted in foreign lands but in Japan our records are 
incorrect. In the time of the emperor Kimmei the 
population was set down as being 4,969,890 and in 
the time of the emperor Seimu it had grown to 
8,631,074, though this is not given in the history. In 
China in the dynasty, its most populous period, the 400 
provinces had 59,594,978 inhabitants. What faith, then 
can we put in the statements of the census quoted ? It 
is not intended seriously but is a mere exercise in arith- 
metic. It puts 20,000 persons on every hundred kohi of 
land with 91,648 over! Let everyone judge where his 
neighborhood holds such a mass even after this century 
of peace. Can we take 1 2 cents for each person of a 
population an hundred times greater than the census 
names ? If we allow 200 persons to each koku of land, 
we shall need one kivaimnc^ 300 mon from each man 
if we are to exchange ryo for ryj. The rich are few, and 
the poor many, and how shall men find such a sum who 
are obliged to support parents, wife and children on 
50 to 100 mon per day ? Besides, all the pence in ex- 
istence would not suffice, for we know how many have 
been made since Kanei (A.D. 1624- 1643) and may add 
an equal number for older pieces. Then too, as in China 
also, old folks and children are exempt; and there are 
many wandering priests and merchants, nor do we even 
know how many persons are born each morning, nor 
how many die at night. How can we collect a poll 



* I k7uamme=\o lbs. Troy. loo mon was 58 grains Troy. 



Knox : — Autobiograpliy of Aral HakusekL 2 1 9 

tax? Besides how unjust a law that disregards the dif- 
ference between rich and poor! But if one new ryo be 
given for two old ones, the loss will fall on the rich and 
not on the poor, many of whom do not get a ryo piece 
in a year, and the poor are double in number the 
rich. 

Look at the proposed ratio ! VVe ,have gold enough 
for half the number of coins, where is the additional gold 
to be found so that we may give 70 ryo for an hundred. 
And silver is to be given too, but where shall we get it, 
as all extracted from the gold coins is to be re-minted? 
And the plan requires enough copper to use all the 
product of our mines for 294 years at least! Surely it 
is wholly impracticable. There must be another way.'* 

Everyone was told to write his ideas, but no one had 
any and I did aiot need to write again. It was decided 
to punish all who had opposed the new law, and tl^ugh 
the punishment was death it was mercifully lightened one 
degree, and they were banished to islands. When Nojima 
heard of his punishment he fainted ! And Yamato-no- 
Kami Shigeyuki said, " How could so great an affair be 
entrusted to a man of so little spirit ? 

After this the exchange was carried on as at first. 

During the winter we discussed plans for carrying out 
the will of the late Shogun as to foreign trade. From 
his accession the copper supp'y had been too small, and 
the magistrates complained that trade ceased to the im- 
poverishment of the people. The Ginza merchants were 
told to furnish the copper but could not, for the output 
diminished yearly and the price rose. They could not 
ulfill their contracts, and after two years it was takene 
ffrom them and given to merchants in Osaka, but ther 



220 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki, 

was not enough after the home needs were supplied, prices 
rose and holders would not sell. 

So in Nagasaki the weaker folks traded secretly with 
the foreigners and the stronger went to sea and met the 
ships and traded there. The foreigners do not follow the 
established routes, but sail to and fro, athwart these wicked 
traders and barter with them. The foreigners land, get 
water, cut the nets of fishermen, take seawead from wo- 
men and children without payment, drive off rescuers with 
swords and spears, and repel with guns armed boats. 
From the time of Genroku our treatment of the Chinese 
had been very mild and our folks had been forbidden to 
attack them, the magistrates* servants being beaten and 
dismissed if they drew their swords. So the foreigners 
became very overbearing. 

Even Hollanders began to engage in this illicit trade, 
something never known before. The magistrates asked 
for more stringent laws and I remarked, " It is intolerablq 
that these merchants should despise our land which we 
are taught excels all others in chivalry ! " 

In anciejit times the number of ships and the amount 
of money allowed for this trade was unlimited, but from 
Teiko 2nd (A. D. 1685) gold 50,000 ryo was set as the 
limit of the Dutch trade and twice the amount, in silver 
for the Chinese trade. In 1688 the limit of Chinese 
ships was set at 70. Later on the amounts were in- 
creased, as certain merchants were permitted to use copper 
until the supply became too small and these evils fol- 
lowed." 

The magistrates had no practicable advice to offer. 
Already in the late Shogun's reign I had written up tlie 
subject in eight volumes, containing two hundred and 



Knox : — Autobiography of Ami Haktiscki, 22 1 

e/er^^^n points great and small, and refer all who arc 
^ntc^r-^sted to my books. 

itil Kcicho 6 (A.D. 1601) foreign ships might come 

"trade anywhere, but that was the period of the great 

dynasty in China, and their laws permitted only 

ssed boats to come. Only foreign ships of war then 

to Nagasaki. The Dutch in Kcicho 5 first went 

.kae near Osaka, but in Kcicho 13 (A.D. 161 1) their 

was transferred to Hirado, and two years later to 

usaki. The Chinese trade was confined to Nagasaki 

'^icho 13. The Chinese emperor Kanghi of the Tsing 

sty, removed the restrictions of foreign trade and 

than two hundred boats came. After our re.stric- 

were made, limiting the number of boats, all 

li came in excess were .sent lack, aixl each boat 

E.n the {X^rmitted limits was allowed to trade only 

le amount of 160 lavammc, and all surplus freight 

stored. 

"It as the ships came from a distance and large pro- 
"^^ ^vere diesired, the Chinese wished to sell all their 

J, and our merchants too were keen for this illicit 
;, as the restrictions on the legal trade were severe 
*^^^ the profits small. 

"■"^^^ the late reign the Nagasaki magistrates were asked 

* statistics, and it api)eared that one fourth of our gold 

^ *^ three fourths of our silver had been exported in an 

*^^:ired years, and these reports did not include the 

^ *^ ^^^ of Tsushima with Korea, nor that of Satsuma with 

^^^^^^ Choo. So in another century half of our gold will 

* ^^^*^ gone, and all of our silver, while our copper is 

ly insufficient for our domestic needs. 

*t is not right to trade our lasting treasures for their 






222 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki. 

toys of ail hour, nor to hurt the Empire for such pal 
profits. If we must have books and medicines fr 
abroad, estimate our annual production of the preci« 
metals and our home consumption, and then determ 
how much may be permitted to the foreign trade 
Nagasaki, Tsushima and Satsuma. Without these d 
we cannot settle upon the amount. The number of be 
and their lading must be limited, or we cannot stop ill 
trade. In this way the cargoes will be sold complete 
our laws will be obeyed, foreigners will cease to desj 
us, our authority will be extended a thousand miles ; 
our treasure will last forever. 

It is only the poor in Nagasaki who are beggared 
the loss of trade, and the reason will appear if an 
vestigalion is made, though it is unnecessary to set fc 
the origin of this guilt. I^ct magistrates be chosen, 
laws reformed and censors appointed for Nagasaki, 
well as for Kioto and Osaka and both Nagasaki and 
the western and central provinces will be benefit 
This is only an outline of what was detei-mined by 
late Shogun. The law and the legal decisions were 1 
the serpent of Josan, which saved head and tail, tail i 
head helping each other; not one of the many det 
should be changed or an addition made. 

The law has not been enforced because the mercha 
wanted large trade, and the magistrates did not red 
the customs in proportion to the lessened number 
boats. In Shotoku 5 (1715) February, messengers 
Edo arriving in Nagasaki in March, and the new h 
were promulgated in April, and later the Chinese w 
informed. Those of the Chinese who agreed to 
new laws were given licences and those who refused w 



Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Haktiseki, 223 

expelled. In June the laws were sent to the daimyb of 
the central and western provinces. 

It had been thought easier to gain a livelihood and 
larger profits if the original prices were low, and that 
prices would be low if the importations of cloth and 
medicine were large. No one thought of the Empire 
and all argued like men who know neither the beginning 
nor the end, like men who in the morning do not think 
of the night. So lightly would they change the laws, 
being misled by this talk, and would let the evils con- 
tinue. * 



THE ILLNESS OK THE SHOGUN: HIS 
MARRIAGE ENGAGEMExNT: PUNISH- 
MENT FOR KILLING AN UNCLE: 
THE FIRE IN THE PRISON: 
KIDNAPPING CHILDREN. 

In the early spring the Shogun was ill, medicine did 
no good and new physicians were chosen. At two 
clock August 10 when returning home I met Yama- 
shiro-no-Kami, and Tadazane A.sson hastening to the castle, 
^nd my men told me Yamata-no-Kami Shigeuki Asson 
had also gone with a crowd of retainers. I wondered at 
't and as I went out of the gate heard that a bearer of 
Tadazane Asson had fallen from fatigue. I wondered 

* llie new law was written by Arai. It limited the number of Chinese 
•wat5 to thirty and the Dutch lK>at.s to two : the copi)er to i,5<X),900 ix)un Is 
(one pound Japanese cc^uals one and one-third jwund avoirdupois) and the 
Mlver to 3,000 fraHvnme (one huHwime is ten lbs. Troy). 



224 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 

more and more, and the next day was told that we all 
must assemble at the office. 

Kii-no-Kami, who had been left in charge, thinking 
the Sliogun's death imminent sent for the elders, and they 
summoned every one. That evening the elders discussed 
the succession and Zemb5 Asson then for the first time 
told them the late Shogun*s decision. The medicine 
however tock effect ; but a month later Nobutsune Asson 
died of paralysis. So difficult are calculations about 
worldly things. 

While the Shogun was ill some of the men who had 
been favored by his father sought to ingratiate themselves 
with Kii-no-Kami. Oh! Who can be trusted? So too 
when Lord Kofu was heir apparent did one of the ruling 
Shogun*s men seek his favor. But he gained nothing, 
as was right. 

In the winter Bungo-no-Kami was to have gone to 
Kyoto to arrange the marriage of the daughter of the 
abdicated Emperor to the Shogun. It would have been 
the first alliance between the families and most thank- 
worthy. But it is now like an unfinished dream. 

This year Nobutsune Asson sentenced a murderer of 
an uncle to a punishment one degree less than beheading, 
on the ground of a precedent in the late reign. Zembo 
Asson dissented and asked my opinion ; and I could not 
agree that one who killed his uncle should be punished 
less severely than an ordinary murderer, nor could I find 
the alleged precedent. * 

The last day of the year a fire started in the middle 



* The slayer of a parent had his head sawn off and his wife and 
children killed ; the slayer of an uncle had his liead sawn off and his wife 
and children punished one degree less than death. 



Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuscki. 225 

of the night in Tadanaga Asson's mansion and burned 
many houses, not being out until 10 a.m. New Year's 
day. The comminghng of firemen and folks in their robes 
of ceremony, in the streets, was strange. 

On the nth was another fire and the prison burned. 
Many prisoners escaped, among them some whose trials 
were still unfinished though begun sixteen or more years 
before, until the accusations against them were forgotten, 
their friends were dead and they had nowhere to go. 

The magistrates wanted to know what should be the 
punishment for the run-aways and Zembd Asson asked 
me. "According to their crimes, of course" I said. 
'* It is an offence to run away and yet, such folks natur- 
ally seek even a day of freedom. But why have those 
persons whose guilt remains so long unproved been 
omitted from the list of pardoned prisoners? To punish 
severely now would be merciless, but to prevent such 
attempts in the future, decree that the punishment of those 
who run away shall be increased one degree^ and that 
of those who do not flee the punishment shall be lighten- 
ed one degree. Pardon this time those who are still 
unconvicted, and lighten the punishment of all who do 
not try to escape. Do not search for any uncondemned 
person who has escaped, for their flight was caused by 
the cruelty of the magistrates and is a disgrace to the 
government." But my advice was not followed. 

It was decided to tie to a cross the decayed body of 
a man who had killed his lord seven or eight years pre- 
viously, and had died in prison. His body had been 
preserved in salt. Such horrible lawless things call for 
no discussion. 

From the spring of last year child stealing was much 



226 Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki, 

talked about. This is the case as it was finally decided r 
— A chemist ot Suidocho named Seibei, of Ise province^ 
hired two young boys, Saburobei and Tobei, and the^ 
younger disappeared. In the spring the elder boy saw^ 
the lad in a beggar's house, and told his master who atr 
once fetched his boy home again. Thereupon a ronirr^ 
named Yamada Masauemon appeared and claimed the 
boy, saying " He was entrusted to me six years ago by 
his father Dosan of Kdshu. I made him servant to a 
doctor, but as he proved a worthless fellow I gave him 
to this beggar." Yamada was very angry and entered a 
complaint. Dosan and the lad were examined and both 
died in prison before the trial ended. Then the question 
was, what shall be done to Yamada? and I advised that 
his punishment should be a degree less than death and 
he was sent to an island. For during the trial when 
Dosan and the boy met, the boy did not know him and 
Dosan cried, "What! Not know your father !" and struck 
him so that he fled ; but when a man was brought from 
Ise the lad rushed to him, crying "Father!" and also 
knew the men who brought the father. The case was 
clear, but Yamada and D5san would not give in, and the 
stupid merciless officers would not decide but let the lad 
and Dosan die causelessly in prison. After their death 
Yamada said " One hardly can say he was D5san*s son, 
after so long a time!" We could not find what had be- 
come of Dosan 's son. 

The two daughters of Kusuke of Funatsu village, pro- 
vince of Kii, were enticed away as follows. In Shotoku i 
(171 1) Doju keeper of the Omiya inn, Shinagawa, Mu-- 
sashi province, gave Kibei, his servant, twenty gold ryo 
and sent him to buy some maid servants. Finally Kibei 



Knox : — Aiiiobiography o/ Ann Ilakiiscki. 227 

:ame to Funatsu village and found an old couple with 

ivo daughters. They were very poor. Kibei told them 

is master would make them all comfortable if they 

ould go with him. So they started. At Totomi was 

^3. barrier which could be passed only by those who had 

;Xpasscs, and the penalty for going without a i>ermit was 

^crucifixion. But the simple folks did not know of the 

arrier, and Kibei hired people of the neighborhood to 

ead them around it by mountain paths to Mitsuke where 

e rejoined them. Then he told the parents what he 

ished of the girls, but they refused to let them be ser- 

ants in an inn. However, as they could not go home 

II went on to Shinagawa together. They arrived in the 

ith month, but Doju pretended to be very angry and 

rove them all out of his house, scolding Kibei for get- 

ing such young girls. Kibei was in great trouble. He 

pt and pleaded and at last was told, ** Sell the girls to a 

rothel ! " There was no other resource, so a procurer was 

lied and the girls were sold to the New Yoshiwara for 

50 gold ryo. The procurer was given 34 ryo ni bu, 

ibei 7 ryo, the father 7 ryoy and Doju kept the rest. 

" -ihe girls were said to be from Suruga. 

The parents had nowhere to go and became the ser- 

"^^nts of their daughters' master, and there soon after, the 

smother died. All who heard of this terrible condition 

;^>itied the unfortunates, but the father was kept from 

snaking a complaint by the guilt incurred in stealing past 

"^e barriers. At last however, he went to Kii-no-Kami 

'"^vho referred him and his complaint to the magistrates. 

-All concerned were examined and during the dilatory 

^nd unnecessary process the father died in prison. And 

^tte magistrates decided : — *' The father's guilt was great 



228 Knox : — Autobiography of,Arai HahisekL 

because, thongh he did not know of the barrier at fii 
he did not confess as soon as he found out about 
Let his head be cut off, sent to his native village a 
exposed there : let the men who guided the party p 
the barrier be beheaded or crucified : let the girls rem. 
with their master or be made servants and let the ii 
keeper be driven from Shinagawa or banished to an 
land." But my decision was this : — 

" The man should have complained at once when 
learned of the barrier, but his error needed no sev 
reproof, such a simple old man and so misled ! The 1 
of Gcnwa 5, (A.D. 1619?) restores stolen folks to 1 
lawful owner, how then can the girls remain with 
brothel keeper? I need not discuss the plain guilt 
the guides. The inn-keeper's offence comes under 
law which decrees death to those who buy and sell m 
Why lighten his punishment?* He deceived these peoj 
got them past the barrier, sold the girls to the Yos 
wara and took the profits." So I decided and so it \ 
done. The girls were sent home to Kii. 

The magistrates left the case to their clerk and 
latter were bribed by Doju and the brothel keeper. Wi 
is to be said when such officials have the awarding 
punishments ? 

A request came in from Kyoto in the name of the ; 
dicatcd cmixiror, that the Todai temple in Nara be pern 
ted to collect funds throughout the empire for the rebui 
ing of a portion of the edifice. Precedents were s< 
with the petition. Zcmbo Asson sent the petition to 
expressing his dissent, but adding that he did not \ 
how we could refuse an emperor and an ex-emper 
But I criticized the precedents and showed why wc ik 



Ktiox : — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki, 229 

not agree, arguing that the response would be small be- 
cause of many extraordinary imposts on the provinces 
and that such a result would seem disrespectful to the 
Emperors. An answer was sent accordingly, and it ap- 
peared that it agreed with the wishes of the Kyoto 
rulers, but that they had yielded to the importunity of 
the Nara priests. * 



THE CHINESE TRADE: SOME CRIMINAL 

CASES. 

Last year the new commercial laws were made, and 
this year the men from Canton and Fuken, who had 
licenses, came and traded ,but on one came from Nanking 
and Nimba. Later, one Ritoshi came from Fuien with 
this tale, — The Nanking and Nimbu men have been ac- 
cused of plotting against the government and adopting 
a foreign " year-name " because the Japanese " year- 
name " is on their licences. The accusation came from 
men who failed to get licenses, and though the men 
protested their innocence their licenses were taken away. 
So they cannot come, but I went to Canton and sailed 
from that port. So far Ritoshi ; and the Nagasaki 
magistrates wrote, " It looks as if the Chinese wish to 
break our laws .and send boats as before, but we are not 
sure of the truth of this story and shall keep Ritoshi 
until others come." 

When Zemb5 Asson asked my opinion I told him that 
there would be difficulty in enforcing the lawi Even at 
home we had trouble in carrying out the laws about the 



230 Knox : — Autobiography of Arm Hakuseki. 

new currency, and it will take from three to five yeair 
to enforce this one completely as it effects foreign lands 
The leading men said the regulations for the Korea* 
embassy cannot be carried out, but they were as the 
Shdgun insisted. But now the Shogun is a child anc 
it is impossible to mark out a determined course of 
action.*' 

Zembo Asson again consulted with the elders and I was 
called. On the i8th April (17 16) Tadanaga Asson took 
me to the Council of State. First Kawachi-no-Kami, 
who was in charge of this business, and then each of 
the others expressed his opinion, as follows ; — The laws 
follow the wishes of the late Shogun but they will be in 
vain if this request from Nagasaki is agreed to. You 
were deep in the confidence of the late Shogun and we 
are prepared to follow your advice. I replied, — 

"As I told Zembo Asson, when the laws were made 
I anticipated trouble, and as I am ill and old, do not 
expect to live to see them completely enforced. But 
they can be enforced, if they are all insisted on and 
nothing changed." 

Zembd Asson agreed, and after a while all agreed that 
this was the only possible course. Then being without 
excuse, I promised to attend to it, and wrote at once 
to the Nagasaki magistrate to the following effect; — 
" Under Heaven all evil is one, and as we will permit no 
one to come in violation of our laws, we will not admit 
Ritoshi, who confesses that he has violated the laws ol 
his country by coming. Send him back at once." 

The magistrates wrote that another man had come 
with a Chinese license, but when I saw it I said, — ** It 15 
not a license to trade in Japan for it does not confonr 



Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hahiseki. 23 1 

to ancient usage. Send this man home also." So both 
were expelled. 

One morning a young samurai killed a robber on the 
bank of the Baniu river and was arrested by the neigh- 
bors and taken to the officials. On examination it ap- 
peared that he was a samurai named Sakai Johachi, 20 
years old, and that he had fled from his lord, Totomi- 
no-Kami and was travelling to Suruga. Between Totsu- 
ka and Fujisawa a big man joined him and, near the river, 
thrust his hand into Sakai's bosom to take his things, 
when Sakai killed him with one stroke of the sword. 
The officials praised the deed but put Sakai in prison 
for leaving his lord. 

To me it seemed that thieves would take his impri- 
sonent as a punishment for killing one of their number, 
and so would be emboldened and increase to the injury 
of travellers. So Zemb5 Asson sent for the minister of 
T5tomi-no-Kami, and asked him if the matter could not 
be arranged and said that it was a shame to punish a 
young man who had killed a robber. So the minister 
saw his lord and Sakai was declared innocent and 
released. 

About the same time Yamato-no-Kami said to Nori- 
yuki the younger brother of Zembd Asson, " Your direc- 
tions to that merchant cannot be carried out." "What 
directions?" asked Noriyuki, and investigation showed 
that his name had been forged to an order permitting 
a merchant to coin gold, and that Noriyuki's wife was 
implicated. Some of the men concerned in this were 
crucified and others were banished. I said to Zembd 
Asson. '* This comes from the prevalence of bribery and 
corruption, and that is why the merchants are full of 



L 



232 Knox : — Autobiography of Aral Hakuseki. 

these schemes. It must all be stopped or we shall have 
these terrible scandals constantly." So Zembd Asson 
consulted with the elders and a law was issued. (Even 
I was offered 500 gold ryo last year by a priest in con- 
nection with the Nagasaki affair, and a further promise^ 
was made of 300 ryo annually to each of my sons if the 
desired plans were caried out. What then was probably 
offered to men of high official rank?) 

A complaint was made against some men living on a 
plain between Ajiro village and Toguchi village, in Kam- 
bara township Echigo province. Funakoshi Saemon sent 
from Edo two constables who arrested a man, supposed 
to be a robber, named Gouemon and his five followers. 
The constable tried to hand over the band to the Ajiro 
authorities, but these would not take chaise of them but 
declared the men not under their jurisdiction. The 
constables then went to Toguchi, only to be told that 
Gouemon was a tenant of the Shogun. The constables 
accordingly went to Kaiya on the Shogun's estates, but 
were again refused. The Shogun's deputy was at 
Idzumozaki, twenty miles or more away and two hun- 
dred miles from Edo. A company of fourteen men or 
more was collected* including the constables, prisoners 
and men armed with swords and spears, and they start- 
ed one day and arrived the evening of the next. Again 
custody of the prisoners was refused, and the con- 
stables were told the men should be imprisoned and 
tried where the crime was committed. By this time 
the constables* funds were exhausted, and they could not 
take the robbers to Edo without passports and so, after 
consultation the prisoners were set free and the con- 
stables returned, to Edo with their excuses. Saemon 



Kftox : — Autobiography of Ami Hahiscki, 233 

^ent the constables back again with instructions for the 
local ofiidals. 

At the end of the next month the father, son and one 
other man were taken, and given in charge at Toguchi 
and soon after the others were arrested, and all were 
brought to Edo. 

Censors and magistrates made an investigation, and the 
oiks of the villages were also examined and the results 
sent to Edo. There it was proposed to send men to the 
place, and have them discover to which village the rob- 
bers belonged. But I told Zembo Asson, '' The exami- 
nation only touches the leaves and branches of the case. 
The residence of the men was put on the plain between 
the villages, after consulting with the inhabitants of both 
in order that it might be under the jurisdiction of neither. 
The robber's testimony does not agree with that of the 
villagers. His place, by the map, is only three-fourths 
of an acre in extent and is separated from Taguchi by a 
grove of cedars which the Taguchi folks say is their 
boundary. But the boundary has been changed, evident- 
ly, since this land was occupied, to avoid [trouble. But 
in any case the villages were wrong in refusing to take 
the prisoners. But the main point is different, — Are the 
men robbers?" With that the boundary investigation 
stopped. 

The man's papers showed these facts: — He was born 
in Kaya village and was the son of a farmer. His father 
died when the boy was four years old, and he was cared 
lor by the fourth brother of his mother, until his grand- 
father died. Then the lad was cast adrift and became a 
beggar. When thirteen he went back to his native place 
^jid found an employer. A year later he went to his 



234 Knox: — Autobiography of Ami Hakuseki. 

grandmother's and stayed four years. He married a \f 
owed daughter-in-law of a neighboring farmer, and a s 
was born, the son now under arrest. But the woma 
temper was unendurable and Gouemon could not stay 
his father-in-law's house, but left wife and child and w^ 
to the Kanon temple in Yotsuya and rented land fr 
the priests. He brought his son to his new home a 
took anotlier wife from the Gosencho village. But 
had trouble with the people of that village over so 
money he had loaned them, and when they threatened 
kill him he took wife and child and finally obtained tl 
land, twelve years ago, from these two villages, Aji 
and Taguchi. 

He built a house and cultivated the land. The villag 
hired hini to protect them against robbers, for he h 
been with robbers after leaving Yotsuya, and cou 
obtain their promise not to molest the villages where \ 

to 

lived. He had arms too and gathered followers, wandere 
like himself whom he cared for. They farmed by da 
and patrolled the villages by night. Gouemon becam- 
prosjxri'ous and had no reason for stealing. : - 

The story the villagers told agreed with Goucmoii* 
papers, and it appeared that he had been the guardia/f 
of fifteen villages, and that ten years before, when a 
thief robbed a temple Gouemon found him and recovered 
the proix,Tty. Gouemon's followers too told of his kind- 
ness and the strict discipline of his household, not an 
article being admitted unless a clear account of it were 
given. 

When asked, — '* Why did you confess yourself guilty at 
first to Saemon?" Gouemon replied, " I could not endure 
the torture. There \v^is no owe to help me and I wished 





Knax : — AutobiograpJiy of Aral Hakuscki. 235 

^r an immediate death. The villagers will testify to the 

ruth cf my statements if they are asked." 

On inquiry at the places where the crimes were said 

:o have been committed, it appeared that there had been 

lo such crimes. Especially to the point was the testi- 

nony of the Mizoguchi deputy who said there had been 

o murders in that domain, and that he would have been 

:5n formed had any been committed ; and that the man 

Jirosaku of Tsukioku village who is said to have been 

xnurdcred died of illness three years ago. 

Gouemon's innocence was established. It appears that 

there were robbers and laws against them even in the 

time of the Sage Kings, though their government was 

_just, kindness prevailed and naturally, man's heart was 

not inclined lo theft. The vulgar proverb says, *' Lice 

on the body, rats in the house and robbers in the state." 

Robbers will not cease to be, though so many are put 

to death that their bodies are as hills and their blood 

as rivers. 

Gouemon has repented of his former misdeeds, and has 
kept robbers away from those fifteen villages for twelve 
years. He should not be put to death for former crimes^, 
even if he committed them. That region has been full of 
robbers always, and if he is punished for his old offences, 
the people cannot sleep in peace at night. Besides, there 
are many persorts who w^re once robbers but are now 
good subjects. If they are led to think they are to be 
punished, they will plan to Hve in luxury by any means, 
for at least a day. Such restraint of robbers makes 
robbers. The Great Learning says, ** Make new the 
people :!' the Analects teach, *' Think not of old mis- 
deeds :" the Book of Changes says, ** The superior man 



236 Knox : — Aniobiography of Arai Hakuscki, 

truly repents and reforms, the common man tries to save 
his honor. It is well to forsake sin and live in righteous- 
ness." 

Let Gouemon be sent back home, restored to his posi- 
tion as guardian and let his place be put under the Mizo- 
guchi jurisdiction. And do not condemn the folks of 
Ajiro, Taguchi and Kaihara. The two constables should 
be praised. Why have they been imprisoned at home for 
not bringing the prisoners the first time ? It was not the 
officers* fault that their funds gave out and that they 
dismissed their prisoners. All were finally arrested and 
not a man escaped." 

On all these points the final decision followed my advice. 



THE VILLAGE WAR. 

A statement came to the government, about the same 
time, from a village, Koremasa, some twenty five miles 
from Edo to this effect,-^The folks from this village, to 
the number of 1400 or 1500 in the seventh month 
of last year went to Shimo-koganai village and created 
a disturbance, cutting down trees and bamboos and 
grain, and carrying all away. Three leaders were put 
in prison but escaped when the prison burned. Some of 
the others were deported. 

I wondered that nothing had been known of so great 
an affair and ordered an investigation. It appeared there 
had been a quarrel between two villages over a common 
l>asturc for horses, and that on the sixth day of the 



Knox : — Autobiography of Arai Hakiiscki. 237 

seventh month of last }'ear, the Koremasa folk stirred 
up the people of the neighboring villages and attacked 
Shimo-Koganai with bows, swords, spears, conch shells 
and war cries. The inhabitants of Shimo-Koganai all 
fled and the invaders broke down a house, destroyed furni- 
ture and treasures, cut down the grove and trampled the 
crops. 

It was reported to the deputy but his summons was dis- 
regarded. The next day there was another invasion, and 
trees were cut down and crops trampled as before. In 
all 57,700 trees besides bamboos were cut down, so that 
20,000 men must have been present, allowing two or 
three trees to each man. In the Shimabara revolt only 
30,000 men were engaged, and if so great an affair took 
place within twenty five miles, why has it been kept hidden 
until now by the magistrates ? What were the magistrates 
thinking of, as the laws of the Shogunate for generations 
have strictly forbidden combinations ? 

The deputy replied that he had reported to the finance 
magistrate for that month Ise-no-Kami, as the villages were 
on the Shogun* domains : that many witnesses had been 
examined and that the offenders were so many that only 
the three leaders were deported, and that the case was 
settled on the 4th day of the eleventh month. 

I asked if it was customary to decide such affairs without 
reporting them first ; and the deputy replied, ** The govern- 
ment is informed when the offenders are punished and 
not before." But the statements of the different officials 
did not agree, though all laid the blame on Ise-no-kami. 
When Zembo Asson asked, " What shall be done now ?" 
the officials replied, "The degree of deportation cannot 
be changed." But we deckled that in addition the men 



238 ' Knox : — Autobiography of Arai HakuseH. 

who had escaped from prison should be recaptured, or if 
that were impossible that others should be punished in 
their stead, and that payment must be made for the damage 
wrought. Ise-no-Kami was imprisoned in his own house. 
Many lower officials were found guilty and removed from 
office. 

Such matters are left to subordinates by the finance 
magistrates, and so causes are not settled for years to the 
great injury of the people. So I proposed a law requiring 
all cases to be reported to the Shogun if not heard within 
an hundred days. It was enacted; but on the death of 
the Shogun, Ise-no-Kami and the lower officials were all 
pardoned and the law was repealed, to the joy of officials 

• 

and the grief of the people. 

This year the Shdgun was ill from early spring, and 
medicine did not help him, he died at the monkey hour 
(four in the afternoon) the last day of the fourth month 
(19th June 1716). In accordance with my lord's words 
Lord Kii was called to the cattle. 

The Shdgun's death was announced on the morning of 
the first day of the fifth month. On the seventh the body 
was taken to the Zojo temple. (It was the anniversary- 
of the fall of Csaka.caslle. * Of all days why did it 
happen on this?) I had the same place as at the former 
obsequies. 

On the twelfth day of the month I gave up my special 
apartment in the palace. Zemb5, Tadanaga Asson and 
all the officials who had been in the confidential service 
of the late Shogun resigned. 



* The final victory of Ieya>u. 



BASHO 



AND 



THE JAPANESE POETICAL 

EPIGRAM. 



3ASHO AND THE JAPANESE 
POETICAL EPIGRAM. 



Bv Basil Hall Chamberlain. 



(Read 4th June^ igo2.) 



I. 



Japanese ixxims are short, as measured by European 
rds. l^ut there exists an ultra-short variety con- 
of only seventeen syllables all told. The poets 
»an have produced thousands of these microscopic 
sitions, which enjoy a great popularity, have been 
I, reprinted, commentated, quoted, copied, in fact 
ad a remarkable literary success. Their native name 
^Xv/ (also Haiku and Haikai*)^ which, in default 
better equivalent, I venture to translate by "Epi- 

using that term, not in the modem sense of a 
1 saying, — ;/// bon mot de deux rimes oniiy as 
I has it, — but in its earlier acceptation, as denoting 
ttle piece of verse that expresses a delicate or 
>us thought. I^fore entering into historical details, 

be best to give a few examples, so as to make 
^t once the sort of thing to which the student's 
:>n is invited. For a composition begun, continued, 
tided within the limits of seventeen syllables must 

^- - - - - ^ ' 11 - 

ee pp. 254 and 260-1 for an explanation of these terms. The Chinese 
rs serving to write them are g^, ^^^ ^|g. 



y 



244 BasJio and the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 

evidently differ considerably from our ordinary notions 
of poetry, there being no room in so narrow a space 
for most of what we commonly look for in verse. 
Take the following as representative specimens: — 

(O 

15 Naga-naga to 
7 Kawa hito-suji ya 

5 Yuki 710 hara^ 

A single river, stretching far 

Across the moorland [swathed] in snow. 

No assertion, you see, for the logical intellect, but a 
natural scene outlined in three strokes of the brush for 
the imagination or the memory. Just so in the next : — 

* For the sake of those unfamiliar with Japanese prosody, it should be 
stated that I. This language acknowledges no diphthongs : — wha* appear 
to be such in a Romanised transliteration are really two independent 
syllables. II. Final n always counts as a whole syllable. The reason is a 
historical one, namely, that this final n generally represents the syllable 
mu in the archaic language, which tolerated no final consonants whatever. 
Thus the word aruran^ " probably is," counts as four syllables, and actually 
sounds so to Japanese ears, llie m in such words as ambaiy amma^ comes 
under the same rubric. III. To a similar cause must be ascribed the fact 
that syllables containing long vowels count double : — they all result from 
the crasis of two original short syllables, as kori^ " ice," from ko-ho-ri. 
Some Chinese words with long vowels are written with three Kana letters, 
for instance ^ choy " long," as chi-ya-u ^ -^ ^ . As the classical poets 
admit no Chinese vocables, such cases do not present themselves in their 
compositions. The epigrammatists count all long syllables as ^uivalent to 
two short ones, irrespective of derivation and spelling, following in this the 
modern pronunciation. IV. Such combinations as kiua^ ^w/z, shu^ cha^ etc., 
though written with two Kami letters, are also treated by the epigram- 
matists as monosyllables, because so pronounced. 

Applying the above rules, it will be seen that such a verse as No. 3 
is perfectly regular in its prosody, because the long syllable yfi of yudachi 
counts double. So is the following, where a novice might find it more 
difficult to make the count : — 



Bashb and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 245 

(3) 

15 Suzushisa yo 
7 Yudachi nagara 

5 Iru hi'kage 

How cool the air! and through a shower 
The radiance of the setting sun. 

(4) 

15 HitO'ha chirii 
7 Totsti hito-ha chini 

5 Kaze no ue 

A leaf whirls down whirls down, alackaday ! 
A leaf whirls down upon the breeze. 

This last requires a word of explanation. It is not 
meant to call up any actual scene: — it is metaphoncaL, 
The Japanese poets were in the habit of composing some 
lines when taking leave of life, — a death-song in fact. 
The tiny comjxjsition here quoted — itself a little leaf fallen 
two centuries ago — was the death-song of one of the most 
famous of epigrammatists. The words intimate his re- 
gret at parting from life, whirled down like an autumn 
leaf upon the breeze, to perish utterly and pa^^s out of 
remembrance. 

These specimens may serve to show the general 
character of the Japanese epigram. It is the tiniest of 
Wgnettes, a sketch in barest outline, the suggestion, 

(2) 

15 Gwanjifm ya 
7 Kind no oni gii 

5 Rei ni kum 
On New Year's day, yesterday's dun 
Comes to present his compliments. 
On the other hand, No. 17 [in/, p. 265) has a redundant syllable, — viz., 
in the second line instead of 7, because the tno of rndshi-agiim counts as 
^po. Such cases of imperfect prosody are, as will be noticed later on, 
y no means uncommon. 



v/ 



246 Bashd and the Japamse Poetical Epigram. 

not the description, of a scene or a circumstance. It 
is a little dab of colour thrown upon a canvas one inch 
square, where the spectator is left _tp_.^uess^ at_the picture 
as best he may. Often it reminds us less of an actual 
picture than of the title or legend attached to a picture. 
Such a verse, for instance, as 

(5) 

Ura-kaze ya 

Tomoe wo kuzusu 
Mura-chidbri 

A troop of sea-gulls, and a gust 

Off shore that brealcs their whirling flight. 

— might it not, without the alteration of a single word, 
serve as the title of one or more of the water-colour 
sketches shown at any of our modern exhibitions? Or 
take this^ one by Basho, the greatest of all Japanese 
epigrammatists ; — 

(6) 
Magusa oji 

Hito wo shiori no 
NatS7L-no kana 

Over the summer moor, — our guide 
One shouldering fodder for his horse. 

Here anyone familiar with Japanese scenery sees mir- 
rored the lush-green landscape, the sloping moor with its 
giant grass man-high, that obliterates all trace of the 
narrow winter pathway, while the bundle on some 
peasant's shoulder alone emerges far off on the skyline, 
and shows the wayfarers in which direction to turn 
their steps. Across a distance of ten thousand miles 
and an interval of two centuries, the spirit of the seven- 
teenth century Japanese poet is identical with that which 



BasJto and tlu Japanese Poetical Epigram, 247 

tiforms the work of the Western water-colourist of 
0-day. It IS intensely modern, or at least imbued to the 
jII with that love and knowledge of nature which we 
re accustomed to consider characteristic of modern times, 
fore rarely figures take the chief place, as when Basho 
ives us the following 

(7) 

Ckimaki yiiu 

Kata-de m luisamu 
HiUU'gami 

She wraps up rice-cakes, while one hand 
Restrains the hair upon her brow. 

A picture this of a rustic maiden at some village fair, 
ttending to her business of selling cakes and lollipops 
D the holiday-makers, and at the same time not in- 
ttentive to her personal appearance. Or take an instance 
rom a higher walk in life, from the Samurai caste of 
eudal days: — 

(8) 
Givanjitsu ya 

le ni yusuri no 
TaclU Iiakan 

Tis New Year*s day: — I'll gird me on 
My sword, the heirloom of my house. 

This, to be sure, is but a single touch, a mere indica- 
ion. Nevertheless, as the leading thought, the key- 
lote, so to say, of the subject is struck — for was not the 
word called " the living soul of the Samurai ? " — it 
practically suggests the whole picture. Without any ver- 
)ose addition, there rises up before us the image of the 
varrior in his stiff-starched robes, ready for elaborate 
eudal ceremonies, for war, or for harakiri. 



248 Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 

All the specimens hitherto quoted are on subjects com- 
monly called " poetical." But the Japanese epigrammatists 
by no means confine themselves to such. They turn 
willingly to the homeliest themes. One of them tells 
us how cold he was in bed last night: — 

(9) 

Samukereba 

Nerarezu neneba 
Nao samushi 

So cold I cannot sleep ; and as 
I cannot sleep, I'm colder still. 

Another exclaifns 

(10) 

Yobi'kaesu 

Fiina-tiri mienu 
Arare kana 

The fishmonger,^-©!! ! call him backl . 
But he has vanished in the hail. 

It is as if a window-pane had been thrown open, and 
instantly shut again. We have barely time to catch a 
passing glimpse of the circumstance hinted at. 

A third grumbles, for that " the rainy season of June 
has turned his razor rusty in a single night,*' while a 
poetess, complaining of that same source of trouble, so 
familiar to us residents in Japan, declares that her "em- 
broidered gown is spotted before it has even once been 
worn.** The washing, the yearly house-cleaning, Christmas 
(or rather December) bills, even chilblains ( ! ), come 
under the epigrammatist's ken. In fact, nothing is too 
trivial or too vulgar for him. Many epigrams have to do 
with packhorscs, inns, and miscellaneous incidents of travel. 
Some contain historical allusions, or allusions to literature. 



Bas/iD and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 249 

Some are " epigrams " in the exact etymological sense of 
the term, being inscriptions on pictures, fans, etc. Hard- 
ly any deal with love, which is surprising, as love takes 
liigh rank among the favourite themes in the other sub- 
<livisions of Japanese poetry. 



n. 

So much by way of preface and orientation. The Japa- 
nese epigram has had a long and curious history. When 
^t its 35enith, it allied itself with a system of ethical teach- 
ing ; yet its origin can be traced to a paltry game. The 
thing merits investigation. 

We find, then, that at the earliest period of which trust- 
^vorthy information has survived, — say, the sixth century 
of the Christian era, * — ^Japanese verse already consisted 
of the same extremely simple elements as characterise it 
"«it the present day. So .simple and scanty, indeed, arc these 
^^lements that one almost hesitates to employ the term 
** prosody " in discussing them. Neither rhyme, quantity, / 
3ior accentual stress was regarded, but a mere counting 
of syllables, eked out in some degree by adhesion to a 
traditional phraseology, more particularly to certain stock- 

* The ** Kojikij* which is the earliest surviving work of Japanese 
literature, dates only from A. D. 712. Rut its historical notices begin to 
^>e credible when dealing with events of the fifth century, and some of the 
l>oeins preserved in it may, with a fair degree of probability, be attributed 
'^o the sixth century, if not earlier. For a discussion of the whole subject 
"^f the credibility of early Japanese history, see the Introduction to the 
"Translation of the « Kojikiy'' in the Supplement to Vol. X. of these " Transac- 
"^ions ; " also a paper by Mr. Aston in Vol. XVI. 




:^ • o lUishd and i/tc Japancsi Poetical Epigram. 

'jfiithcts (\\\Q, so-called " pillow-words " *). The style was 
naive in the extreme, and expressed the naive sentiments 
of a primitive people, to whom writing was unknown or at 
least unfamiliar, and literature not yet thought of as an 
art. y\ll i)oems were brief, few extending beyond forty or 
fifty lines, most to less than half that number. The rule 
determining^ iheir construction was that lines of five sylla- 
bles and seven syllables must alternate, with an extra line 
of seven syllables at the c\\^, to mark the completion ol 
the pf>cm. Hut even this simple rule was often violated, 
esjx;cially in early times, for no apparent reason unless it 
were want of skill. Frequently the impression left on the 
ear is that of an almost total absence of metre. Anyhow, 
the normal form of the Japanese poem became fixed at 

5, 7, 5, 7, 5, 7, 7, the number of lines being thus 

always odd. From the beginning, there had been an 
inclinati<Mi to prefer poems of five lines to those of any 
larger number. Thus the Tanka, or " Short Ode," as it 
is termed, of 5, 7, 5, 7, 7 — or 31 syllables in all — was 
established as the favourite vehicle of ix)etry. It never 
was what we term a '* .stanza :'* — no Japanese poet ever 
employed it as the material out of which to build up longer 
[MXims b)' adding verse to verse, such composite versifica- 
tion never having approved itself to the simple native 
taste. When anything longer than thirty-one syllables 
was wanted, an indefinite series of 5, 7, 5, 7 lines, with 
one of 7 at the end, was resorted to, as already indicated. 

An impulse towards such more ambitious efforts \vas 
given in the seventh centur}*, by the sudden advance of 
civilisation at that period under Chinese and Indian in- 

* Kor di'l.iiN »»f tho pillow-wonU, st'c Vol. V., l*t. I. of these "Trans- 
.iclii>n-«." 




Basho ami the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 251 

lence. The quickening of the national intellect through 
c advent of a new religion, the remodelling of the govern- 
t:nt, the introduction of innumerable new customs, wants, 
d industries, the general diffusion of the art of writing, 
d the study of Chinese literature, ended by invigorating 
en poetry. The years between, say, A.D. 700 and 760, 
icn the first anthology — the well-known " Man-ydslai *'- — 
IS compiled by Imperial order, witnessed a veritable out- 
rst of song. There were ballads, love-poems, elegies, 
scriptive poems, mythological poems that sometimes rise 
iiost into majesty of expression, occasional poems of 
rious import evidently inspired by genuine sentiment. 
le foreign influence docs not make itself obtrusively 
,t ; it informed, without violently warping, the native 
ste. What it contributed to the technique of verse was 
liefly a knowledge of that system of " parallelism " which 
as the rule in Chinese, and which the Japanese poets 
>w adopted as an occasional ornament. Some of these 
unpositions of the golden age ran into as many as 50, 
), or 100 lines. Generally, however, a thirty-one syllable 
irsc on the same subject was appended, showing how 
iriously tenacious the Japanese taste was of that diminu- 
vc form. Specimens translated literally, both of the 
mgcr poems and of the short ones tagged on to them, 
ill be found in Mr. Aston *s ** Grammar of the Japanese 
C^ritten language " and in his " History of Japanese 
literature.'* A contemporary critic might well have 
lought that the poetical literature of Japan was marching 
:> wards a great future. 

Unfortunately, such was not the case. The wider in- 
piration died out within a single life-time. The next 
irne that an Imj^erial anthology was called for (the '' Kokin- 





/ 



y 



252 Bas/id and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 

j//^/' published A.D. 905), only five poems out of. a total 
of over i,icx) attained to any length, and even these few 
arc universally allowed to lack merit of any kind. All 
the rest were diminutive pieces each of thirty-one syllables 
only, and this continued ever after to be the classical form 
of verse. Very dainty some of these little verses are ; for 
here again Chinese influence had been active, and had 
introduced numerous themes hitherto unthought of, besides 
suggesting a far more skilful use of language. The snow, 
the moon, the plum-blossom, even the chcrry-blosson which 
is nowadays considered the national flower par excellence, 
the autumn leaves, — in fact well-nigh all the subjects that 
have ever since formed the commonplaces of Japanese 
verse, are Chinese importations of the ninth and tenth 
centuries. That the native prosody should have survived 
unchanged under these circumstances, may appear odd. 
The cause is doubtless to be sought in the profoundly 
divergent phonetic structure of the two languages, which 
,made the adoption of Chinese metres and rhythms physically 
impossible. Here is a couple of representative specimens 
of the thirty-one syllable stanza, as turned out by innumer- 
able poets from the ninth century down to our own day : — 

Fnyu nagara 

Sora yori liana no 
Chiri'kuru wa — 

Kiwio no aftata wa 

Ham ni ya aruran 

When from the skies that winter shrouds 
The l)K)ssoms flutter round my liead, 
Surely the spring its light must shed 
On lands that lie beyond the clouds.* 

* The " blossoms " are of course the snow-flakes, which, by a graceful 
Chinese conceit, are likened to the white petals of the cheny^lower. 



Basfio and tJie Japanese Poetical Epigram, 253 

Hana vw mitsu 

Hototogisu wo mo 
Kiki'/iatetsu — 

Kono yo nochi no yo 

Omou koto nashi 

I've seen the flowers bloom and fade, 
I have heard out the cuckoo's note :— 
Neither in this world is there ought 
Nor in the next to make me sad. 

That is, the poet— a true Epicurean — has drunk to 
the full the cup of life, and has no fears for the life 
to come. 

A somewhat free translation must bo excused, as our 
English rhymed stanza is not easy to manage. Yet I 
hold to it, as fairly representative of the Japanese original, 
with which it agrees in length within one syllable (32 instead 
of 31), and also because, when halved, it will serve better 
than aught else to render the epigram. * In the case 
of the epigrams, which are far easier to translate, all 
the versions given in tWs paper are literal, — as literal, that 
is, as the disparity between English and Japanese idiom 



* The whole question as to the 1x:st equivalents for alien metres is a 
notoriously diflficuU one. Some ingenious reader may point out that the 
Japanese epigram has exactly the siime number of syllables (17) as the 
hexameter, when the latter runs to its full length of five dactyls. Never- 
theless, I should not select that form as an equivalent in the present case, 
{lartly because the hexameter always sounds exotic in English, whereas the 
Japanese measure to be represented is nothing if not i)opular and familiar ; but 
still more because the Greek or I^tin hexameter possesses a grand reson- 
ance, and is in itself a complete unit perfectly rounded off, whereas the 
fonn of the Japanese epigram is essentially fragmentary, as will be explain- 
ed later on. The somewhat jogging form which I haye chosen, with its 
elementary metre and its suggestion of fragment arincss, appears to mc to 
suit the case better. 



254 Bas/io and tJie Japanese Poetical Epigram, 

will allow. But in the specimen thirty-one syllable od< 
here quoted it is rather to the form that I would invit 

! attention than to the matter, because in this particular forr ^ 
O the epigram had its origin. It will be noticed that ^ 
dash has been placed after the third line of th<^ 
Japanese original. This is because the voice always pauses 
in that place, after what is termed the "upper heiriistich" 
Qap. Kami no ku, also Hokku, lit. ** initial hemistich "), 
consisting of 17 syllables. The ** lower hemistich " {S/timo 
no ku or AgekUy * lit. *' raising" that is '* finishing hemistich'*) 
consists of 14 syllables. The slight pause made between 
them for rhythmical purposes causes each to be recognised 
as a semi-independent entity, even when the sense flows 
on widiout interruption. This fact had an important result 
in what came after. 

And now the Chinese influence, which so far had acted 
for good, took a baneful turn, introducing conventionality 

V and frivolity. Poets — shall we rather say poetasters? — 
were no longer to draw their inspiration from their own 
hearts, and from the incidents of their lives : — ^they were 
encouraged to write to order. The social state of Japan 
at that period fostered the evil. There could be no popular 
or national literature ; for the mass of the nation still lay 
beyond the pale of the only literary influence then known, 
— an alien one. The cultivation of letters was accordingly 
almost confined to Court circles, a Court itself bereft of 
political power, and where life had sunk into an effem- 
inate round of ceremonies and diversions alike puerile and 
tiresome. Poetical tournaments (uta-azvase) became a 
favourite pastime. In imitation of Chinese usage, themes 

* The Colloquial expression agekit fw hate /«', ** the end of it all," comes 
from this, being literally "at the end of the hemistich." 



Basho attd the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 255 

^^^ ^^t, courtiers* wits were sharpened against each other, 
^ Ptizes were adjudged. We even hear of gold dust 
^f landed estates being bestowed on successful com- 
^^^^ors; but real poetry had ceased to live. 

T^he next step was the introduction, at these poetry 
tournaments, of a Chinese game resembling our "capping 
verses." At first, in the ninth and tenth centuries, the 
lords and ladies of Kyoto composed Chinese verses as near- 
ly as possible after the mode prevalent at the Court of 
Nanking, on rhymes officially given out, and according to 
the intricate rules of Chinese prosody. But when, in the 
eleventh century, their first pro-Chinese ardour had cooled, 
and the task of writing in a foreign tongue was felt to be 
too irksome, they fell back on the traditional native stanza 
of thirty-one syllables. The game, then, in this stage, con- 
sisted in either fitting on a first hemistich to a second, or a 
second to a first. This was termed Renga, lit. ** h'nked 
verses.'* Sometimes, supposing a second hemistich to have 
been given, ingenuity was exercised by the composition of 
more than one suitable first hemistich, whose merits would 
be discussed, and the palm awarded to the best by an 
umpire. The independence of each hemistich thus became 
accentuated ; and if the second and less important half were 
to fall off, the Hokhi or first hemistich would remain as an 
independent entity. This is what did in fact happen, and 
the form of the epigram was thus determined. 

Things, however, did not at first move in that direction. 
For a long time — three or four centuries — the tendency 
was the other way ; and here comes in the most curious 
part of the story. Instead of producing an ultra-short 
variety of verse, the new game seemed more likely to 
lead to a long and intricate variety. It would certainly 




\ 



V 



• » .1 
I' 



256 Baslio and tlu Japmtcse Poetical Epigram. 

have done so, had not the bent of the Japanese min^ ^ 
been too decid:dly towards the small, the sketchy, n^^ 
less in poetry than in painting and carving. The " linkecn^ 
verses,*' which, down at least to the year 11 24, had consist — 
ed of two members only, — one upper and one lower* 
hemistich, — were extended to a lai^er number, in imitation 
of Chinese models. This change had taken place by the 
beginning of the thirteenth century ; and as the ^ar jEaste rn 
^' \\^'^ mind habitually submitted all matters — even the most 
trivial — to rigid rule, a code was drawn up for the 
guidance of verse-cappers. This code appeared in several 
recensions, of which the first dates from A. D. 1087, the 
latest from 1501. According to it, the length of a set of 
" linked verses " was extended to 8, to 50, and ultimately 
to 100 hemistichs, and a certain order was prescribed for 
the succession of subjects treated in each set. Thus, 
if the Hokhi (** initial hemistich ") spoke of the spring with 
special reference to January, the second hemistich must also 
refer to January, and end with a full stop. The third 
hemistich must introduce some idea appropriate, not to 
January only, but to the whole season of spring, and must 
end with the particle te, which roughly corresponds to our 
English participles in r^ or /;/^; but should the second hemi- 
stich have included a te, then one of the particles ni or ran^ or 
the phrase mo nashiy must be preferred. The fourth hemistich 
is a ** miscellaneous " one, that is, no mention must be 
made in it of any of the four seasons. It should end with 
some such easy, graceful verbal termination as nari or 
keri. No. 5 is called the " Fixed Seat of the Moon," 
because here the moon must in any case be made mention 
of; and this and Nos. 6 and 7 are termed the " Three 
Autumn Hemistichs, — for the moon, which introduces 



Baslw atui the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 257 

these three, is the special property of autumn. All the 
hemistichs down to No. 6 inclusive are termed the " Initial 
Obverse " {Sho-omote^y because always written on one side 
of the same sheet of paper ; and (according to one authority 
at least) such subjects as religion, love, the shortness of life, 
and the expression of personal sentiments are forbidden 
therein. Hemistichs 7 to 12 (in some cases 7 to 14) -are the 
" Initial Reverse " or *' Reverse Corner " {Sho-ura or Ura- 
kado). No. 7, as already indicated, forms one of the three 
Autumn Hemistichs ; but in No. 8 and those that follow, the 
choice of subjects is left free. The final hemistich (Agekti)^ 
however, must return to the subject of No. i. The rules 
vary somewhat, according to the total number of hemistichs 
gathered together into a set. For instance, in one variety 
of 36, whose name and number are derived from the Six- 
and-Thirty Poetical Geniuses of mediaeval literature, there is 
a division into two sets of 1 8 each ; and the first of these is 
subdivided into an Obverse of 6 and a Reverse of 12 hemi- 
stichs, while in the second subdivision, technically termed 
the ** Leave-taking," the order is exactly contrary, the 
Obverse having 12 and the Reversed hemistichs, while the 
" Fixed Places " for the mention of the moon and of the 
flowers are also exactly contrary, being respectively 5 and 
n in the one, and 1 1 and 5 in the other. I have here 
given only three or four of the technical terms with which 
the subject bristles, and will not claim your attention for 
the elaborate rules regarding the collocation of subjects and 
the choice of words. Their minuteness almost passes 
belief, as when, for instance, it is ordained that the word 
*^^«, " how ? " may not be repeated except at an interval 
of three hemistichs, nor the word bakari, " about," save at 
an interval of seven hemistichs ; hototogisu, ** cuckoo," only 



258 Bas/io and the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 

once in a set of 100, but fiobc, '* moorland/' and viatsu koi, 
" love kept waiting," twice. Additional rules provide for 
the preferential use of homonyms, — for instance, ka ^, 
*' fragrance," instead of ka ^, " mosquito;" for anagrams 
of proper names, for alphabetical sequence in the order of 
the Ka^ta syllabary, — all this in certain fixed places, — ^as 
also for the insertion of words upside down, as mitsu, 
** three," for tsinui, ** sin,*' and for the introduction, not of 
actual words themselves, but of certain others with which 
they may form grammatical compounds. At this point 
even the Japanese commentator breaks down, confessing 
that the intricacies of the subject begin to baffle him. In 
fact, he ventures so far as mildly to suggest that " these 
rules, being too mechanical, must have interfered to some 
extent with the poetical value of the pieces composed. "( ! ) 
Easier of comprehension is the classification of all the items 
allowed to be mentioned under the caption of each nK>nth. 
Thus, under January we find New Year's day, the New 
Year sky, certain rice-cakes, a particular kind of wine, 
ferns, the straw and other emblems used in New Year 
decorations, various ceremonies, lotteries, gifts, the seven 
herbs of spring, the plum-blossom, the willow, etc. Wc 
also understand without difficulty, though perhaps with 
wonderment, that an elaborate set of rules prescribed the 
method to be followed in transcribing each set of poems on 
paper, as some of the pages were to have more written on 
them, some less. The j^aper itself, too, had to be folded 
in a peculiar manner, and the various pages possessed 
technical names, as already hinted at above. 

All this is puerile enough. How far more absurd will 
it not appear, when closer scrutiny reveals the fact that 
the total of 36, 44, 50, 88, or 100 hemistichs thus tacked 



Basho ami the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 259 

on to each other by unalterable rule gave no continuous 
sense ! In the Chinese models the sense ran on continu- 
ously. But either these models were misunderstood, owing 
to thjir being read in anthologies which gave only *' elegant 
extracts " of the chief *' beauties," or else the Japanese 
stanza— or perhaps we should rather say the Japanese mind 
of that age — obstinately refused to lend itself to any but 
the shortest flights. To be sure, the work was done, or 
rather the game was played, under circumstances which 
would have cramped more soaring intellects. Notwith- 
standing the dominion of Chinese precedents over Japanese 
literature, which has already been commented on, a rule 
handed down from time immemorial forbade the use in 
poetry of any but purely native words. Thus, more than 
half the vocabulary was excluded ; for half the vocabulary 
was Chinese, and these Chinese words comprised many 
of those in most familiar use, besides most of the terms 
denoting delicate shades of meaning. Their exclusion at 
once limited the scope of poetical expression, helped to 
make it artificial, and divorced it ever more and more from 
real life. 

In serious poetry the ban placed on all foreign terms 
proved too strong to break, and has remained in force 
down to the present day. The result was that this serious 
poetry soon became fossilised in mannerism and vain re- 
petitions. But even at Court, — solemn as the Court of 
Kyoto was, — a revulsion took place. As early as A.D. 
905, we find the compilers of the " Kokin-shu'' admitting 
to a corner of their anthology a small set of stanzas of 
more or less comic import, or characterised by conceits 
which overstepped the limits set by the rules of serious 
poetry. Such comic stanzas were termed IlaiJ^ai^^nd the 




26o Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 

taste for them gradually spread. The subjects might \m ^ be 
taken from common life ; and common words — Chinese n^ ^^ no 

less than native — were admitted into their vocabulary ,^ 

an innovation of far-reaching effect, for it gave free scopczz 





alike to the mind and the tongue, which had hitherto bee •=^^=^^ti 
bound in mediaeval fetters. After some time, it becani^c=~ -le 
fashionable to compose " linked verses " in the new com^" — ic 
or colloquial style, which accordingly received the nau= — le 
of Haikai no Renga, that is, " comic linked verses." Tlr =3e 

first extensive collection of these was made by one YanK 
zaki Sokan, an ex-Samurai who turned Buddhist priest,- 
priest, apparently, of the jovial sort, as he forsook t 
world less to practise devotion than to be rid of the word' 
of feudal service. He lived from 1465 to 1553, and 
commonly regarded as the father of the Japanese epigra 
although another poet-priest, Sogi Hoshi (1421-1^2) w; 
his elder by more than forty years. A noticeable featu 
of this period was the downward spread of the taste 1^ 
this class of poetry into the inferior ranks of society. 

Although the custom long persisted — indeed it is 
quite dead even in our own day — of linking verses togetim 
according to the elaborate and puerile rules mention 
above, the Hokku, or " initial hemistich," had gradual 
come to be considered more important than all those 
were tagged on to it. Its composition was habitually 
trusted to the most skilful of the poets present at a 
p<x:tr>' meeting, it was rcjxiated from mouth to mouth wh 
the others were forgotten, and many anthologies w« 
devoted to it alone. Thus did it happen that though t 
word Ilokku projx^rly means ** initial stanza," and 
no Rcnga properly means ** comic linked verses," t ^ 
two terms llokku and Haikai have practically run togetlm 




Basho and t/te Japanese Poetical Epigram. 261 

nto one signification. They, as well as Haiku (which is 
cross between the two), indifferently denote what we 
lave ventured to term the Japanese " epigram." This 
pigram may be defined as a half-stanza originally of a 
omic, or at least a colloquial cast, which in time came 
o be composed in all moods, — ^grave as well as jocular, 
esthetic as well as trivial, classical as well as colloquial. 
Its permanently distinctive characteristics are two in num- 
3er : — firstly, it is quite fi*ee in its choice whether of subject 
Dr of diction ; secondly, it is essentially fragmentary, the 
Fact that it is part only of a complete stanza, and that it is 
consequently not expected to do more than adumbrate tlie 
thought in the writer's mind, having never been lost sight 
of. All thfough its history, inditers of epigrams have 
devoted no small portion of their time to furbishing up the 
missing second halves of their staves. A second stave is 
always £here in posse if not />/ esse, — a fact important to 
the would-be translator, because it shows him that in 
selecting a form for his versions, he shouid prefer one wfilfch 
is calculated to produce on the English car the impression 
of fragmentariness. If he omits to notice this, he will 
fail in his chief duty,— that of rendering in some sort the 
movement of the original. The same consideration ex- 
plains why the grammar of this style of verse is apt to be 
elliptjcal^othe verge of obscurity, — past that verge indeed, 
— so that great numbers of verses are unintelligible as they 
stand. They are not (technically speaking) meant to 
stand so; it is assumed that something ought to follow. 
Accordingly, the reader is constantly called upon to supply, 
not only missing verbs and particles, but whole clauses. 
The Japanese themselves often grope vainly in the obscur- 
ity thus caused, as the attempted explanations of the 






y 




262 Basfto ami ike Japanese Poetical Epigram. 

commentators amusingly testify. IJttle wonder, then, that 
the foreign student will be apt to find fully half, perhaps 
three-quarters, of the epigrams submitted to his notice 
enigmatical. Take this, for instance, 

Hatsu-yiiki ya 

^ Are mo hito no ko 
Tarii'hiroi 

lit. First snow, aye ! that too a child of man, picker-ap of barrels. 

Such a collocation of words sounds to us like absolute 
nonsense. But it is not nonsens e ; it is only sense ove r- 
condctised. The meaning is : *' That poor boy, walking 
along the streets picking up cast-off barrels* in the first 
winter snow, — he, too, and others like him, miserable 
though be their lot, yet count among the sons of men, 
and as such deserve our pity.'' The s^nrfication is clear 
to tlie Japanese without periphrasis or comment, because 
they are habituated to siich elliptical modes of expression. 
In (act, this verse has passed into a proverb. Or again, 

(12) 

Yo no naka wa 
1 JUikJta minu tna no 

Saknra kafta 

lit. iVs for the world, oh! cherry unseen darmg three days. 

Tliis, too, is proverbial, being equivalent to some such 
saying of ours as " The fashion of this world passeth 
away." Interpreted more closely, the exact sense conveyed 
is that *• The world changes as rapidly as does a cherry- 
tree which one should not have visited for the space of three 
daj's. He saw it in full bloom ; meantime the wind has 
blown, and left not a single blossom on the branches." 



Bas/id atid the Japanese Ihetical Epigram, 263 

. too, Japanese readers would require no explanation, 
arc, however, nunoerous cases in which the process 
Icnsation has been carried so far as to baffle even 
.iiein. This happens chiefly when the epigram refers tx> 
>onie particular circumstance or event, which has been for- 
gotten. No ordinary educated Japanese would understand 
the following without explanation : — 

(13) 

Hirosawa ya 

HitO'Sfdgurtini 
Ntimataro 

Hirosazva must probably, says the commentator, be 

explained as the name of a place* — a large mere in the 

neighbourhood oi Kyoto ; the grammar and metre of the 

second line are both shaky ; and the last word Nuviatard 

has, it would seem« been coiiied as an equivalent for Jiiild- 

kui, a kind of wild-goose, which is here personified as the 

eldest son {Taro) of the marsh {nutnd). Thus we arrive at 

some such sense as 

'< A wild-goose alone in a shower at Hirosawa " 

which result, to say the least, sounds unattractive and un- 
comfortable. The impression which the author meant to 
convey — an impression of gney solitude and dreariness — 
could haiie been conveyed with &r greater effect in intelligi- 
ble language, — has in fact been so conveyed by other 
epigranimatists over and over again, for instance in these 
closely parallel lines ; — 

(14) 

Mozti no iru 

No-naka no kui yo 
Kaininazuki 

lit. *^ Oh ! Che post in the midst of the moor, on whkh a Ivntcher- 
biid nBiciKSd — November I " 




264 BcisJio and the Japamsc Poetical Epigram. 

that is, 

" November, with a butcher-bird 
' Perched on a post on th* open moor " 

a graphic suggestion, truly, of a dreary autumn scene. 

The legitimate use of condensation — legitimate because 
of the vivid effect produced — is well-exemplified in the 
following verse by the poetess Chiyo, which ranks among 
the most famous productions of this Lilliputian literary 
form : — 

(15) 

Asagao ni 

Tsurube torarete 
Morai-mizu 

Lit. Having had well-bucket taken away by convolvuli, — gift-water i 

The meaning is this : — Chiyo, having gone to her well one 
morning to draw water, found that some tendrils of the 
convolvulus had twined themselves around the rope. As a 
poetess and a woman of taste, she could not bring herself to 
disturb the dainty blossoms. So, leaving her own well to 
the convolvuli, she went and begged water of a neighbour, 
—a pretty little vignette, surely, and expressed in five 
words. 

But to return to the historical sketch of our subject, 
which was interrupted by the need for explanation and 
comment. It was mentioned a page or two back that the first 
collectors of ** epigrams," as distinguished from the "linked 
verses " of which these same epigrams were originally but 
fragments, was Yamazaki S5kan, a Buddhist priest whose 
long life extended from A. D. 1465 to 1553. Great num- 
bers of priests belonging to the Zen sect of Buddhism devoted 
themselves at this period, and for a couple of centuries 
more, to the art of versification and to esthetics generally. 



Basho and the Japanese Fdetical Epigram, 265 

Some few Shintoists did likewise. A Shinto priest of the Sun- 
Goddess's temple at Ise, named Arakida Moritake (1472- 
1549), a contemporary of the just-named father of epigram- 
matic poetry, specially distinguished himself; but his 
compositions, and indeed all those of this early age, 
retained a strong comic tinge. The composers themselves, 
despite their ecclesiastical character, were much given to 
eccentric frolics, and to all the sans-gette of a semi-lfc>hemian 
life. To their honour be it added that, while fun counted 
in their eyes for a great deal, money counted for nothing at 
all. Yamazaki Sokan is said to have lived on ten cash a 
day, and to have had no other furniture in his cell than a 
single kettle. The prettiest of his verses that has survived 
is the following, which is worthy of the later, classic age ; — 

(16) 

Koe nahiba 

Sagi koso ytiki no 
HU(htstirane 

But for its voice, the heron were 
A line of snow, and nothing more. 

How often has not this subject been treated by the Japanese 
painter, as a delicate symphony in white ! But, as already 
remarked, almost all his compositions verge on the comic, 
for instance this one, comparing, not inaptly, the posture of 
the frc^ to that which a Japanese assumes when squatting 
respectfully, with his hands stretched out on the mats to 
address a superior : — 

(17) 

Te wo tsuite 

Uta moshi-agttm * 
Kawasn kafia 

* Note the polite word moshi-agiiruy used in addressing a sujserior. ■ 



•.\ 



266 Bashd and titc Japmtcsc Poetical Epigram. 

Oh ! the frog, with its hands on the floor, lifting up [its voice in] 
song! 

^ Puns were tnuch sought after, as in 

(18) 

Yo ni ftiru wa 

Sara ni shigure no 
Yadori kajia 

where funi has a double signification : — firstly, construed 
with yo, it means " dwelling in the world,'* while secondly 
construed with shigure, it means " a shower falling," so 
that the entire sense meant to be conveyed — though the 
actual words merely adumbrate it — is that ** Man's sojourn 
in this world is as transitory as a shelter to which one 
may betake oneself during a shower." But to cap verses 
cleverly was still the poet*s chief aim. Some one having 
proposed as second hemistich the lines 

Kiritaku mo ari 

Kiritaku 7no nashi 

/ I want to kill him, and [at the same time] I don't want to kill 

him, — 

Yamazaki Sokan immediately added the first hemistich 

(19) 

Nustibito 7U0 

Toracte mircba 
Waga ko nari 

On looking at the thief whom I have caught, [behold] it is my 
own child. 

This epigram has remained proverbial for a wish, which, 
when fulfilled, turns out to be anything but pleasant. 

On another occasion — it was in the tenth month of a 
certain year — the Shinto priest above mentioned, on enter- 
ing the apartment where a poetical tournament was to be 



Dashb afui the Japanese Poetieal Epigram, 267 

held, and perceiving that tho whole assemblage consisted 
of Buddhists, exclaimed in verse 

(20) 

O zashiki wo 

Mireba izure mo 
Kaminazuki 

to which Sogi responded with the second hemistich 

Hitori shigure no 

Furi-eboshi kite 

The task of making this intelligible to any one entirely 

ignorant of Japan, its language, and customs, might be 

abandoned as hopeless. Members of the Asiatic Society 

will, however, easily perceive that the contrast insisted on 

by the two ready wits is that between the shaven pates 

of the Buddhists and the curious gauze cap worn by Shintd 

priests over their natural hair. But this is not all : — there 

are two puns to be taken into account, and Kaminazuki 

is here the first important word. It signifies literally 

** the month without Shinto gods." The tenth month of 

the year is so styled in Japanese poetical and religious 

parlance, because of a tradition to the effect that in that 

month all the Shint5 gods and goddesses forsake their 

other shrines in order to hold a conclave at the great 

temple of Izumo. The sight of a party consisting exclusively 

of Buddhists would naturally remind a Shintoist of the 

absence of his Shinto gods, and furthermore, as kami means 

"hair" as well as *' god," the syllables kami na[shi^ 

suggest " no hair," in allusion to the Buddhist shaven 

heads, so that the upper hemistich comes to mean " On 

looking round the ^apartment, I see none but Buddhists." 

In the second hemistich the word shigurcy ** shower," 

which has nothing to do with the matter in hand, forms 



t^ 



268 Bashb aiid tite Japanese Poetical Epigram, 

a sort of punning " pillow-word " to introduce y«n, which 
has the sense of ** raining," and at the same time recalls 
fiiniiy " old," thus giving the sense of ** Yes, but there is 
one Shintoist among us in his old gauze cap." Both 
hemistichs are decidedly clever in the original, though 
the sparkle is of course lost and the point blunted by the 
laborious process of elucidation in a foreign tongue. 

A few more examples of the compositions of this, 
the earliest, age of Japanese epigram will be found at the 
end of the present essay. The authors above mentioned 
each had numerous pupils, by whom their tradition was 
continued. But no eminent names are recorded till the 
close of the sixteenth century, when a Samurai called 
Matsunaga Teitoku (i 571-165 3) became the legislator for 
epigrammatic poetry by the publication of a work entitled 
'* 0-Garagasal' in which its rules were detailed aj)art from 
those that had so long guided the composers of ** linked ^ 
verses." Of the latter, too, he was the acknowledged 
master in his day, and was accordingly nominated by 
Imperial decree to the post of Hana-yio-niotOy which may 
be rendered '* the Flowery Seat," — a laureateship which 
carried with it the control over all minor teachers and 
pupils in the poetry schools by the granting or withholding 
of diplomas, etc.; for in the Japan of that age everything 
was legislated for, — even verse and versifiers. This par- 
ticular poet, though highly eccentric and finally blind, 
left a flourishing school, from which shone out with parti- 
cular lustre five disciples known to fame as the "Five Stars ** 
(j£ S)- ^^ven such a Confucian scholar as Hayashi Razan, 
even so eminent a Japanologue as Kitamura Kigin, did 
not disdain to take lessons from him in epigram ; and the 
great Basho himself was, poetically speaking, his descend- 



Bas/io and tlie Japanese Poetical Epigram, 269 

ant in the second generation. His verses api^ear to mc 
somewhat formal ; but he had the merit of avoiding vulgar- 
ityi Teishitsu (i 608-1 671), one of the ** Five Stars," 
equalled, if he did not suri>ass, his master, though it is 
related that he had so poor an opinion of his own pro- 
ductions that he considered only three worth preservation, 
and committed all the rest to the flames. One of these 
three has been held by the best judges* to be the finest 
epigram ever written. It runs as follows : — 

(22) • 

Korc wa kore zva 

To bakari liana no 
Yoshino-yama 

The verse resists jll attempts at adequate representation in 
English ; but the gist of it is that the mountains of Yoshino, 
when covered with the cherry-blossom, baffle description 
by their loveliness, and leave the beholder nothing but 
inarticulate exclamations of wonder and delight. This 
poet also had five specially eminent pupils, known in literary 
history as " The Two Guests and the Three Men " (H^ 



* By such men, for instance,, as I^hu. But Aeha Koson, an ingenious 
modern critic, has pointed out a flaw in the verse : — it is not characteristic 
enough. Muiaiis muiandhy the same words might l>e applied to other unique 
scenes, as AJy/v wa kore wa — To btikariyuki fw — Fuji no yafna, substituting 
Fuji with its snows for Yoshino with its flowers. Among epigrams on 
Yoshino, this critic would award the palm to the following (hy the ]Kx:t 
Ryota), which could not be transferred to any other scene : — 

(21) 

Shira-kwno ya 

Chiru toki hana no 
Yoshino-yama 
Its puipoit is to liken the falling ])etals of the cherry-blossoms of 
Yoshino to a white cloud. Perhapw one might render it thus : " A white 
cloud, — nay! the blossoms on Moimt Yoshino as they flutter down/' 



270 Bashb mid the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 

HA)- With them the first or introductory period of the 

Japanese epigram, as cultivated at Kyoto, may be said to 

close. Its latest members were contemporary with the rise 
o 

of two other schools, — the Danrin Ha at Yedo, which 

plunged into intricacy, mannerism, and exaggeration, and 

Basho's school which finally led Ja[>anese poetry back into 

v 

the paths of good taste and good morals. 

The origin of the Danrin School was on this wise. A 
^ Samurai from the province of Higo, named Nishiyama Soin 
(1605- 1 68 2), whose lord had been cashiered, wandered off 
to Osaka and Kyoto, where he shaved his head as a 
Buddhist priest and prayed for poetical inspiration to the 
god Tcmmangii, at whose shrine each of his compositions 
was successively offered up. Such pious preparation would 
lead the European student to expect some grave and 
serious result ; but in Japan they manage these matters 
differently. The result in this case was that the poet 
went in for every kind of verbal jugglery and ingenious 
conceit ! Meantime, at the then recently founded and luxuri- 
ous city of Yedo, a similar meretricious taste had found 
a home in a little coterie of versifiers who were weary 
of the simplicity of the earlier Kyoto school. Their 
club, which was known by the title of Danrin (^^), or 
*' The Forest of Consultation," warmly welcomed Nishi- 
yama to Yedo in 1664. He became its leader, and, by 
roving all over the country from Nagasaki to the extreme 
North, where one of the local Daimy5s enrolled himself 
among his pupils, he spread the new mode far and wide, 
assisted therein by his contemporary Saikaku, the favourite 
novelist of the day, who may be best described as a 
Japanese Zola, as his stories are alike admirable in style 
and abominable in matter. His epigrams, fortunately — at 



Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 27 1 

least those that I have seen quoted — do not appear to have 
shared in this coarseness. Tradition credits liim with 
having composed twenty thousand of them in a single 
day. Here are a few examples of the verses of the 
Danrin School : — 

(23) 

Naga-mochi ni 

Haru kakure-yuku 
KoromO'gae 

A change of garments, and the spring 
Goes into hiding in the chest 

that is to say, ** When we stow away our heavier gar- 
ments on the approach of summer, spring hides itself in 
our trunks or closets till next year," — a conceit which 
it doubtless cost the composer some trouble to excogitate. 

(24) 

Kumo no mine ya 

Yama minn knni no 
Hiroi'Vwno 

A lucky find, — the i>eaks of cIoikI, — 
For countries that no mountains see 

that is, ** In flat countries, how glad the natives must 
be to see mountainous masses of cloud 1" — another conceit 
of like calibre to the first. 

(25) 

Moshi nakaba 

t Clwcho kago no 
Ku zvo uken. 

Did it but sing, the butterfly 
Might have to suffer in a cage 

in other words, ** 'Tis fortunate for the butterfly that its 
\oice is not as beautiful as its wings ; for in that 



2/2 Bashb mid the Japanese Boetical Epigram. 

case it would run the risk of being shut up in a cage 
by those who would fain hear it sing." 

(26) 

Tsuki-yo yoshi 

TachitSH itsu netsu 

Mitsu-no-hcmta 
The actual sense here conveyed is, " Beauteous is the 
moonlight night at Mitsu-no-liama, whether one stand 
up, or sit, or lie down." But the real point must be 
sought in the sound of the words, — the three tsiis of 
TachitSH itsu netstiy resumed in the word mitsu^ which it- 
self signifies " three." 

(27) 

Sarcba aki 

To mosu iware no 

Nobe soro 
Here again the matter signifies little; it is the manner 
that amuses. The meaning, so far as there is any, is 
merely that the aspect of the moor proclaims the autumn 
.season. But, apart from a pun on the word nobe^ which 
may mean either " to proclaim " or " a moor-side/* an 
irresistibly droll effect is produced by the employment 
of the stiflL .epistolary style, than which nothing can be 
further from the spirit of poetry. One poetess even 
composed her death-song in this mock epistolary style : — 

(28) 

Tsiiki mo mite 

Ware wa kono yo wo 
Kashiku kaiia 
which may be rendered into fairly equivalent English thus : 

And having seen the moon, I now 
To this world have the honour to be 



Baskb and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 273 

that is to say» '' Having enjoyed the world, its beauties 
and its glories, I now have the honour to remain your 
humble servant, etc., etc., and to depart this life." It 
seems a poor joke to die with. 

Literary conceits are, of all things, the hardest to 
transfer from one language to another. Still, even the 
slight indications here given may suffice to show how 
naturally and inevitably the fireworks of the Danrin 
School would eclipse the productions of the earlier 
epigrammatists, with their quiet prettinesses and their 
innocent little puns. For a whole generation this sort 
of thing hit the public taste, just as "smart" writing 
has done in our own day among Anglo-Saxons. The 
only question was as to who should express the most 
far-fetched ideas in the most unexpected words. Some- 
times it was a clever literary allusion, — a Confucian maxim, 
perhaps, masquerading in modern Japanese guise ; — some- 
times an astounding exaggeration ; at ocher3- something new 
in the mere phrasing, — a horribly vulvar word, or else a 
solemnly classical one, — ^anything in short, provided that 
the effect was warranted tfii startle. As for the matter, 
that was a quantite nigligeable. 



m. 

Such was the state of Japanese poetry — for the epigram 
was the only species of poetry that retained any life — when 
a man appeared, named Basho, who was destined to infuse 
into it a totally new spirit. This remarkable person was 
born in the year 1644 ^^ Ueno, in the province of Iga. ' 



I 



274 Bashd and the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 

He came of ancient Samurai lineage, ahd from boyhood 
had been the favourite companion of his Daimyo's son. 
This accomplished youth, himself no mean, scholar and 
poet, was at once Basho's feudal lord, his teacher, and 
his friend. When death prematurely removed htm, Basho, 
then a boy of sixteen, was so distraught with grief that 
home and the ordinary avocations of a Samurai could ho 
longer restrain him. Despite the Daimyo's injunctions, 
he fled privately, carrying with him a lock of his dead 
young lord's hah* to the great Buddhist monastery of 
Koya-san, and leaving behind him a very pretty verse of 
adieu to the comrades of his youth : — 

(29) 

Kumo to hedatsu 

Toino ka ya kari no 

Iki'ivakare 
The words are not susceptible of exact translation into Eng- 
lish ; but their drift is that the writer is now severed for 
life from his former friends, as the soaring wild-geese are 
from each other by thd clouds, of heaven. In the au'.umn 
of the same year he abandoned the world, in order to 
throw himself into the arms of poverty and mysticism. 
Many contradictory versions are given of the exact reasons 
for his retirement. One, for which there is no shadow 
of proof, but which has been made the theme of a popular 
drama, implicates his moral character, telling of an intrigue 
with his lord s wife. But the simplest explanation is to 
be found in that pessimistic and ascetic tinge, which, 
though dead in the Japan of the twentieth century, had 
been impressed on the .national mind during the mediaeval 
period of civil i war and misery, and which, long before 
Bashd's time, had driven warriors and nobles innumerable 



Bashb and ttie Japanese poetical Epigraih. 275 

to lay aside worldly dignities.' After the final pacification 
of the country about the year 1600, under the sway of 
the Tokugawa Shoguns, the sarrie causes no longier 
operated. But in their place, for all members of the 
Samurai caste or military gentry, there came a grinding, 
omnipresent routine, a ceaseless round of minute ceremonial 
observances, which made life a burden to any but the most 
prosaic spirits. Little wonder that heads of families be- 
came inkyo, as it was called* — that is, retired from active 
life, as early as possible, as the only escape from official 

tyranny, the only means of following their own tastes,-^ 
while others, more impatient still, threw over the traces 
even in youth by sheltering themselves under the shadow 
'of the Buddhist profession, whose power in the land was 
still a mighty one. Many became Buddhist priests in 
form only, renouncing their hereditary names and titles, 
shaving their heads, and donning priestly robes, but devot- 
ing themselves to pleasure, nowise to religion. Such were 
the esthetes who, as playmates of Shoguns and other 
exalted personages, developed the tea ceremonies, planned 
most of the beautiful gardens at Kyoto, and helped to 
advance all the fine arts. Others were genuine converts ; 
many seem to have stood lialf-way between mystic fervour 
and artistic or literary culture. Basho's position was 
peculiar. Genuinely converted, a mystic of the Zen sect , 
to; the tip of his fingers, his aim was yet strictly/ .practical ; 
he wished to turn men's Ityes and thought3 in; 'a. better 
and liigher direction, antl he employed Qne':braiKhpf 
art, namely poetry, as the vehicle for the: etbiQSfl influ- 
ence to whose exercise: he had devoted 'hi? ^if^. rr Tl^e 
vefy word "poetry" (at least //^/-^^/>. whi^Jf^'we 'Hprust 
here perforce translate by " poetry*'/ -rathier th^i):. by 



L 



2/6 Bashd attd t/u Japanese Poetical Epigram, 

/ " epigram ") came in his mouth to stand for morality. 
Did any of his followers transgress the code of poverty, 
simplicity, humility, long-suffering, he would rebuke the 
offender with a " This is not poetry " (literally, " not 
epigram "), meaning " this k not right." But more often 
he contented himself with preaching by example. 

But to return to his biography. Having freed himself 
in early youth from all official duties, and having deter- 
mined to lead a life devoted to virtue and to intellectual 
achievement, he went to Osaka and Kyoto, and wandered 
with special delight amid the mountain fastnesses of 
Yoshino, which had been the favourite retreat of his 
^ favourite poet, S aigyo H 5shi. There he bathed in the 
/ brooks and rested in the shady valleys, and meditated on 
the impermanence of human fate. This life and the 
composition of poetry helped to calm his spirit. A 
verse from those days preserves the memory of his early 
struggles : — 

(30) 

Tsuyu tokurtoku 

Kokoroffd fd uki-yo 
Sosogaba ya 

A^liere the dews drop, there would I lain 
Essay to wash this frivolous world 

that is, " I would wash away from me all taint of the 
world by a plunge into pure nature." — ^The deep gulf 
separating utterances like this from the futilities of pre- 
vious epigrammatists need scarcely be pointed out. 
Bashd s position as poet and as moralist is here taken 
up, never to be relinquished. Soon afterwards we find 
him at Yedo, where he studied all the literature then 
accessible under the best masters, — masters whose names 



Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 277 

have remained famous to this very day, — Chinese philo- 
sophy and belles-lettres under Ito Tan-an, Japanese clas- 
sical poetry and prose under Kitamura Kigin, modern 
poetry under Yamaguchi Sodo, Buddhism under Butchd 
Qsho. He constantly carried about with him one or other 
of the chief works of the standard authors, and several 
of these he knew by heart ; so that when he came to 
employ epigram as his vehicle of .expression, he did so 
with a mind full of ideas differing widely from the idle 
conceits which had formed the stock-in-trade of his pre- 
decessors in that art. But though so great a reader, his 
favourite book of aU was nature, which he studied in 
extensive wanderings almost all over Japan. From the 
year 1672 onwards, his residence — so far as he can be 
said to have had any permanent residence — was at Yedo 
in a little villa, or rather cottage, in the garden of a 
friend, a well-to-do citizen, where grew some banana- 
trees (Jap. basho), which suggested the literary pseudonym 
by which he is known to fame; for here be it paren- 
thetically remarked that almost all Japanese artists and 
poets take some such pseudonym, often several. The 
whole literary world of the new metropolis seems to 
have at once kindly welcomed him. Soon he became 
the acknowledged leader of tliose who wrote verse ; and 
the almost yearly publication of some new work led even 
such as had hitherto practised other styles to renounce 
them, and to proclaim themselves his pupils. Every 
rank of society contributed its quota. The majority per- 
haps were priests^ — at least priests in name; but we find 
also doctors, tradesmen. Samurai, even Daimyos, and not 
grown men only, but boy students, and ladies too of 
various degrees enrolled in this truly democratic literary 



2/8 Basho and the Japamse Poetical Epigram, 

circle, which so strangely maintained its private liberty in 
the midst of the rigidly fettered social organism* that 
enveloped it on every side. 

About the year 1682, Bashd seems to have experienced 
a second conversion ; at any rate his study of the doctrines 
of the Zen sect of Buddhism then became more earnest, 
owing to continued intercourse with the Buddhist teacher 
above mentioned, aided by conversations with the latter*s 
personal attendant, who, though an illiterate man, 
had attained to spiritual enlightenment. The learned 
abbot endeavoured at first to wean him from the conl- 
position of epigrams, on the ground of their frivolity. 
The story goes that, as the two were strolling one day 
in a country lane, the abbot said, " You, who turn every- 
thing into idle verse, what useful thing could you find 
to say about this mallow by the roadside?" Basho at 
once responded with the stanza 

(31) '■ 

Michi-fiO'be no 

Mokuge wa mna ni 
Knware-keri 

The mallow-flower by the road 
Was eaten by a [passing] horse 

and the abbot owned himself vanquished in the dispute ; 
for the moral lesson conveyed in those few words was 
too obvious : — " Had not the mallow pressed forward 
into public view, the horse would never have devouri^ 
it I^am, then, ambitious man, to be humble and retiring. 
The vulgar yearning for fame and distinction can lead 
nowhither but to misery, for it contradicts the essential 
principle of ethics." 



Baskd and tJic Japanese Poetical Epigram. 279 

The fojiowing epigram, which every Japanese *has by 
heart, also probably dates from this period: 

(32) 

FurU'ike ya 

Kawasii tobi-konm 
Mizu no oto 

The old pond, aye ! and the sound of a frog leaping into the watcr« 

From a European point of view, the mention of the frc^ 
spoils these lines completely; for we tacitly include 
frogs in the same category as monkeys and donkeys, — 
absurd creatures scarcely to be named without turning 
verse into caricature. The Japanese think differently: — 
the frog, in their language, has even a poetical name — 
kenvazu — ^besides its ordinary name, kairu^ and his very 
croak appeals to them as a sort of song. The picture 
here outlined of some mouldering temple enclosure with 
its ancient piece of water, stagnant, silent but for the 
occasional splash of a frc^, suggests to them the medi- 
tative and pathetic side of life. To them it appears natural 
thjat the " attainment of enlightenment," as the Buddhists 
call it, or conversion, as we say in Christian parlance, 
should express itself in some such guise. 
^ The foreign student may at first feel somewhat sceptical 
concerning the moral signification attributed to many of 
Bashd's epigrams. The justice of such a method of inter- 
pretation is bf course difficult to prove convincingly. 
Nevertheless, the testimony of tradition must be allowed 
some weight, and I have been brought to believe that a 
thorough study of the influence of the mysticism of the 
2fen sect in Japan would bear out native tradition in its 
attribution of ** inner meanings," not to Basho's writings 
merely, but to the writings and even the actions of many 




28o Basho attd the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 

other men of that and previous periods. In any case, 
whether this current method of interpretation be true 
or false, it has been so widely received that no study 
of the Japanese epigram would be complete without some 
reference to it. 

According to the accepted account, Bashd's change of 
views, his conviction of the transitoriness of all things 
earthly, and his consequent determination to have no 
longer any fixed home, were accelerated by the impres- 
sion left on his mind by the burning of his house in the 
fire of January, 1683, which destroyed the greater 
part of Yedo. It is said that he had to throw himself 
into the pond in his little garden to avoid being burnt, 
alive, a literal illustration of the text familiar to him as 
a good Buddhist, which teaches that ** [man's life] is like 
unto a house on fire," that is, equally sure of swift de- 
struction. Though his pupils clubbed together to rebuild 
his modest abode, though they even undertook to feed 
him, he is to be found from that time forward almost 
constantly on the road. The Tokaido, the Nakasendd, 
the provinces around Ky5to including his own native 
province of Iga, and above all the shores of beautiful 
Lake Biwa, of which some of his favourite pupils were 
natives and which have thus become classic ground in 
the annals of Japanese poetry, — all these districts were 
visited and re-visited, and commemorated 'in a series of 
diaries interspersed with stanzas, such as the ** No-zarashi 
Kiko^' the " Sarashina Kiko** the " Oi 710 S/idbun^'* and 
various others, not to mention the *^ Saru-mno SJni" and 
other anthologies, besides didactic works on the composi- 
tion of epigram. His most distant journey was one to 
the North, when, beginning with Nikko and the moor of 



Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 28 1 

Nasu, he continued on to Matsushima, thence up the 
river Kitakami, afterwards across country to the opposite 
or Western const, and back through tlie provinces of 
Uzen, Echigo, etc., into Mino. We know the exact day 
when he and his companion started, — the i6th May, 
1689, — we know the weather they encountered, the people 
they met, the thoughts they thought, — for all this is 
chronicled in a diary entitled *' Oku no Hoso-inichi" which 
may perhaps be freely rendered as ** Our Trail North- 
ward." The whole thing may sound not so very unlike 
the tour of a modem globe-trotter. Mr. Aston, in his 
charming "History of Japanese Literature," has accord- 
ingly spoken of Basho as "a great traveller." But I 
venture to think that this term, with its prosaic connota- 
tion, may mislead. He always spoke of himself as a 
pilgrim {angya). If he wandered up and down the 
country, it was in order to commune with mountains, ; 
and rivers, and forests, and waterfalls, in order to ponder 
on scenes of antiquity, and in order to realize in himself 
the Buddhistic ideal and to communicate it to his fol- 
lowers in all parts of the empire, as much by the con- 
tact of his personality as by the example of his verse. ' 
If he visited every place famous in song and legend and 
history,— battle-fields as well as graves and temples and 
places famed for beauty, he did so seeking not so much 
information, as does the intelligent but cold-blooded 
" traveller " of our own day and race, as edification. In 
other words, his aim was " enlightenment " in the Bud- 
dhistic sense, — ^a thing superficially akin to, yet fundament- 
ally differing from, what we term ** information," because 
the end in view is not scientific, intellectual, but ethical. 
Sometimes he might take a lift on a horse, or even in 



\ 



282 Basho tiitd tJie Japanese Poctiial Epigram. 

a palanquin; but the plan generally followed by him and the 
two or three pupils whom he permitted to share his 
wanderings, was to go on foot, dressed in the poor garb 
of a pilgrim, and carrying no luggage save a wallet 
which contained his writing-box and a few books. 
Sometimes they would sleep at a wayside inn, sometimes 
at a peasant's hut, sometimes in the open air. Not in- 
frequently, .owing to Bash5*s wide-spread reputation, the 
hospitality of some great house was pressed on him ; nor 
was it refused, though he knew on an occasion how to 
rebuke the ostentation even of a host. For instance^ 
when spending a few days at the rich city of Kaiiazawa 
on the northern pilgrimage just mentioned, a grand feast 
was organised in his honour by the local leaders of 
literary society. When it was over, he thanked them for 
their kind intentions on his behalf, but added bluntly 
that such feasting on rare and expensive viands wjis no- 
wise to his taste, nor at all compatible with the poetic 
life, that his own custom was to take his siesta on a 
moor or to sit under a tree to avoid a shower, that if 
•he required food he would ask for it, and in fine that 
only on condition of perfect sobriety and simplicity, would 
he consent to keep up intercourse with his present hosts. 
The rebuke, tempered doubtless by the courtly, old- 
fashioned manners for which he was noted, was taken in 
good part. At the next meeting, nothing was provided 
but tea, and there was all the more leisure for fruitful 
discourse on poetry, and for the composition of verses 
by all present, and for their correction, according to estab- 
lished Japanese custom, by the master himself. At 
length he suggested that the 'company might be feeling 
hungry, and would be grateful for a little cold rice. 



Bashd an I the Japanese Poetical Kpigrani. 283 

hereupon no servant, but the master of the house him- 

:lf, brought in the family rice-tub, and helped each guest 

a bowl or two of rice, with pickles as tlie sole 

crondiment. The whole company gathered round in a 

crircle to share the frugal fepast, and Basho's thanks were 

xvarnily expressed for the readiness shown in complying 

xvith his recommendation of plain living and high thinking. 

The severe simplicity observed in his cottage at 

Yedo is described by a writer who visited him there in 

the year 1684. The same writer afifords us a quaint 

peep at the life led in those days by two of his pupils, 

who afterwards rose to great celebrity, — Kikaku and 

Rai^setsu. These youths, with one other, inhabited a 

room of eight mats, bare of all conveniences save one pan 

and one kettle, and having for sole ornament an image 

of the infant Buddha stuck in a hole in the wall. The 

three owned but a single quilt between them, from which, 

as it was rather short, their toes; stuck out at nighty and 

• • • 

~ Avhen they felt col^i, they got up and composed verses. 

Yet they came of parents well-born' and not specially 

poor, and they had been trained in the best schools. 

Some of the houses inhabited by the members of this 

semi-religious, semi-Bohemian circle had rules written up 

/Prescribing the conduct which all guests were expected 

to observe. One excellent code, which was followed in 

a. rich house near Kydto where Bashd was always a 

iv^^i^lcome guest, forbade, among other things, ** arguing 

axii.<i loud snoring." 

INever to yield to anger was one of Basho's fixed 
P*^i nciples. Another was universal charity, not towards men 
^r-^. My, but towards animals. His vivid realisation of the Bud- 
^•-"*- istic dpctrine of the essential identity of all sentient ex- 



284 Basfio and the Japanese Poetical Epigroin. 

istence, whether brute or human, seems to liave become 
an ingrained feeling, to which many of his best-known 
stanzas bear witness, for instance : — 

(33) 

Nana ni asobu 

Abu na km so 
Tomo-suzume 

Sparrow, my friend, ♦ oh ! do not eat 
The bcesf that hover o*er the flowers! 

(34) 

Hai-ide yo 

Kai-ya 7to sldta no 
Hiki no koe 

' Tis a toad's croak. Come ! hop away 
From underneath the fancier's house. % 

He would not allow of unkindness to animals so much 
as in thought. An anecdote will serve to illustrate this 
point. As he and his pupil Kikaku were riding along 
a country lane one day, the latter, espying a red dragon- 
fly, cried out in verse 

(35) 

Aka-tomho 

Hane wo tottara 
To'garas/d 



* One might also translate tonio-suzutfte by " companion sparrows/' i.e., 
sparrows flying in flocks. In the present connection, however, this is less 
likely to have been the poet's meaning. 

t Abu generally means the " horsefly." But another smaller insect if 
also so called, — ai)parently a species of bee, which hums and is fond oa 
hovering over flowers. 

X liird-fancicrs calch toads, in order to fatten them up and use their 
skins to make pouches of, or they sell the flesh of the creatures themselves 
as medicine. The kindly poet wishes this toad to escape such a fate. 



i 



BasJid and tlie Japattese Poetical Epigram, 285 

ie., "Pluck off the wings of a red dragon-fly, and you 
liave a Cayenne pepper-pod." But Bash5 reproved him 
for so cruel a fiincy, and corrected the verse thus : — 

To-garashi 

Hatie wo tsuketara 

Aka-tombo 
i.e., " Add wings to a Cayenne pepper-pod, and you have 
a red dragon-fly. " 

His ardent love of all sentient beings and even of 
inanimate nature, especially of flowers, showed itself fur- 
ther in a minute observation of natural objects and their "^^ 
ways, and this became a characteristic of the whole later 
epigrammatic school, moulded as it was by his influence. 
Doubtless an element of weakness as well as of strength was 
contained herein ; for the perpetual observation of small 
natural details encouraged a mode of thought prone to dwell 
on the surface of the visible world, while neglecting the 
depths and heights of human nature. This has always^ o 
been a weak point in the intellectual armour of the Far- 
Eastern nations : — they have never fully realised that 
" the proper study of mankind is man," and accordingly 
their art and philosophy alike have remained on a com- 
paratively lower plane. 

The purity of Basho's life — ^a thing far from common 
in the Japan of those days — was patent to the world. 
But he was no prude. On one occasion, at a country 
inn irt" the" North, he found himself in the room next to 
that where slept, or rather chattered, two unhappy girls, 
— courtesans. They were bound on a pilgrimage to Ise, 
in atonement for their ill-spent lives, and the man-servant 
^who had accompanied them so far was to return from 
that post-station, leaving them to pursue tiieir long 



286 Bashb ami the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 

journey alone. Next morning, noticing the priestly garb* 
of their neighbour and of his companion, they begged 
to be allowed to journey part of the way in .the 
company of the holy men, or, if that were asking too 
much, at least in sight of them. This Basho excused 
himself from ; but he spoke kindly, assuring the girls of 
the divine care for wayfarers, even such as they. The 
epigram which he then composed has remained famous i—^ 

Hitotsu-ya ni 

Ytijo mo Jietari 
Hagi to tsuki 
The literal interpretation of these words is ** Courtesans 
[and I] slept in the same house, — the lespedeza and 
the moon.*' The meaning is that " Occasion will make 
the greatest strangers companions.-^a^ the moon in 
heaven and the lespedeza blossom on earth,_ as priests 
vowed to a life of sanctity and girls fated to a life of 
shame. The happier should not altogether condemn or 
disown the less fortunate, no, not even the guilty, who 
may often be more sinned against than sinning. " 
O Another of Basho's marked characteristics was a con- 

// tempt for shams and for triviality of every kind. True, 
he could not altogether free himself from the literary 
conventions of his time and nation ; yet he did so to a 
considerable degree. It was noticed that, of his many 
thousands of epigrams, not one dealt with Mount Fuji, 
or with the cherry-blossoms of Yoshino, or with the pine- 
clad islets of Matsushima, — subjects which custom had, in 
a manner, imposed on all Japanese writers of verse. 
Moreover, Yoshino had. been one of his favourite haunts', 
and Fuji of course a familiar friend on tramps innumer- 
able. He even made a long journey (which was mor^ 



Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 287 

^han the majority of rhymesters did) to see Matsushima 
"xvith his own eyes; but when he had seen it, he confes- 
sed that all that could be said on the subject had been 
ssaid already, and therefore would not write, having no- 
t:hing new to tell. 

To the so-called rules of composition he paid little . 

lieed, — so little in fact that his followers, themselves 

anxious for rules to guide their own practice, had to 

allow that tlieir teacher stood outside the rules. He 

appears to have instinctively felt the absurdity of all the 

grave legislation which there had been for such little 

cockle-shells of verse; but actual revolt was as foreign 

t:o the Zen spirit in artistic matters as in social or 

apolitical. Basho's theoiy and practice were resumed in 

the four words ^ ^ 8fe ^f f^^'^f^i ryu-ko, which may be 

freely rendered as ** unchanging truth hi fleeting form,'*\ 

that is, the matter must be such as has permanent in- 

'.terest, the manner must be that of the writer's age, — as . 

good a definition as could perhaps be given of a classic. . 

Truth, he said, has ever been considered ** the marrow 

CDf style," and he defined truth of style as consisting in 

repose and in sifnplicity. Again, ** In composing, com- 

fDOse not overmuch : — ^you will lose genuineness. Ixt 

3/our epigrams spring from the heart rather than from 

'* And to a correspondent he wrote, " Your zeal for 

pigram is good news. But epigrams from the heart are 

more important than erudition. Many men there are who 

<::an turn a phrase; there are few who observe the heart's 

"X^ules." Or take such utterances as the following: — 

* * Style should be natural, with a graceful turn. Ingenuity 

nd the search after what is strange are less to be re- 

ommended Follow nature, and constantly turn to 



288 Bashb and the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 

nature Let your epigrams resemble a willow-branch 

struck by a light shower, and sometimes waving in the 
breeze." Furthermore, he never wearied of impressing 
on his pupils that they should lead the poetic life, for that 
then the words of their poems would flow spontaneously ; 
and it was observed that he rarely, if ever, discoursed on 
art alone, but constantly brought in the ethica l element, 
for which above all he really cared, poetry being to him 
a means rather than an end. Accordingly, as already 
noticed, he paid little heed to traditional rules. Even 
prosody counted for little in his practice. Though no 
author had Japanese prosody — such as it is — in more 
perfect command, none offers so many examples of rhythm 
broken by redundant syllables, doubtless because his in- 
stinct told him that the poetic form current in his day 
and nation was unreasonably short, and because he there? 
fore preferred breaking through the form to sacrificing the 
sense. The following may serve as one instance among 
many : — 

(37) 
Kare-eda ni 

Karasu no tomari-keri 

Aki no hire 

The end of autumn, and some rooks 
Are perched upon a withered branch 

The second line has nine syllables instead of the regular 
seven; but it would be impossible to convey more for- 
cibly in one brief phrase the idea of autumnal desolation, 
and that was all that Bashd cared for. This was an 
** epigram " in the literal sense of the word, having 
been inscribed on a sketch of three crows huddling on 
a leafless branch. Other examples of lines with super- 



Bashd and the Japanese Poetical Epigram. 289 

nous syllables will be found in the little anthology at 
le end of this paper. The Japanese have never been 
icklei's for prosodial accuracy ; but Bash5 allowed hirn- 
;lf an unusual latitude. 

Basho's healthj always delicate, seems to have been 
orn out by his constant wanderings, which exposed him 
' many hardships. He died at the age of fifty, while on 
e road as usual, busy spreading his ideas, ethical and 
)etical. He had been entertained at Osaka at the house 

the poetess Sono-Jo, where some mushrooms poisoned 
m. A minute account has been preserved of his last 
lys. He lingered for a fortnight, his chief pupils gat her- 
g round him and nursing him with filial care. When it 
came evident that no hope remained, they requested him 

compose a death-bed stanza, according to the universal 
istom of Japanese poets. But he refused, being unwilling 

sanction by his example a practice which he thought 
d to vanity and deceit, for that insincere persons were 
ant to get their so-called death-bed poems ready long 
iforehandj wherewith to cheat the world at their last 
)ur. Nevertheless, next morning, he called two of the 
atchers to his bedside, and said, ** Last night, while I lay 
^pless, the following stanza came into my mind : — 

(38) 

Tabi ni yamite 

Yiwu zva kare-no wo 
Kakc-mazvani 

Ta'en iU while journeying, I dreamt 
I wandered o'er a withered moor. 

" Neither is this a death-bed stanza, nor is it not one. 
blame myself for being still attached to my lifelong 



O 



4 .1 



290 Baslw and the Japanese Poetical Epigram* 

pursuit of poetry at this moment, when face to face with 
the great change from life to death." 

His state grew more and more critical. On the 27th 
November, his favourite disciple Kikaku arrived. The 
interview affected both to tears. Nevertheless, on the 
next day, liasho was still able to be moved to laughter 
by some trivial occurrence which suggested comic verses 
to one of the party; so they took to composing turn 
and turn about, in order to amuse him. On the 
28th, out of his great love of cleanliness, he insisted on 
taking a bath, after which he sat up in bed with his 
chief pupils facing him, and the others ranged in a row 
on either side, when one of them took down his last will 
and testament in writing. He himself penned a letter to 
his old home, sent verbal messages to various pupils, 
charged those present to forgive one whom, for a grave 
offence, they had ostracised from their company, then 
folding his hands in prayer, recited the Buddhist sutra of 
the Goddess of Mercy (** Kwannon Ky^ "), and sank back 
dead as if asleep. He was buried in the temple grave- 
yard of Gichuji, by the shores of Lake Biwa, on — ^as it is 
specially recorded — a beautiful day in the Indian summer, 
the 30th November, 1694, over three hundred mourners 
attending. The catalogue of the possessions which he left 
behind is recorded too, — one image of Shaka Muni, one 
copper bowl, one cape, one wooden ink-box, and so on, 
ending with a few books and scrolls. 

Such, sketched in barest outline, was the career of this 
amiable and accomplished man, whom some students of 
his life and works might perhaps feel inclined to term 
the Japanese Wordsworth. Of course it would not do to 
press the comparison closely. Basho was not born under 



Baslio attd the Japanese Iheiical Epigram. 291 

^he same lucky star as Wordsworth. He inherited a 
lang uage incomparably inferior as a vehicle for poetry, ^ 
^md was restricted to a single form of verse, and that 
tile poorest. From this cause, if from no other, his 
poetical performance may no more be ranked with Words- 
^vorth's than Skiddaw may be ranked with Fuji. Never- 
theless, he succeeded in regenerating the poetic taste 
of his day. His knowledge of nature and his sympathy 
-with nature were at least as intimate as Wordsworth's, 
sind his sympathy with all sorts and conditions of men 
-was fer more intimate; for he never isolated himself 
from his kind, but lived cheerfully in the world, though 
not of the world. Accordingly, his contemporaries re- 
ceived from him a moral no less than a literary influ- 
ence; he embodied for them the Zen form of Buddhism. 
TTiis subject — ^the Zen doctrine and its influence in China 
5ind Japan — is one that has never yet been treated as 
it deserves, and it is impossible here to treat it paren- 
thetically. At least so much will perhaps have been 
gathered from the foregoing, — that the Zen philosophy, 
or religion, or whatever it may best be termed, is a 
system in which the pessimism of original Buddhism is 
^softened by wise concessions to common sense and to 
"the needs and limitations of common life, in which ascet- 
icism of the body is exchanged for a sort of mental 
"detachment not inconsistent with the calls of social in- 
tiercourse, in which, while the essential vanity of all 
earthly pursuits is still recognised, some of those which 
Appeal most strongly to the cultivated human mind, 
^namely the various branches of art, are welcomed to an 
Inonoured place in the plan of life, because they may be 
vailed of as a means for passing to yet higher spheres 



V-' 






292 Basho atid t/tc Japamse Poetical Epigram. 

of thought and conduct. The word Zen is a contraction of 
the Sanskrit word dliydtia^ " contemplation. *' * The early 
votaries of the sect used to pass their time in con templar 
tion or abstraction. Of some it is related that they sat 
for years gazing at a wall, scarcely even thinking any 
more, but in a state betwixt rapture and unconsciousness. 
E^xperience, however; showed that mankind was not serv- 
ed by such unnatural excesses, and that the cultivation 
of harmless pursuits was a preferable mental anodyne. 
Of course they were never meant to be more than an 
Jv-^ anodyne. They were to be what the Japanese Buddhists 

term a /idbefi, a word not susceptible of literal translation 
V" .^... into English, and which has most erroneously been 'J 
translated as '*,pious fraud." The hoben is rather a way, 
a means, an instrument. The parables of the New Testa- 
ment, for instance, are Iwben, — stories not literally true, 
but useful though fictitious, because pointing the way to 
truth. \\\\ its modern form, the Zen creed had become 
essentially tolerant and cheery.^ Under* its influence such 
virtues as moderation, contentment, simplicity, kindliness 
naturally flourished, together with that sobriety and good 
taste which we have all learnt to admire in the exquisite 
art of *' Old Japan. " Its danger was a tendency to de- 
generate into hedonism. We have already seen that 
some of its earlier professors studied simplicity less as a 
virtue than as the easiest road to pleasure, and especial- 
ly to individual freedom in society as then constituted. 

There is a point often incidentally touched on in the 
preceding pages, which may seem particularly strange to 
anyone unacquainted with the manner in which the arts 
are cultivated in Japan, namely, the great number of dis- 
ciples who gathered around Basho, followed him about. 



« 1 1 « 



i 



BasJio tiJid the Japmuse Poetical Epigram, 293 

" Trended hkn. Basho, in fact, is commonly said to have 
Xiad three thousand disciples. Another account says one 
thousand, of whom two hundred principal ones. The 
names of about one hundred are still familiar to educated 
persons. Yet he had laboured for little over ten years. 
Similar phenomena meet us in the careers of other poets 
before and since, and of professors of various arts. The 
explanation of this circumstance is rooted in one of the 
fundamental doctrines of Chinese philosophy, as taught 
by Confucius and developed more particularly by Mencius, 
- — the doctrine of the essential goodness of human nature. 
The prominence given to this doctrine leads to an extra- 
vagantly high opinion of the value of education; for a 
mind essentially good will of course require but right 
• training" to attain to something very like perfection. 
■ Hence also, by analogy, the power attributed to educa- 
. tion of working, not moral marvels only, but intellectual. 
Our Western saying that Poeta nascitury iion fit springs 
from an entirely different mental soil. Here it is held 
that every one can become a painter, every one can be- 
come a poet, just as every one can learn to read and 
write and to behave himself. To a certain extent this 
I is true. What renders it doubly true in the Far-East ( 
is the absence of real genius, — as we Westerns understand 
genius, — so that the interval between different degrees of 
. xnerit is less than with us. In this manner, racial disposition, 
-strengthened by a congenial doctrine and its attendant 
fDractice, accounts for the enormous number of persons in 
<3hina and Japan who can paint, poetise, and so on, after 
^^. quite respectable fashion. Mediocrity does not dis- 
ilease here^ which, is fortunate, seeing that the highest 
xcellence is ; wanting. At the same time, it must be 



294 Basho atid the Japanese Ihetical Epigram. 

granted that the immense spread of the cultivation of 
various arts has tended still further to debase the average 
standard. Hundreds of so-called epigrams, in particular, 
call to mind nothing so much as the performance of a 
•poor amateur with a poor kodak. 

Fortunately, the very worst performers rarely walk 
quite alone, the usual plan being for the teacher to 
touch up his pupils' productions before they are allowed 
to circulate. For centuries past, in every branch of 
art, a whole class of professional or semi-professional 
persons, furnished with diplomas and ranged in a hie- 
rarchy of gradually ascending excellence, has made a 
livelihood by polishing the unskilful efforts of amateurs. 
As such teachers of the poetic art place particular marks 
against the words needing emendation or calling fof 
special praise, they are termed "markers" {tensha), and 
many have a bad reputation for avarice and corruption. 
Basho was no friend to the " markers. *' His expression 
of opinion on the amateurs of his day, given in a letter 
to a friend, is characteristic. He divides epigrammatists 
into three classes, namely : I. Those who spend their 
lives wrangling with professional ** markers " over the 
correctness of their diction. Even these, he remarks 
with his usual kindliness and perhaps a little touch of 
irony, do better than if they were to give themselves up 
to evil courses; for their innocent folly helps in any 
case to support the '* marker, " his wife, his children, 
and his landlord. II. Rich men who take up epi- 
gram-writing as an amusement, caring little whether the 
" marker " gives them good marks or bad. These re- 
semble children playing at cards. Their time is at least 
better thus spent than in gossip. Their money and 



Baslw and tJu Japanese Poetical Epigram. 295 

patronage, likewise, not only support the " marker ** class, 
but do really to some extent help forward the cause of 
true estheticism. Ill, Those who study poetry genuine- 
ly, devote to it all their strength, and employ it as a 
means to enter on the true " way/* that is, on a 
philosophical and ethical life. Of these last, he concluded, 
tHere could scarcely be ten in the whole empire. Evi- 
dently, Basho shared in no delusions as to the innate 
goodness or cleverness of men in general. But he did 
hb best towards helping as many as possible to be better 
and to strive after a better esthetic taste, and he wisely 
abstained from discouraging well-meant efTort, however 
feeble. His philosophy was truly practical, — humanitarian 
without fuss. He was the mildest, the least revolutionary 
of reformers. 



IV. 

In the preliminary studies for this paper, notes were 
taken for the biography and characterisation of each of 
the leading ep^rammatists of the seventeenth and eigh- 
teenth centuries. Independence and eccentricity having 
always been' prominent traits of the class, many of these 
eptgraitnnatists are the subjects of interesting anecdotes. 
At least one of them, Omteura, was a truly remarkable 
man, almost the peer of Basho himself, whose friend and 
contemporary he was, though he survived to the year 
1738. But the foregoing account of Bash5 has run to 
such lei^rths that his successors must be dealt with sum- 
marily, before passing on to some concluding remarks 
of a miscellaneous nature. 



c 



296 Bashb and the Japmiese Poetical Epigram, 

Bash5's two most eminent disciples — Kikaku and Rein- 
setsu — have already been mentioned. These, with eight 
more, named respectively Kyorai, Joso, Kyoroku, Shiko> 
Yaha, Kokushi, Etsujiii, and Safnpu, are knowft collectively 
as the Jit'tetsn (-f'^),— a title signifying not exactly the 
" Ten Sages " nor yet exactly the ** Ten Wits, '* but 
something between the two. Most of these died early in 
the eighteenth century. Though hone came up to Ba- 
sho's standard of moral philosophy, their fives testified in 
many ways to the effect of his teaching, arid many of 
their epigrams deserve to be placed on a par with his:. 
In fact, these ten men — arid notably the first four on the 
Hst — seem often to realise absolute perfection in this par- 
ticular style, conveying through a mere pin-point of ex- 
pression a whole picture to the mind. Examples of their 
compositions will be found at the end of this essay. 
Kikaku, though too independent and hasty to copy even 
Basho, was himself copied by numberless pupils and ad- 
mirers, forming the Edo-Za ox " Yedo School," which 
subsists to the present day. Rinsetsu also left a school, 
named after him the Setsu-Mon, Other schools, all 
traceable to Basho, but tinged with local peculiarities, 
arose on the shores of that beautiful Lake Biwa where 
the master had spent so many happy days,*at Kyot5, in 
the provinces of Mino and Owari, at Ise, and in the 
North, in fact almost all over the Main Island of Japan ; 
arid literary history has preserved careful genealogical 
records of the succession in each, and of their occasional 
complicated interminglings. 

It would seem that at first, that is, during the genera- 
tion that lived from about 1720 to 1750, a marked decline 
in the standard of epigrammatic excellence took place. 



Baslio and the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 297 

-A vulgar variety was evolved, wherein one person com- 
posed the first five syllables, another the last twelve. 
This, which was known as Kaininuri-ziikc, formed the very 
furthest point to which the disintegration of Japanese verse 
"was carried. Sometimes people turned the making of 
<^igrams into a kind of lottery, in which the winner 
gained a dollar, or they employed it as a vehicle for 
xiddles and for caricatures of proverbs. 

A second bloom of the true epigram occurred in the 

latter part of the eighteenth century, when names meet us 

:xiot unworthy of comparison with any of those that had 

^sidorned an earlier age. Yokoi Yayu, for example, was 

^3l, bom versifier. He went so far as to hold that all 

^^hildren's speech falls naturally into sets of five, seven, 

•siand five syllables. Because he himself had '' lisp'd in 

umbers," he assumed that others did the like. In later 

ife, he became still better known as a writer of what 

s called Haibun, that is, epigrammatic prose, and in 

;ociety he was idolised as a universal genius, an 

'admirable Crichton, " — the best bowman, horseman, 

swordsman of his day. When rebuked by his feudal 

superior for wasting time on the composition of epigrams, 

^e proved to the latter, by pouring them out extempore, 

: hat he wasted no time on them, for the simple reason 

hat they cost him neither thought nor trouble; and 

e was known throughout his clan as the most loyal 

f retainers, the most faithful of friends, and — unusual 

ombination — ^the most economical of householders. 

The greatest epigrammatist of the silver age (circa 

770-80). was Buson, the bold painter whose lifelike 

elineations of tigers and other striking objects adorn 

ome of the Kyoto temples. It may be said of him, as 



298 B0fsia^ ami tkejapamst Piutkml E^gfenm. 

of Baslwi's. two greatest pupHs,. that he caYpfed th& awt o^ 
art up ta perfection point His technique is undur- 
passed: — he literally psmks with wocdB^ and 1mm fisiw 
wovds! See^ for example, Nos. 175,. 179, it stf^-^-eaeh 
v^rside a peirfect little cameo, sometimes of heaa^^ aoifte^ 
"^ times of humour. The tradition was camied oft by. Isaa 
/ (1763 — 1'8^7),. a former of Sbinshxu noted for eccentncity 
^ and childlike simplicity,, and for kindltiies» which: went so- 
far that he refused even ta kiU a flea. One of his 
verses expresses, or rather indicates^ the spirit -of the 
Zen' teaching more perfecdy perhaps than any by other 
authors :— 

(39) 

Tsuyu tw ye* w* 

Tstiyu n0' ye nagara 
Sari nagara 

Granted' this dfewdvop world is but 

A dewdrop world^i — this granted, yelk 

that is, ** Granted that all pbenomeiia are transitory and 
valueless, like the dew that forthwith (&iesr up and' 
vanishes, still, wheiv alli isi saiA and done, we camnt quite 
aflbrd to throw life and' its joys away. There is some 
element of penmatnence in ft yet, thoug'h it wene hand to< 
define this element precisdjjr. *' — The wordb ini the orig- 
inal are as pretty as the thoujjht itself is gracefoB aad: 
true. 
r Some' of the foremost epigrammaitbts: were wconen : 
— The names of Mitsunjx!) (E7tb century), her popii 
Sono-J)o (died 1726),. Chigetsu-ni (died 1706),. Shushiki 
(died 1725), and above all KagaHio-Cldyo C^i-1775X 
are known to all students of Japaaese poetry. Ohe of 
CWyo's most celebraited epigrams has ah-eaidy bcem given, — 



Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigrofn. 299 

ithat descrSbing the coovolyuli which twined about the well. 
But her preeoiinocit superiority, alike in diction, in smnble- 
wfttedaess^ and in depth of thought and feeling, claims 
attention, even where so many famous names have to be 
passed over in silence. In no other Japanese verse, per- 
haps, is liie souod a more perfect echo to the sense than 
in the following from her pen. The occasion erf" it is 
thus relaled. A celebrated professor of the art, Rogen- 
-bo, who happened to pass through the remote northern 
town where she lived as a girl, and who was applied to 
by her for instruction, gave her the cuckoo as a theme, 
T>ut was rude eaough to pay no heed to her efforts and 
to fall asleep till dawn. She sat there patiently all night, 
^nd when the master at length opened his eyes, greeted 
lim with the following : — 

(40) 

Hotatogisu 

Hototogisn tote 
Ake ni keri 

"whidi 0iade him clap his hands and aver that she needed 
:aio teacher, being already passed mistress of the art. 
Ulendered into English, the dines merely mean ** Day has 
^dawned to [the sound of] * cuckoo! ' 'cuckoo! '" But the 
apanese scholar will TeaKse the mastery necessary to 
ut together those six seemingly simple words. 
This poetess's married life was summarised in three 
pigrams. The first 

(41) 

Shibukaro * ka 

Shiranedo kaki no 
HeUsU'chigiri 



* Short for long on account of tlic metre. 



300 B as/to and the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 

which was presented by her to her husband on their 
wedding-day, defies translation into English owing 
to its terseness. The meaning, however, is clear. The 
poetess compares her marriage vows to a persimmon. 
No one can tell whether a persimmon be astringent 
or not until he bites into it, nor can happiness in 
wedlock be assured till trial of it has been made. 
Chiyo had no illusions ; but she bore her griefs with 
ortitude. Her elegy for her husband, who died early, was 

(42) 

Okite mitsu 

Nete mitsu kaya no 
Hirosa kana 

Whether I lay me down or wake, 
How large seems the mo«>quito-net ! 

that is, "The very sight of my widowed couch, when I 
retire to rest and when I wake again in the morning, re- 
minds me of my loss and of my solitude. " But she 
was to be still further bereft. Perhaps the reader, with 
his mind now better attuned to the Japanese style, will 
grasp the sad purport of the last epigram of the three: — 

(43) 

Tombo-tori * 

Kyo wa dokora ye 
Itta yara 

Where may he have gone off to-day, — 
Tlie hunter after dragon-flies? 

Her little boy, too, had died, the bright lad who used 
to run after dragon-flies in the sunshine. To what un- 



♦Another reading gives Tomho-isun. If we accept it, the second line 
of the English must nm thus, *< The fisherman for dragon-flies." Japanese 
children do, as a matter of fact, often catch these insects with toy lines 
and hooks. 



Bashd and tlie Japanese PbetUal Epigranu ■ 301 

known land has he wandered off?— Surely this tiny 
composition were almost worthy a place in the Greek 
Anthology, so true is it to nature, so perfectly simple, 
and yet saying, or at least indicating all that can be 
said so fully that any word added would be superfluous. 
But to finish this thumb-nail sketch of Chiyo's mind, the 
humorous side, which in her, as in so many others, jostled 
the pathetic, claims a moment's notice. When left alone 
in the world as a woman of a certain age, she made a 
living by teaching of the poetic artj and it is related that 
her figure became unwieldy. One day, as she was quitting 
the mansion of a noble personage who had entertained 
her at dinner, the servant-girls, astonished to find that 
the pretty name of Chiyo belonged to a fat, plain, mid- 
dle-aged woman, began tittering in the passage behind 
her. Instantly the poetess wheeled round, and admonish- 
ed her pert critics in the following impromptu verse \- — 

(44) , ; , ■; 

HiiO'kakae 

Aredo yanagi iva 
Yanagi kana 

A willow may an annful be, 
But 'tis a willow all the same« 

That is, " I may be fat, but I am a lady, and expect to 
be treated as one, '* — the willow-tree, with its slender 
gracefiJness, being of course symbolical of womanhood. 



With the generation which passed away about 1780, 
the art of composing epigrams was gradually lost. The 



I 



302 Batkd 4md Mie iap0tuse Aetkad Epigram 

acIioqIs nvliiofa eodeaiffoured ito preserve die dbd mamier 
ilwnme foiwilisod, >yjiiie fOvt-oMoors tise f<Man of tdie 
efngmni feH into vui^par .hands >v4iiGh busied tbes^aelvics 
JHidiliiQg tvvihat a«e Gained, ^om die iia«ie of^dietr tnwenter, 
^iS^nqri {liifid d 790),— ^voraee •which Jiave this on common wkh 
Ahe ^fjeram, libat ishepr coasint tof aevoniscui sytUables, but 
Mfjstch .»fe vulgar^ often e«9eo ^008, tn tnatter* and equally 
Jtomr in •didiarL No laeed te ^eftt bese dther of idaem or 
(Of A «cvhcGd[-*4dfte 60-f:aUed SfegVi^^t -Hyhich is in /progress 
an our iMim 4ay:. Tihis last ^|ibase (cannot well be judged 
ittU unore «f jte ooturse «hatl hay» been f tm. Neireotfaeless, 
iflom tiie ispsctmons io be Ibmid .in almost e\«ry 
mewspaper, dae <vttic tiviU 'jKwJtole to attribute to \t 
•tntich importanoe. It seems rather that all 4:hat cam be 
raaid twathin the narrow limits set hy tsuch liiUqnitian 
neratc^, or «entt-veraicles« has been said long ago, and 
that we aineady atand at jl suficiont idtatance of ttime 
from the best and most representative epigrammatists to 
be able to view their productions as a whole. 
( Notice,in passings the •curious xjrder in which the phases 
\ of the Japanese epigram succeeded -each other: — first, a 
] frivolous stage ; then the appearance of a reformer who 
j put thought and feeling into the empty shell ; then a stage 
V^f, so to say, art for art's sake; lastly, fossilisation. 
European precedents would have led us to expect a 
certain sturdy and simple genuineness at the beginning, 
extravagance at the end. But the epigram is not the 
only Japanese art which shows the exactly reversed 
sequence. The tea ceremonies offer another marked in- 
stance; for there, too, luxury and bad taste ran riot at 
the begimiing, followed by Sen-no-£ik^u*s reform in the 
dinection tof «iwpfa'fi!ty^ and eadtng in itdne fosstUsattion of 



J 



tkat aimfrficky. This> p^euiiaarity oS the JapiBui«9e eslhetie 
devclopcnciit mtnt be left lo others to explaML Meve 
afipropriate to the subject of tilie poesent essajr m- it ta_^ 
enqaire : — ^what i» the valtfe of tlie ^^apanese epigram^ as 
litevatoce? Doubtless a foreig^ev unaided might well distvust 
Ms afeUity' to- answer this questioiu Bat the native com.- 
inentators — sucb men a» Aefea^Itesop, one of the kadkig 
Iktirmieurs efthe pment dagri* sMd SUki,.aiid Kdyo Sanjin— * 
hd)^ us ovei thi» difficukj. Not only liawe they cempiled 
uaefial* anthokgies^ and written ho6k% exphining the aietual 
text of cof^ideiaUe numbeit^ of famous* epigrams ; sonie of 
their editions indicate the classic sources, botl> Japanese 
and Chinese, from which Basfao drew, and thus enable 
us to appreciate his erudition. One on Buson's epigrams 
gives the opinions of a whole circle of his modem admirers 
on most points, while others supply as with biographies, 
anecdotes^ etc^r ^U helping: not enlj lO' elucidate an enigmat- 
ical style, but to fii i» the pictufe of a vanished aigyr.. 

Bui while the native commentaftors- are indispensable helps 
taa cDmprehenBion of the subject^ it may be doubted whether 
ai^ European! stflMlent could bring himself to adopt thcic 
estiflMteSi. Medeni' Js^«esc critics do not intend that 
theie national literature shalL 3ridd the palm to that of 
any otbei land. Accordingly, they have set themselves 
to discover Japanese Shakespeares, Japanese ScottSy 
Japanese Victor Hugos,, etc.,. etc., etc.* In fact, they 



^ Theit Ifine* bad sonrcsly been penned^ when a newspaper appeavedf 
aDDOBDcing^ amoag othes kitenstixig items, the death of *^the Japa. 
nese Rousseau," Mi; Nakae Tokusuke. As this gentleman was a violent 
atheist and matenalist (his latest work bore the title " Neither God 
nor Soul"), the nature of his intellectual kinship to the author o^ 
'< Ijt, VicaiM'Safeyaid " soems somewlMt problemoticaL Eximo-disee omnus. 



304I Basho and the Japanese Poetical Epigrdm, 

are busy turning all their geese into swans, with the 
help of the technicalities of European art criticism, — the 
"subjective, "the "objective," and all the rest of the 
jargon. They inform us that Basho's verse was a mirror 
reflecting the universe within a frame of seventeen 
syllables. They discover a criticism of life — the whole 
2j^xi philosophy in fact— itl that single stanza of his on 
the old pond and the frog jumping into the water, which 
has been quoted on page 279 ; and in the next specimen (by 
one of the ''Ten Wits") they admire "that absolute transpa- 
rency and truth to nature which are of the essence of 
the epigram : " — 

':'■''■ ' >s).. : 

Susus^isa ya 

En yari ashi wo 
Bura-sageru 

Oh ! how cool, dangling one's legs over the verandah,! 

Similarly do they judge in countless other cases. 

At the same time^ and though nothing would be easier 
than to make fun of the extravagantly laudatory critics, 
and even of the epigrammiatists themselves, to do so 
would surely prove little but that the foreign investigator's 
own critical sense was deficient, but in another direction. 
For is he not called on to treat his subject sympathetical- 
ly, or, as Pope puts it, to 

\ < u fead each work of wit 

. - With the same spirit that its author writ ? " . 

And is this not more than ever necessary in the case of any 
Oriental literary product, because the conditions under 
which if came into existence differ toto ccelo from those 
of our own literature ? 
The leg^dangling epigram must of course, be given up. 



Bdsha 0^ tlu Japanese PoeticUt Epigratit^ ^05 

and with it scores and hundreds of "the baser sort/* — 

trivialities traceable to the unhappy assumption that 

every one is capable of writing vjrse'.: But when ihe 

European critic has made alt reasonable deductions; wlron 

lie has eliminated the prosings and the quibbles and the 

vulgarities of those poetasters whom Japanese tolerance 

admits to a niche in the national temple of fame, iks; is 

yet left with a remnant wherein many tiny prettinesses 

sparkle. If he cannot here discover intact that mitror 

Tcflecttng the universe of which the Japanese ri comment 

tators speak, he does find thousands of fragments 'of 

shattered glass, among which some of shattered crystal, 

each reflecting at a different angle some n;\inute comer of 

a scene, a brief note of some fact in ' nature, or maybe 

an indication of some sentiment or fancy. . The Japanese 

Epigram at its best is a loop-hole opei^ed foe Jm instant 

on some little natural £ict, some incident of daily lifef. \ 

It is a momentary flash, a smile half-fbmied, a sigh sup*- 

pressed almost before it becomes audible/ Take; for 

instance, Basho's lines composed on one of Jstpan''^ most 

.fiimotis battle-fields, now a desolate moot(:«--^ 

(46) 

Natsurgusa ya 

Tsuwa-ntonfhdofno nb'^ 
Yunte no ato ' 

Haply the summer grasses are , 

A relic of the warriors* drean^' .'?r^r';. '^ 

TTiat u|| "Of the warriors' dream of poVirer and gloiy, 
nought femains but the high grasses wavitig^ o'er the 

~ ' • • • 

vnoor ^hat is their tomb. " Or this oth6r; already quoted 
ait the beginning of the present^ paper, and which is 
typical of the art at its highest point of perfection 1— 



hU. 



.Mi 



::;/; 



/ 



30$ Basko and the Japanese Poetical ^igram, 

A single river, stretching far 

Across the moorland swathed in snow. 

Such shorthand verses, if so they may be called, sp^iig 
from idle same mental soil as that on which stftild 
many Japanese artists, who have — not painted, or 
evea sketched, — but hjpt gd ^t , a flight of birds, a ika- 
coast, a pine-tree, with but two or .three strokes of the 
brush. The result is not great, perhaps ; but we woddejr 
at the production, with such scanty means, of any rcMlt 
at all ; and we cannot refrain from wishing that the itlto 
who performed these feats in little .had tried his 
skill on a lai^er canvas. Practically, the classical or 
semi^classical poets of Japan, for over a thousatid yieto 
past, have confined themselves to pieces of 31 syllabi^ 
or of 17, whereas even our sonnet, which we look on 
as a trifle, has 140, and our system of stanzas strtUig 
together enables us to cos^inue indefinitely till the whole 
of a complex train of thought has been brought, before 
the mind. But it may well be that, even had Euro^ 
been available as a model, no such sustained styb 
would have had much chance of permanently establishiiiit 
itself in Japan. When an artist — when whole generations 
of artists have produced one sort of thing, it must 
always remain extremely doubtful whether, after all, they 
could have produced another. The tendency to ultra- 
,/ brevity is too persistent a characteristic of Japanese 
esthetics to be accidental in any given case. Remember 
that there was no want of longer models. Such nKxids 
were at liand in Chinese poetry ; there were a few^ a^ 
we have seen, even in the ancient poetry of Japan itself* 
But somehow these mpdelis. failed to attract. 

Granting, therefore, as a sober judgment forces us to 



Basho ami tlu Japanese Poetical Epigram, 307 

do, that' Japanese poems arc but slight cfibrts,— ^not 

pearls, but only tiny beads, — a critical esthnate of Basho, 

and of the Japanese epig^mmatists generally, reduces 

itself to two points:—* I. What is each individual tiny bead 

Tv<Mth? and II. Are there enough of these beads, and are 

they varied enough, to make up a valuable sum total? 

The foregoing essay will, it is hoped, have put the reader 

sn the way of forming his own opinion on both these 

ssues. Possibly he may deem that the nearest &iglish 

•suialogues of the molecules of description, fiincy, or morality 

Jeft us by the best Japanese epigrammatists are such 

TTennysonian half-stanzas as 

'^A single church below the hill 
Is pealing, folded in the mist. " 

*<The last red leaf is whirl'd away, 
The rooks are blown about the skies.** 

*'Bbt'in my spirit will I dwell. 

And dream my dream, and hold it true.'' 

^7he difference between the two cases — and doubtless it 
2s a vital- difference^ — lies in this, that the Japanese pro- 
duction b isolated, fragmentary, whereas the European 
gjru is part of a grand organic whole. On the one side» 
• * In Memoriam " and whole " Palaces of Art ; ** on the 
other, a litter of single bricks, half-bricks in fact The 
Snvest^pttor of Japanese literature, for all that his task is 
^(d arduous, has not the satisfiiction to be rewarded by 
fcbc "uhearthtng of any sublime or epoch-making monu- 
Kuents. He must take sundry small finds, and be thankful. 
-S^e is in the position of a botanist whose . specialty 
^bould be mosses or Kchcns, and who therefore coukl 
rmot h<^'t6:didight either himself or the public with any 




I 



50§ Bdsho and t/ie Japanese Poetical Epigram, 

grand, ■;] discoveries . in the way of new flowers ,or 
fruits- ;' 'fitiU; a careful monograph on- a new ,moss 
would/i possess a certain interest and value. The 
intecest :t)fr:such an enquiry as that here undertaken 
\\x& lin thj^ fact that, of all the divisions of Japanjese 
poetry^ the : 'epigram is the most thoroughly popular, 
national/ therefore characteristip. By the investigator 
of ^Ijie': Japanese mind k cari be studied almost as 
the subject-matter, of a natural science can be studied; 
arid, it- yields as ,its result a picture of the national 
character. , We, see this character at work while it 
is, so to say, at play : — we see it ingenious, witty, 
good-natured, much addicted to punning and to tom- 
foolery; we see it fanciful but not imaginative, clever 
but not profound ; we see it joking on the gravest sub- 
jects ; we see it taking life easily and trifles seriously ; we 
see its minute observation of detail, its endless patience 
in accumulating materials, together with its incapacity for 
building with them; we see its knack for hinting rather 
tban describing^,, — ^a knack which, when it becomes self- 
conscious, degenerates inta i trick and is often carried past 
the limit of obscurity, not to say absurdity, as when a 
tso-called drawing is so sketchy that the beholder 
cannot, with the best will in the world, tell whether 
wJiat he is invited to look at be a rock or a bit of pine- 
bark. ^ We see likewise the essentially democratic ^spirit 
of the nation, no less in the pell-mell choice orno choice 
•of subjects, than in the manner in which all classes joined 
in the fun. We see that comparative weakness of the 
feeling for colour which characterises Japanese art reap- 
'piearing here as a want of feeling for rhyme and rhyttim 
'^nd sfanzaic arrangement, for all, in fact, that goes to 



Bas/u) and the Japanese Poetical Epigram, 309 

« 

make up the colour of verse. I^astly, — ^and some may 
deem this the most curious feature of all, — we find a 
way of looking at nature which recalls the method of our 
own modern water-colour artists, and which thus constitutes 
a point of likeness and sympathy between ourselves and a 
vanished Japanese world of long ago. What, for instance, 
could be more absolutely modern than this vignette of 
Basho's ?— 

.r - (47) 

Tonibo ya 

Tori'tsuki'kaneshi 
Ktisa no ue 

A stem of grass, whereon in vain 

A dragon-fly essayed to light ! - ■ 

Anyone -strolling along a country lane at ^ttie proper 
season* may verify for himself this minute lait in natural 
history, as some gieiss-stalks are too slender to afford 
foothold even to a dragon-fly. May not the Japanese 

- • • • • 

epigram itself remfnd us of these frail objects? It 

iappears,"now as a tiny Tierb or flower oh our fiath, now 

, ■ , ' .... • ' ' 

as some brilliant insect which hovers f6r a moment, and, 
ere we have well noticed it, flits aw^y out of sight and 
memory. 



ADDITIONAL SELECT EPIGRAMS. 



In order to put the reader in touch with native taste, 
the choice of all the epigrams quoted in the present essay 
has been guided by native standards, such beia^ preferred as 
have, gained the admiration of the Japanese themselves. 
The translation aims, not only at being literal, but at pre* 
serving the spirit of each original, — poetical where it is 
poetical, prosaic (e.g. No. 6i) where it is prosaic The 
different poets are placed, as far as possible, in chronologi- 
cal order. The numerous specimens of Basho's work are 
likewise so anrat^ed. 



EARLY EPIGRAMMATISTS. 



1^ 



(48) 

Yo ni furu wa 

Sara ni shigure no 
Yadcri kana 

^ ,. (Sogi, 1421-1502) 

Ah ! yes, my passage through the world 
Is a mere shelter from a shower. 

*31ie poet*s death song. He oompares brief hanian life to a momentary 
Furu contain! a pun on « passing through" (the world) and 
5iig." 

(49) 

Tsuki ni e wo 

Saskitaraba yoki 
Ucfmva kana 

(Sokan) 
Add but a handle to the moon, 
And what a pretty fiin it makes ! 

(50) 

Cfm no mizu no 

Ware to futa sunt 
Kori kana 

(Sokan, 1465-15 54) 
Behold the water for ,the tea 
Make for itself a Iki of ice ! 



3 1 2 Basho and the Japanese Epigram, 

(51) 
Rakkwa eda ni 

Kaeru to mireba , 

Kocfid kana 

(Arakida -Moritake, 1472-1549) 

Fairn flow'r returning to the branch, — 

Behold ! it is a butterfly. 

I.e. For a moment I fancied it to be a fallen petal flying back, by 
some miracle, to its native branch^ But lo! it was a butterfly. 

(52) : • ; 

• Samidare ni 

Hi no ante majiru 
Hotam kana 

(Arakida Moritake) 
, Oh ! fireflies, what a fiery rain 
i i -Commingling with the summer shower ! 

(53) 

Asagao ni 

Kyo wa iniyuran 
. ^\ Waga yo J^ana 

lj(^ ' > (Arakida Moritake) 

\j^ f^ Ah ! yes, as a convolvulus 

* ' To-day my lifetime will appear. 

The poet's death song. Life is fleeting as the convotvultis, " which 
blooms in the morning (asa) only to wither at eve. What the translation 
renders by " my lifetime " is literally " my world. " 

(54) 

Kaze keznrii 

Vanagt ya kishi no 
Hitai'gami 

(Arakida Moritake) 
The willows which the breezes comb, - 
, ^ N Are they the forelock of the bank ?•■- ' • 



'V 



Early Epigrammatists. 313 

The poet likens the catkins of the willow to a lady's tresses, and the 
wind to a comb. The " bank " is the bank of the river on which the 
willow-trees are growirj^. Tlie modern critic Acba Knson considers 
this artificial verse highly characteristic of its composer. 

(55) 

Chi-nomi-ko ni 

Yo wo watashitaru 
ShizuasH katia 

(Shohaku, 1444-1527) 
Oh ! the December in which the heritage is handed on V 
to a suckling ! 

This is a lament on the death of a man poor and in difficulties, who 
has left an infant heir. The end of the year is the season when debts 
and bills must be paid, and when ix)verty consequently presses hardest. 

(56) 

Nakdzarcba 

Koroshite shimae 
Hototogisn 

Nobunaga. 
The cuckoo, — kill it, if it sing not. 

(57) 

Nakazarcba 

Nakashite misho 
Hototogisn 

Hideyoshi. 
The cuckoo, — I will show it how to sing, if it sing not. 

(58) 

Nakazarcba 

Naku made mato 
Hototogisn 

leyasu. 
The cuckoo, — I will wait till it sings, if it sing not. 



( 



n 



.r ^ 



3 14 Bas/to and thi Jafanese Epigram, 

TheM thne epigrams^ which have passed into household words^ are not 
specially well- written, neither are they the con^xisition of the three 
celehiated rulers whose names they hear. They are sometimes attributed to 
Shdha, an epigrammatist who died in the year 1600, and who meant to paint, 
each with a single graphic touch, the characters of the three heroes of his 
day, — Nobunaga, impetuous and cruel; Hideyoshi, clever; leyasu, patient, 
because well*knowing that, as we say, ** All Comes to him who waits. " 
The empire came to him, and remained in the hands of his descendants 
for over two and a half centuries. 

(59) 

Ham tatsiiya 

Ni'hon viedctaki 
Kado no vtatsii 

When spring comes, the two pine-trees [stand] by the 

Yi ^^ > ' gate for luck. 

"^ . /^ (Saito Tokugen, circa A.D. 1640.) 

y .- Or — for ni-kon contains a pun (ll;tt and Q ;Jt) — " When spring comes» 

the pine-trees by the gate bring luck to Japan, " — an allusion to the 
customary New Year decorations. 

(60) 

Manzcd ya 

Mau mo utau mo 
Vokti no koto 

,' (Baisei, 1611-1699) 

v> ' ^ * Even the morris-dancers* steps 

^ ^ And songs spring from cupidity. 

The desire for money rules all things, even what superficially looks 
like innocent mirth. 

(61) 

Masa-masa to 

Imasu ga gotos/ti 
Tatna-matsuri 

(Kitamura Kigin, 1624-1711) 

Serving the spirits of the dead 

V ^ ' ^ Exactly as if they were living. 



^ 



\y' 



Early Epigrammatists. 315 

Tlieie words arc transcribed almost literally frum a maxim in the <' Con- 
^^cian Analects. " 

(62) 

Noku ni sae 

Warawaffa ikani 
HototQgisu 

(Mitsu-Jo, 1572-1647) X 

[So lovely] even in its cry, — /^ i ^ ^ 

What were the cuckoo if it laughed ? 

Japanese, like English, employs the same word {nakn^ *' to cry ") for 
weeping and for the sounds uttered by birds and some other animals. Cry- 
ing disfigures the countenance. If, then, the cuckoo enchants us even when 
it cries, what would not he the beauty of its smile or its laughter? A 
good example this of the conceits in which the epigrammatists before 
Basho's reform took such delight. 

(63) 

Cfw karoshi 

Koro wa kiru mono 
Hitotsu kana 

(Koshun, 1650-1697) 
Light goes the butterfly, what time 
A single robe is all we don. 

(64) 

Yo 710 akete 

Hana ni hiraku ya 
Jbdo-mon I • 

(Seibu, 1 606- 1 678) 
The daylight dawns, and, like a flower^ ^ , ^ 

Open the gates of Paradise. 

IVe poef s death song. JbiUi literally, " the Pure Land« '' is one of the 
Baddhist heavens, fabled to exist in the West. 




-X 



3 1 6 Basho and the Japanese Epigram, 

(65) 

Tsuki hana no 

San-kti-me wo Una 
Shiru yo kana 

(Rippo, 1600-1669) 
The moon, the flow'rs, ah ! no\v*s the time 
To learn the third name of the set. 

The poet's death son^. He alludes to the.^^thetic txva^Uuki haua 
yuki^ " the moon, the blossoms, and the snow, " which are esteemed the 
, , loveliest things in nature. Yuki^ " snow, " however, is homonymous with 
\ \ yukiy "going," here taken in the sense of "dying": — it is not the snow, 
^" * but death, which now comes to complete his exjierienccs. 

(66) 
Orafida no 

Moji ga yokotau 
Ania tsii kari 

(Nishiyama S5in, 1605- 1682) 
The wild-geese in the firmament, — 
These are Dutch letters sideways stretching. 

The flight of the wild-geese athwart the sky suggests to the epigram- 
matist that outlandish method of communication practised by Europeans, 
who write across the page instead of up and down it, as the Chinese and 
Japanese consider natural. lu those days any scrap of European WTiting 
would be the greatest rarity at the Japanese capital, and the mention of 
it in verse a daring novelty. 

Yo no naka ya 

Choc/io tomare 
Kaku mo are 

(Nishiyama Soin) 

Impossible to translate, owing to the punning insertion of two words 
which have no direct relation to the sense of the rest of the verse. The 
gist is : " ITie world is just what it is. It is an uncertain quantity • 
Don't take it -that is, don't take life — too seriously." Written across tliis 



.v^ 



-v-v I 



Early Epigrammatists, 317 

mcipal assertion, as it were, are the words Chdchd totnare^ " Butterfly, 
ght ! " Besides adding the ornament of a pun, this graceful unage 
Ips to reinforce the assertion of the flimsy, flighty character of human life. 

(68) 

Sldra-tsuyu ya 

Mu'fumbetsii nam 
' Oki'dokoro, 

(Nishiyama Soin) 

Lacking in all discernment as 

To where they light are the white dews. 

This is considered one of the best compositions of the leader of the 
Danrin school. His admiration of nature is conveyed in the form of 
portive blame : — instead of seeking out Ixiautiful places, the dew shows so 
itllc discretion as to fall everywhere alike. 

(69) 

Natsu-yase to 

Kotaete sliinobii 
Namida karia 

(Nishiyama Soin ?) 

Alas ! the tears which she restrains, 

Saying the heat has made her thin. 

Hiding grief under a pretence of illness. This epigram has passed 
nto a proverb, 

(70) 

Kaya-bara-ni 

Oshi ya sutc-oku 
Tsuyu no tama 

(Sute-Jo, 1635-1698) 

Pity the dewy pearl be thrown 

Away upon the grassy moor ! 

The poetess Sute-Jo was bom at Kayabara (the name means 
'* grassy moor") in Tamba, where the Daimyo of the province visited 
ber and composed this complimentary epigram, which includes puns 
)n her name and the name of her birthplace. Over thirty of Sute-Jo's 
friends — all nuns — ^used to follow her about in her wanderings. 



v 



f 



, * 



) 



J^ 



V 



318 Baskd and the Japanese Epigram, 

(71) 

Yuki no asa 

Ni nv ji ni }io ji fio 
Geta no ato 



x^ (Sute-Jo) 

Q^^\h A snowy morning,— everywhere 

^ ^^ The figure " 2 " left by the clogs. 

^ This epigram — a perfect specimen in its way — was composed by the 

poetess at the early age of six. Every resident in Japan has seen snow or 
mud or sand thus marked with the Chinese numeral ZL ** two, ** by the two 
underpieces of wood that support the clogs which are the commonest foot- 
gear among the townsfolk of this country. 

(72) 

Kado-^natsu ya 

Meido no tabi no 
IcJu-ri-zuka 

(Raizan, 1654-1716) 

Literally, " The pine-trees by the gate [which are set up as New Year 
decorations] are mile -stones on the journey to the nether world. " — Some 
one added the following second hemistich : 

Aiedetaku tiio ari 

Medetakti tno ttashi 
i.e. " they are both lucky and unlucky, " — a lueky omen on account of their 
connection with the New Vear rejoicings, an unlucky one because of their 
marking a stage on the way to death. The lines are popularly thus 
quoted as a thirty-one syllal^le verse, and are erroneously ascribed to the 
priest Ikkyu Osho. 

(73) 

Ike mirunm 

Koro to ya tewo no 
Atama-ehmo 

The season when the pond grows warm, 

To judge from all the fishes' heads. 

A panting summer's day, with the fishes' heads at the suriioe <tf tke 
water, gasping for foieath. 



BAHSO AND HIS .SCHOOL. 



(74) 
Toshi kurenu 

Kasa kite waraji 
Haki-nagara 

(Basho, 1 644- 1 694) 

The year has closed while still I wear 

My sandals and my pilgrim's hat. 

Written on one of his many pilgrimages. 

(75) 

Yama-ji kite 

Nani yori ynkashi 
Sufftire-gusa 

(Basho) 

Coming this mountain way, no herb 

Is lovelier than the violet. 

The Japanese violet, which possesses no fragrance, is << the meanest 
flower that blows. " Basho evinces his love of lowly natural objects by j | f i ' ' 

singling it oat for mention. According to one commentator, however, the \ f\v ^ ' 

lines are metaphorical : — Bash5 having, to his joy, met a Buddhist ancho- 
rite in the depths of the forest, compares him to the violet which shuns 
the sunlight. 

(76) 

Yoku mireba 

Nasuna haiia sakii 
Kakine kana 

(Basho) 

On looking carefully, behold 

The caseweed flowering near the fence ! 

Another example of his ^>preciation of humble natural objects; 



320 



Basfio mid tlu Japanese Epigram, 



V 



\ ; 



ill) 

Iza • saraba 

Yuki-mi ni korohu 
Tokoro made 



(Basho) 



Well then, we'll off to see the snow, 
Far as we can without a tumble. 

(78) 
Hebi kuu to 

Kikeba osaroshi 
Kiji no koe 



(. 



s 



/ 



(Basho) 



V \ When told that it will snakes devour, 
How frightful is the pheasant's voice ! 

' This epigram lias l^ecome proverbial for l>eauty marred by miscondi 

(79) 
Oki-yo oki-yo 

Waga tomo ni sen 

Nurn kocho 

1/ (l^h5) 

Awake ! awake ! I'll make of thee 

My comrade, sleeping butterfly. 

(80) 
Yagate shinii 

Keshiki 2va miezu 
Semi no koe 

(Basha) 
Nothing in the cicada's voice 
Gives token of a speedy death. 

This w.is Basho's parting word to one who visited him in his hut 1^- 
Lake Biwa. The implied meaning seems to Ixj that human life is sho*" 
and uncertain, despite present joy in scenes of l)eauty. 



BashiK 5^1 

(8i) 

Tako-tsubo ya 

Hakanaki yumc wo 
Natsu no tsuki 

(Basha) 

As literally as a play upon words will permit (ttalsuy " summer, '' from 
liich n/ixM, *' to do," is mentally supplied), this may be rendered, " Octopus 
»t, aye ! and a brief dream while the summer moon [is shining]. " The . I i * 

topus pot is an earthenwiire vessel with a \u^ opening, which is sunk . v^^ . 

the sea. Hie octopus, deeming it a quiet retreat, crawls inside it, and 
thus easily drawn up and caught. The creature's dream of happiness is | 

ort. How dreamy, too, is its whole scarcely conscious existence ! Equal- 
brief were the dream of one who should fidl asleep on a moonlit 
{ht in summer, when the nights are at their shortest. There is an im- 
ed com parison with the evanescence of human life : — maivhimself is 
e a moonbeam, like a fleeTing dream, like a creature only half-, 
nscious. 

(82) . i 

Omoshirote 

Yagatc kanashiki f, C- 

U'bune kana 

(Basho) 

Oh ! cormorant fishing-boat so gay, 

And then again so melancholy ! 

I1ie cormorants start off gaily ; but their mirth is changed to melancholy 
len the fish they have caught are forced from them by the fishermen 
lo hold them in leash. This was composed in 1 688, on passing through 
fo, which b still the locality where the curious method of fishing with 
e aid of tame cormorants may best be witnessed. See <' Things Japa- f 
se," s. v. ** Cormorant Fishing. " 

(83) 
Uki ware wo 

Sabishigarase yo 
Kanko'dori 

(Basha) 
Cuckoo ! for melancholy me 
Oh ! make still deeper loneliness. 






320 



Baslw attd Hu Japanese Jif 



(77) 
iMa-saraba 

Tckoro 



.le Rasho was 
/ourite disciples, 
jncholya and o f lei.**' 
^en his l)est-loved fric: 



}^ 



\ ■>■ 



Well then, we'll ^ J'^' 

Far as wc ca«' ^^^^^ ''' yokotau 



(liasho) 



Ji 



^, and the Milky Way 



^ 



{ 1^"^.^ across to Sado's isle. 



f on the coast opfiosite Sado one starry night, whe «' 
O'^^finxt^ ^^^ ^^^ the loneliness of his pilgrimage oppr^ 

(«5) 

Hiya-hiya to 

Kabc wo fumactc 
Hiru-nc kana 

Oh ! those siestas, with my feet 
Tressed fearsomely against the wall ! 



(Risho) 



'I^his verse and the next illustrate the poverty and simplicity of Rasli 
mode of life So fragile is the mud wall of his hut that he fears to hn 
throu}{h it when ])ressing against it with his feet. 

(86) 

Ik'ka viina 

Tsue ni shiraga no 
Ifaka-main 

The household at the graves assembled, 
White-haired, and leaning on their staves. 



(Risho\ 



x 




Kahslib. 323 

^avci uf ancestors at stated intervals is an act of pitty pre- 

ial custom. \Vc here sec a whole family of aged 

lo honour to thase whom they themselves will soon 

Id. The picture is more solemn than any other 



(87) 

Knnio ori-ori 

Hito ivo yasumem 
TsHki'tni kafia 

(Basho) 

"1 ! the moon-gazing where some douds 
' *"om time to time repose the eye ! 

^Ki beauty is best appreciated when occasionally veiled. 

(88) 

Meigetsu ni 

Hatui ka to mute 
Wata-batake 

(Basho) 

n the br^ht moonlight what appeared 
e flowers is a cotton field. 



he Ibok for a grove of lovely cherry-blossom is Init a common 
it «^ ^'^ X^iUutatioD after all. Unpo^icalas the fact is, he states it because 



(89) 

Yasu-yasu to 

Idete isayon 
Tsuki 710 ku9no 

(Basho) 
I clouds about the nKx>h, from Whence 
fidtem fortk-scMicbonnair!-- • ^ 





322 Bashb and the Japanese Epigram, 

Composed on a rainy day in early summer, while Basho was staying 
at Saga near Kyoto, in the house of one of his favourite disciples. What 
y he mjeaps to express is his_ l ove of a ^ei^tU melanc hol y^ and of lejsure for 
communing with nature not intruded on by even his Jjest^loved^ friends, 

(84) 

Ara-umi ya 

Sado ni yokotan 
Ama-no-gawa 



# 



(Basli5) 



A rough sea, and the Milky Way 
Stretching across to Sado's isle. 



Comix)sed on the coast opposite Sado one starry night, when the 
waves were running high and the loneliness of his pilgrimage oppressed 
his spirit. 

(8s) 
Hiya-hiya to 

Kabe wo fmnaete 
Iftnhne karta 



Oh ! those siestas, with my feet 
Pressed fearsomely against the wall ! 



(IVisho) 



This verse and the next illustrate the poverty and simplicity of Basho*s 
mode of life So fragile is the mud wall of his hut that he fears to break 
through it when pressing against it with his feet. 

(86) 

Ik'ka viina 

Tsue ni shiraga no 
Haka-mairi 

(Basho) 
The household at the graves assembled, 
White-haired, and leaning on their staves. 



Kahslio. 323 

1 u visit the gravei of ancestors at stated intervals is an act of pitty pre- 
iljed by immemorial custom. We here sec a whole family of aged 
rsons assembled to do honour to those whom they themselves will soon 
low to the other world. The picture is more solenm than any other 
it Hosbo has left us. 

(87) 

Knvw on-ori 

HUo ivo yasumerti 
TsHki-mi katut 

(Basho) 

Oh ! the moon-gazing where some <!loud.s 
From time to time repose the eye ! 

Kven beauty is best appreciated when occasionally veiled. 

(88) 

Meigetsu ni 

Hana ka to micU 
Wata-batake 

(Basho) 

Jn the bright moonlight what appeared 
Uke flowers is a cotton field. 



liat he took for a grove of lovely cherry-blossom is but a common 
^ plantation after all. Unpoetical as the fact is, he states it because 
«- fact. 

(89) 

Yasu-yasu to 

Idete isayon 
Tsiiki no kumo 

(Basho) 
h ! clouds about the moon, from wTlence 
he falters forth- so-dcbomiair'!--- x - 



324 Bas/io and the Japanese Epigram. 

(90) 

Nagaki hi wo 

Saeimri'tarann 
Hibari kana 



Oh ! skylark for whose carolling 
The livelong day suffideth not ! 

(9>) 
Hototogisu 

Koe yokotau ya 
Mizu no uc 

Athwart the surface of the stream 
There lieth stretched the cuckoo s voice. 



(Basho) 



(Basho) 



llic first redaction of this epigram was IItto-ko€ no—K (^) /// 
yokotau ya — Hototogisu, The translation is founded on both. 

(92) 

Hi no michi ya 

Aoi katmnuku 
Satsitki-a/ne 



(Basho) 



A rainy day in June, and yet 

The sunflow'r bends to the sun's course. 

(93) 

Tsnku kane no 

Hibihi yd nari 
Semi no koe 

Like to the booming, of a bell 
When struck, is the cicadic's voice. 



(Basho) 



Bas/to. 

(94) 
ARsu-abura 

Nakute nern yo ya 
Mado no istiki 

As, lacking oil, I lie abed 

At night, the moon my window lights. 

(95) 
Kokono'tabi 

Okite ma tsuki no 
Nanatsu kana 

Despite that I have nine tii>ies risen, 
Tis but the fourth hour by the moon. 



325 



(Basho) 



(Basho) 



In J a panes e , the « seventh'' hour, their seven o clock (old style) cor- 
x>nduig appfoximateljr to our 4 A. M. (see ^ Things Japanese, " s. v. 
ime ")r The poet has risen repeatedly to gaze at the beauteoas moon, 

still the dawn oomes not. 

(96) 

Mngi-vieshi ni 

Yatsururu koi ka 
Neko no tsuma 



(Basho) 



Is it hard fare, or is it love 

That makes the cat's goodwife so lean ? 



The term mugi-meshi^ here translated <* hard fare, *' in order the I)etter 

indicate the sense of the verse, is literally " rice mixed with 

ley. " This dish is considered poor eating as compared with rice pure 

I simple, and is therefore often resorted to by the lower classes for 

nomy^s sake* 



> ■■, 



3 26 Bashd aud i/ujapam'se Efiigram. 

(97) 
Momiji fit wa 

Taga os/ue-keru 

Sake no kan 

(Kikaku, 1661-1707) 

Who was it taught the maple-leaves 

To heat the liquor in the bottle ? ' 

'Ilie allusion is to an old Chinese story — acted in another fonn on the 

Japanese stage — in which a fire is made of maple-ledves or twigs, to heal 

\ the sake for a carousal. It is related of this poet that at poetry meetings 

he was often drowsy from drink, but would wake suddenly and compose 

better verses than any of his competitors. 

(98) 

Ume ga ka ya 

Tofuiri wa Ogjiu 
Soemon - 

(Kikaku) 

This more resembles an epigram, in the colloquial sens6 of that tenn, 
tlian any other of the Japanese " epigrams" quoted in the present collection. 
Kikaku, though afterwards famous as one of the ** Ten Wits," was a mere 
lad when he composed it. He happened to live next door to no less a 
personage than the Confucianist OgyO Sorai (Soemon), the Dr. Johnson of his 
age and country. Most dwellers in a land where the proprieties, and above 
all erudition, were so highly honoured, would have trembled in his pres- 
ence. Kikaku merely indited the above impertinent verse, which says 
that ** The perftmie of the plum-blossom (i.e. estheticism, as represented by 
himself) has for its neighbour one ()gyu Soemon. " Tlie poetical diction 
of the first line, and the flat prose of the rest form a witty, but untransla- 
table, contrast. ... 



/ 



(99) 

Yari-kiirete 

Mata ya sauiushiro 
Toshi fio hire 

(Kikaku) 



Bashos School, 



327 



For all my contriving, here I am again at the end of 
the year with [nothing but] my strip of matting. 

This poet's wild Bohemian life often caused him to l)e out-at- 
elbows. 

(100) 

Kiraretani 

Yume wa makoto ka 
Nomi fio ato 



(Kikaku) 



Is my dream true ? Am I cut down ? 
Or was I bitten by a flea ? 

(10.) 

Nikumarde 

Nagaroru hito 
Fuyu no hai 

A man who is disliked, and who 
Lives to old age, — ^a winter fly. 

I)isagreeal)le folks live longest. 

(102) 

Yu-suzumi 

Yokti zo otoko fit 
Umare-ketm 

Taking the cool at eve, I do 
Rejoice that I was born a man. 



(Kikaku) 



(Kikaku) 



Because men are^— and more especially were in Old Japan — allowed 
much greater freedom in th^ matter of nigUgi garments than is permitted 
to the other sex. 



328 Baslio and the Japanese lipigravi, 

(«03) 
Gwanjitsu ya 

Harete siizume no 
Mono-gatari 

(Ransetsu, 1654-1707) 
Aye ! New Year's day, with a clear sky, 
And conversation among the sparrows ! 

Rasho declared that, as an epigram for New Year's day, this could 
not be improved upon, and modern critics eDdorse his judgment. Re- 
member that the Japanese New Year, till the reform of the calendar in 
1873, generally fell about the middle of February, when spring is really 
in view. We in England place the birds' wedding on St. Valentine's 
I>ay, 14th February. 

(104) 

Ume ichi-rin 

Ichi-rin hodo fio 
Atatakasa 

(Ransetsu) 
[Slowly] it mildens, as the plum 
[Ventureth forth,] blossom by blossom. 

The plum-blossom is the earliest of all the flowers of spring, coming 
out, in fact, while the snow is still on the ground. — For hotfo, some read 

Zll/Sll, 

(105) 

Hana ni kaze 

Karoku kite fnke 
Sake no awa 

(Ransetsu) 
Come, breeze, and lightly blow upon 
The flowers, — ^bubbles in the wine ! 

Apjxirently the poet's request to the zephyr is that it shall at the 
same time gently move the blossoms so as to spread their fragranoe, and 
waft to the other side of the cup the liubbles of the wine which he is 
drinking. 



Basftd*s School. -, 329 

(106) 

Hyaku-giku soroe-keru ni: 

On a chrysanthemum show (literally, on a hundred 
Krysanthemums assembled). 

Ki'giku shira-gikn 

Sono hoka no tui wa 
Nakti mogana 

(Ransetsu) 
Yellow chrysanthemums, white chrysanthemums ; — 
Would there were no more names than these ! 

This verse, though irregular in metre, is considered a perfect specimen 
)f the epigrammatic style. Japanese gardeners, like our own, bestow some 
ancifnl name on every artificial variety of flower produced by their art. 
rhe poet, impatient of these, wishes that there should be no other 
lames — perhaps no other flowers — than the natural white and yellow. 

(107) 

Kiku sakeri 

Cho kite asobc 
EnogU'Zara 

(Ransetsu) 
The asters bloom. Come butterflies, 
And dally o'er the colour dish ! 

The exigencies of metre must be our excuse for writing << asters '' in- 
tead of « chrysanthemums. ** These flowers are here likened to a painter's 
Kilette. 

(108) 

Junrei ni 

Uchi'inajiri-ytihi 
Ki'gan kana 

(Ransetsu) 
Behold the wfld-geese wending homeward, 
Mingled with the pilgrim bands ! 



IM 



A 



330 



Bas/to and the Japanese Epigram. 



/ 



V- 



A picture of two simultaneous processions, — the homeward-bound 
pilgrims on solid earth, and the wild-geese in the sky above .them. The 
flights of wild-geese — northward in spring, southward in autumn — are among 
the most characteristic sights of the Japanese landscape. ^; 

(109) 

Omoshiro 

Fuji ni sujikan 
Ham-no kana 



(Ransetsu) 



Oh ! flowery moor, stretching athwart 
Mount Fuji's slope so pleasantly! 



The luxuriance of the wild-flowers on Fuji's lower slope— especially on 
the western and southern sides — in the month of August, is astonishing. 



(MO) 

Sliiri'bito ni 

Awaji awaji to 
Hana-mi kana 

(Kyorai, 1651-1704) 

No friends, oh ! let me meet no friends 

When I am gazing at the flowers ! 

(in) 

Nani'goto so 

Nana viiru hito no 
Naga-gatana 

A sabre ! what has such to do 

On one who comes to view the flowers ? 



(Kyorai) 



Ikcause esthetics and war agree ill together. 



Baslios School, 331 

(112) 

Kokoro naki 

Daikivanjo ya 
Hototogisu 

(Kyorai) 
The heartless Government OflRce, — ^ay ! and the cuckoo. 

A hiimnmiis juxtftpnsitinn of in^on|Truiti^s. 

(I '3) 
Isogaski ya 

Oki no shigure no 
Ma-lio kata-ho 

(Kyorai) 
What haste ! a shower in the oflRng, 

And sails set straight, and sails set slant. 

A vignette ('f a fleet of junks caught in a sudden squalL The sailors 
shown running hither and thither, and trimming the sails, now to set 
ir craft running before the wind, and anon to put her on the port or 
board tack. 

(114) 

Tsuki-vd sen 

Fushimi no skiro no 
Sute-gurtiwa 

(Kyorai) 

I will contemplate from Fushimi's 

Abandoned castle^grounds the moon. 

Fushimi near Kyoto was the site of Hideyoshi's great castle palace of 
moyama, the most splendid edifice ever reared on Japanese soil. It was 
en over to the flames soon after its builder's death. 

(nS) 
Vu-gnn ya 

Hage-narabitani 
Kuffio no mine 

(Kyorai) 
Tis evening, and in .serried file 

Stand the bare pinnacles of cloud. 



/ 






332 Basho ixjtd the Japanese Epigram, 

(116) 

Uki tomo m 

Kantarete neko no 
y Sora tiagafne 

V:' = (Kyorai) 

Bit by a sorry mate, the cat 

Intently gazes at the sky. 

Crossed in love, the tom-cat gazes sentimentally at the firmament. 

("7) 
Ikn-tari ka 
\ Sliignre kake-nuku 

Seta no liashi 

(J5s5, 1 663-1 704) 

How many may be hurrying through 

The drizzle on the Bridge of Seta ? 

The immensely long Bridge of Seta, near Lake Biwa, is a favourite 
theme with the poets and artists of Japan. Here its length b suggested 
by the mention of a countless multitude. 

(118) 

No nw yaiPta mo 

Yuki ni torarete 
Nani mo nashi 



J 



G^so) 



Nothing remaineth ; for the snow 
Hath blotted out both moor and hill. 

0/9) 
Kitsutmki no 

Kare-ki sagasu ya 
Hana no ttaka 

What ! mid the flowers tlie woodpecker 
Is seeking out a withered tree. 



(Joso) 



Highly unesthctic of the bird to neglect the blossoms aDd prefer a 

withered trunk. 



BasMs SckaaL m 

(120) 

Nuke-gara m 

NlaraMe shinuru 
Aki no setm 



(Joso) 



In autumn a cicada dead 
Beside die shell that it cast off. 



Antninn, a cicadaS cast-oflT shell, even the cicada itself dead, — a set of 
aiy images typical of the nothingness of human fate. 

AKna-soko no 

Iwa ni ochi'tsuku 
Ko no ha kana 



((. 



(J6so) , (, 



Behold the leaf that sinks and clings 
Below the water to a rock ! 

Thej)bsgrya tion of a liny fiict in nature. So is the next ; for any if 

*fu\ eye will have noted tiie ami^ingly knowing look on the face of 
jck when raising its head after a dive. 

(122) 

Alina-s&io wo 

MUe kUa kao no 
. Ko-ganto kana 

(Joso) 
The teal, with face fresh from the sight 
Of what below the water lies. 

(123) 
Kyu no ten 

Hinu ma vio samushi 
Ham no kasi 

(Kyoroku, died 1715) 
iterally, ** Cold, too, is the interval before the moxa 
dots dry, — ^spring breeze." 



i I*'- 



1 



334 Bashb and tlie Japanese Epigram. 

This verse is here quoted liecause it refers to a curious custom, for 
which see ** Things Japanese, '* s.v. *< Moxa, "" adding to the account there 
given the following particulars : — ^The usual plan is for the patients to 
disrobe to the waist, before the chief practitioner — often a Buddhist priest, 
as the scene, too, is often a Buddhist temple — marks in sepia on their 
persons the spots that are to be treated.. They then remove to another 
apartment, round which they squat in a line, while the priest's disciple 
or acolyte goes from one to another applying the cautery to each in 
turn, one dot at a time, so that if a patient has several spots to be burnt, 
there is at least an interval between the steps of his torture. It is of 
course a chilly process from beginning to end, as the patient has to sit 
half-naked. 

(124) 

Kata-eda ni 

Myaku ya kayoite 
JJjne no liana 

(Shiko, 1665-1731) 
Plum-blossoms ! is it that the sap 
Still courses through that single branch ? 

The subject of this epigram was doubtless a plum-tree, all whose 
branches save one were dead. 

(125) 

Shira-kuvio ya 

Kakine wo watarti 
Yuri no liana 

(Shiko) 
Oh ! the white clouds ! nay, rather blossoms,— 
Lilies that bend across the fence. 

The poet likens his ncigh1x)ur's lilies to white clouds. 

(126) 

Uki koi ni 

Taete ya neko no 
Nusumi-gui 

(Shiko) 



Bas/tos School. 335 

Weary perhaps of dolorous love, 
The cat has stol'ii a bit to eat. 

(127) 

Neko no koi 

S/tote karanaite 
Aware nari ^ 

(Yaha, 1663- 1740) 
A cat's amours : — from the beginning 
He caterwauls ; he's tp be pitied. 

(128) 

Clioinatsu ga 

Oya no na de kuni 
Gyokci kana 

(Yaha) 

Lo ! Johnny, in his father^s name, 
Come to present congratulations ! 

Namely, on New Year's Day. Aeba Koson singles out this verse for praise, 
pictures to us the self-importance of the little fellow, dressed in 
i best and charged with so ceremonious a mission. 

(129) ; 

. Haki'Soji 

Shite kara tsubaki 
Chiri ni keri 

(Yaha) 

After I've swept and tidied up, 
Adown fall some camellias. 

He has been getting his villa ready for a poetry meeting; but when 
seemed finished, some camellias suddenly tumble from thei stalks on to 
t garden path, and make the place look untidy. This peculiarity of the 
mellia is referred to by several poets; — , for instance in No. 169* 



336 Bashb and the Japanese Epigram, 



V 





(130) 




Uguisu ya 


l-^ 


Kado wa iaina-tama 


KJ^' 


Tofti'Uri 



(Yaha) 
The nightingale and, at the gate, 
The unexpected bean-curd vendor. 

The advent of the petty tradesman just as the nightingale is singing 
makes a humorous contrast. 

(131) 

Yuku kumo wo 

Nete ite mini ya 
Natsu'ZasJuki 

(Yaha) 
A summer room where, lying down, 
I see the clouds as they go past. 

The poet, taking his siesta on a July afternoon, watches the clouds 
float lazily across the sky. 

(132) 

Yake fii keri 

Saredoino hana wa • 
C/dri-sufnashi 

(Hokushi, died 17 18.) 
I am burnt out. Nevertheless^ 
The flowVs have duly bloom'd and faded. 

The first Tpe of the English rendering is absolutely literal, including 
the prosaic work << nevertheless. " The words corresponding to the second 
line say literally no more than that " The flowers^have fallen unconcerned- 
ly ; " but the sense is as here given. The story goes that Hokushi's house 
having been burnt down one day, his friends flocked to present their 
condolences. But he, like a true Bohemian, only laughed, and sent^them 
away with this epigram. Its gist is that so trifling a matter, which did 
not interfere with the course of nature, was not worth a aecond thooght. 



Bashos School. 337 

(133) 
Meigetsu ya 

Yd akuru khva mo 
Nakari'keri 

(Etsujin, dates uncertain.) 

A brilliant moon ! there was no marge » 

Betwixt it and the dawn of day. \ ' 

On such nights, the brightness of moonlight passes into the brightness 
of sunlight without our being able to tell where night ends and day 
begins. 

(134) 

Avie no tsuki 

Doko to mo fiashi m 
Usu-akari 

(Etsujin) 

A rainy moon, and everywhere 

Alike a &int irradiation. 

The poet's theme is that universal pale light, coming none can tell 
whence, which sufiuses the sky on a night which ought to be moonlit, 
but is rainy. 

('35) 
Yafna-dera ni 

Kome tsuktt oto no 
Tsuki-yo kana 

(Etsujin) 

Oh ! moonlight, wth the sound of rice 

A-pounding in the mountain temple ! 

Moonlight nights axe often availed of by thrifty householders for 
pounding rice. | 

(136) 

•Eri-maki ni 

Kubi hiki'iretc 
Fuyu no tsuki 

(Sugiyama Sampu, 1 648-1 733) 



\ 



33^ Basho and tht Japanese .Epigram. 

Moonlight in winter, and I draw 
My neck within my comforter. 

The substitution of this homely detail for the conventional raptures 
on the moon pro<luces a liumprous effect. 

' (U7) \ •/. 

Ko ya matan ' 

Amari hibari no 
Taka-agari 

(Sugiyama Sampu) 
Oh ! how its young ones must be waiting, — 
For all too high ascends the lark I - 

(«38) 
^ Shigure-keri 

i Hasfuri'iri'keri 

\ * . - • 

V Hare ni keri 

'^\ (Izembo, died 1710.) 

A shower canie, and so I came 
Running indoors ; then blue sky came. 

Bom rich, this poet despised wealth, and si)enl his time strolling 
about in tattered peasant's garb, reciting verses. His diction was eccentric 
too, si^ecially affecting the repetition of some single word. 

(139) 

Omofasa no 

Yuki haracdonio 
Haraedovio 

(Izembo) 
Oh ! what a heavy weight of snow, 
Sweep as you may, sweep as you may ! 

These words are not to be taken literally.' The ix)et sent them to 
his daughter as an epigram on worldly vanities. 



• ' ' Baskos ScUooL . 339^ 

(140) 

Kami-sort ya 

Ichi-ya ni sabitc 
Satsuki-ame 

(Hancho, dates uncertain.) 

My razor, in a single night, . . 

Is rusted by tlie rains of June. 

(141) 

Yo Jio luika wa 

Sckirei no o no 
Hima mo nashi 

(Hancho) 

The movement of the world of men 

Is ceaseless as the wagtairs tail. 

The bad. assopance of « wagtaiPs tail " docs not disfigure the original 
l*anesc. 

(142) . . 

Iza sakiira 

Ouwi'tatsu hi wa 
Kut9iorti to mo 

(Ryoto, 1660-1717) 

Off to the cherry-flowVs ! the day 

Was fix*d ;-'«nd what, though it be cloudy ? 

(143) 
Waga nari nw 

Aware ni miynrii 
Kare-no kana 

(Chigetsu-ni, 1634-1706) 

Alas ! the withered moor, whereon 

My figure., too, looks pitiful. 

^ST^is poetess had become a nun after hcc husband's^ death : — hence the 
r^g^ rison between the desolate autumn moor and her own poor garb. 
^ she and her son Osshu were pupils of Basho. THey belonged to the 
- 3iwa school pfoperl^ so-called, being bom at Otsu on its shores. 



<." 



340 Basliio and the Japanese Epigram. 

(144) 

I 

Mugi'Wara no 
V le shite yaran 

Ania-gaeru 
\^ (Chigetsu-ni) 

ril take some barley straw and make 
A house for you, little green frog ! 

"Green frog" is in Japanese literally, "nun frog," so that the bond 
between the poetess and her fratigi was one of name as well as of 
kindliness. 

Cms) 

Kore de koso 

Inochi oslukere 
Sakura-bana 

(Chigetsu-nl) 
The cherry-flowVs ! for them alone 
Is It that life is dear to me. 

(146) 

Um yama no 

Tori ftaki-tatsum 
Ftibiiki kana 

(Ch^etsu-ni) 
Oh ! snowstorm, at whose blast the birds 
Begin to cry o'er sea and hill ! 

(147) 

Neti itU 

Fuyti kara tsubomu 
Tsubaki kana 

(Kyokusui, died 1720.) 
How carefully begin to bud 
In winter the camellia-trees I 

The buds of the camellia are smgnlarly long ut fotmiag. 



Bashos School. 341 

(148) 

Yudachi ya 

Clue sama-zania no 
Kaburi'iPiono 

(Otsuyu, died 1739.) 
A show'r, and skill of every sort 
In things to put upon the head. 

A vignette of people caught in the rain :— one bethinks him perhaps 
bis fan, another shelters his head with his long pendent sleeve, etc., 
This_ verse, familiar to all Japanese, excellently iUostrates the light 
gi^hic_ touMCh proper" loThe epigram. 

(H9) 
Hate tua mina 

Ogi no hone ya 
Aki no kaze 



All come at last to be a fan's 

Old sticks when blows the autumn breeze. 



(Otsuyu) 



We all grow old, as a fan does, which is in constant request during 
summer heat, but gets torn and is reduced to little but its sticks by 
time the autumn breeze begins to blow. The Japanese talk, not of the 

icks, " but of the <* bones '* of a fan, which makes the comparison of a 

1 old man to a dilapidated fan still more natural. 

(ISO) 
Nani tori no 

Kono ato naku zo 
Hototogisii 

(Otsuyu) 
He was the cuckoo. Say what other 
Bird may sing now he is gone. 

Such is the sense, though, literally translated, the words are only, 
'Vhat bird will sing indeed after this? — cuckoo!" This was an elegy 



I '■'"V ' 



r / 



342 



Basho find tite Japanese Epigram. 



on the poet Ryoto, head of the Ise school. It was considered so 
beautiful that the headship of the school was forthwith bestowed upon 
its composer. 

050 
Mikasuki ni 

Fuka no ataina wo 

Kakushi'keri 

(Shido, dates uncertain.) 

There, by the crescent moon, the shark 

Has hid his head [beneath the wave]. 



LATER EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 



052) 

. Haka-bara ya 

Aki no hotam no 
Futatsu initsu 

(Edo-za School) 

A cemetery 

And autumn fireflies two or three. 

This was a true ** cpipam , " being an inscription on the picture of a 
skeleton. Fireflies chiefly haunt dark and lonely places : — hence their men- 
tion in the present context. 

(•S3) 
Asa-shivw ya 

Tsue de e-gakishi 

Fuji 710 yama 

{. ' . (Edo-za School) 

The morning hoar-frost, and Mount Fuji 

Drawn on it with my walking-stick. 

(«54) 
Hana ga iu 

Shibai mite hmi 

Hito nikttshi 

(Josen, died 17 15.) 

The blossoms say, " We hate the folks 

' Who come here from the theatre. " 



V 



344 Baslio and the Japanese Epigram. 

A rmitra-stjyiwcpn nnt^^nnd^tly Philistinism of artificial amusements. 
Remember 'that in Old Japan so strong a taint of vulgarity attaciiea^o 
the drama that no Samurai ever entered a playhouse, — at any rate openly. 

(155) 

Miski yume no 

Samete mo iro no 
Kakitsubata 

(Shushiki, 1683-1728) 

yV The dream I dreamt has faded, but 

(^ ' ^ ( The iris keeps its colours yet. 

(1/' That is, though I die, the world remains. — ^The poetess's death song. 

(«56) 

Aril hodo no 

Date shi-tsukushite 
Kami'ko kana 

(Sono-Jo, 1 665- 1 726) 

Who carried foppery to extremes 

\ Alas ! now wears a paper coat. 

The miserable end of empty-headedness and extravagance. 

(157) 

Ota ko ni 

Kami naburaruni 
Atsusa kana 

(Sono-Jo) 

Such heat that, when the child I bear 

/ Upon my back plays with my hair, 

A picture of intense summer heat,/ which the slightest touch of another 
makes unendurable. 

(158) 

Nui-mono ya 

Ki mo sede yogosu 
Satsuki-ame 

(Anonymous) 






.-^^ 



Later Eighteenth Century. 345 

Embroideries not e'en yet worn 
Are tarnished by the rains of June. 

(•59) 
MonO'Sugo ya 

Ara oinoshiro no 

m 

Kaeri'bana 

(Onitsura, 1 661-1738) 
Uncanny and yet pleasing arc 
These flow'rs that blossom out of time. 

This poet has a great repatation, tome going so far as to assert that 
he unites the excellencies of all the schools. Bash5 and he knew and 
respected each other, and Onitsura arrived independently at very much the 
same conclusions as Basho did. As early as 1685, he wrote: *< Apart from 
truth, no poetry. All the rules hitherto obeyed lack reality. Truth must 
ever be the aim, though if one were to follow truth slavishly, something 

aJien to truth would result Though^ the jwords may be shallow, the 

sense must be deep Consider not whether a style he antique or 

moderhl^^^^tlTc" modem will become old ; the old is ever new." — Onitsura 
was evidently a vigorous thinker and a sane critic. Pity that fate had not 
given him a wider field to work in. That he really penetrate below the 
surface of things to the lacrima rerum, is shown by such epigrams as 
Nos. i62>i64, while No. 160 displays his delicate sense of humour. 

(160) 

Natsu tva mata 

Fuyu ga masfu ja to 
Iwarekeri 

(Onitsura) 
And in the summer, folks opined 
That winter was to be preferred. 

(.61) 

Nyoppori to 

Aki no sora nam 
Fuji no yama 

(Onitsura) 




346 Basho and tlu Japanese Epigram. 

Without a word of warning, there, 
In th* autumn sky, Mount Fuji stands. 

(162) 

Gaikotsu no 

Uc wa yosotc 
Hana-mi kana 

(Onitsura) 

Oh ! flower-gazers, who have decked 
The surface of their skeletons ! 

This was composed on seeing some magnificently dressed ladies and 

V 

gentlemen gazing at the blossoms. 

('63) 

Mata hitofsu 

Hana ni tsufc-yuku 
Inochi kana 

(Onitsura) 

^ Together with one blossom more, 

Oh ! life, thou goest on thy way. 

This was composed on seeing some falling blossoms. 

(164) 

Saku kara ni 

Mini kara ni hana no 
Chiru kara ni 

(Onitsura) 
They blossom forth, and so I gaze. 
And so these flowers fade, and so 

Composed on seeing some luxuriantly blossoming flowers. T he worl d 
is a roundjof perpetual change, and all ph enom ena a re evanescent. 

('65) 

Oi no aki 

Ake mutsu ivo kiku 
Omoshirosa 

(Rita, died 1755.) 




Later Eighteenth Century, 347 

The old man's autumn, who with joy , , 

Hears the six strokes that tell the dawn. 

Old people who, sleeping little, weary for the daylight, rejoice when 
: stroke of six on the temple l)cll announces that morning has at length 
ne after the long autumn night. There is an implied comparison of old 
: to ^he autumn season. 

('66) 

Hana no yumc 

Kikitaki cho ni 
Koe mo nashi 

(Reikan, dates uncertain.) 
It has no voice, — the butterfly, 
Whose dream of flowVs I fain would learn. 

Suggested by~a l)utterfly asleep upon a blossom. But the " !)utterfly*s 
am of flowers '* was already mentioned in ancient times l)y the mysti- 
Chinese philosopher Chwang Tzu. 

(167) 

Sendo no 

I 

Kenkwa wa sunde 
Kccivazu kana 

(Yuya, dates uncertain.) 
And when the boatmen have made up ^ 

Their quarrel, oh ! then 'tis the frogs. 

Noise succeeding to noise. 

(168) 

Toniarite mo 

Tstibasa loa ugoku 
Koc/id kana 

(Ryubai, dates uncertain.) 
Oh ! little butterfly, with wings 
Still moving even when it lights ! 



fl V 



348 Basho and tlie Japanese Epigram. 

(•69) 
Chiru made mo 

.' ^ , Chiranu kes/iiki wo 

Tsubaki kana 
y\ '* (Shosei, dates uncertain.) 

Oh! the camellia, which ne'er 
Appears Hke dropping till it drops. 

An instanQfi_^ jniiiute observation : — the blossom of the camellia, 
without withering, is apt to startle one by suddenly falling to the 
ground. The Japanese sometimes, therefore, compare it to a deC24>itated 
head. 

(170) 

Hyaku-nari ya 

Tsurn ftito-suji no 
Kokoro yori 

(Chiyo, 1703-1775) 

I'his is a poetical rendering of the Buddhist text A ft P|l -^ ^ Iti^ 
«* myriad devices simply one heart, " which means that one intention wil- 
manifest itself in innumeral)le fonns, one misconception will lead to inl 
numerable errors, etc., etc. A text of kindred import, which the poetess perhaps 
had in mind, is Rifi* — ^H^ to be freely paraphrased as " Religion is 
one, forms are many." This difficult epigram is here given on account of its 

i celebrity, and also because it is typical of a class. In the impossibility of 

translating it literally, the following must suffice as an appfoximation : — 

X-> \ A hundred tendrih>, yea! and all 

^\ From the same vine that is their heart. 

Another reading for hyaku-tiari is sen-fuin, the name of a species of 
climbing gourd or calabash, which is commonly* grown on a trellis to 
support the quantities of pendent fruit. 

(«7i) 
Hini'gao ya 

Dochira no tsuyu mo 

^ Ma ni mvazu 

(Yokoi Yayu, 1 702-1 783) 



i 



Lakr Eighteenth Centtiry. 349 

Alas ! the noon convolvulus, 
That neither dew may aught avail ! 

The asa-gao (lit. " morning face, " called in America the '* morning 
ry," in England ** convolvulus") is washed by the morning dew ; similarly 
■ y^'gtio (lit. " evening face ") by the dews of eve. But what of the 
u-gao (** midday face ") ? What can it rely on for its refreshment ? 

(172) 

Yanta-dera no 

Yo-ake ya kane ni 
Cltim karasu 



A temple on a hill, whose bell 
At break of day startles the rooks. 

(173) 
Bake- mono 710 

Shdtai initari 

Kare-obana 



(Yokoi Yayu) 



(Yokoi Yayu) 



I've seen the bogie's veritable 
Shape : — ^it*s merely withered grass. 

I had taken it for a goblin, and lo ! it was nothing but a clump of 
t eulalia grass which grows man-high on the Japanese hill-sides, with 
nds that look like beckoning hands. — This epigram, originally aimpe at 
eacher whose great reputation did not maintain itself on closer ac- 
lintance, has l)eco me p roverbial for disenchantineut. 

(174) 

Mijika-yo ya 

Ware ni wa nagaki 
Ytimc samenu 

(Yokoi Yayu) 
Is life then short ? This dream of mine ' 

Seems long enough that now has faded. 

The poet's death song. 



■'' ( 



3SO 



r 



V 



Bas/id a^id the Japanese Epigram, 

(175) 

Ugtiisu ya 

Kanai sorotc 
Mcshi'jibun 

(Buson, 1716-1783) 
The nightingale and — dinner-time, 
With the whole family assembled. 

A humorous contrast of the esthetic and the commonplace. 

(•76)" 
Kwaikyu 

(Memories of the Past) 

Osoki hi no 

Tsuinorite toki 
Mukashi katta 



(Buson) 



Oh ! distant past, made up of slow 
But ever accumulating days ! 

{^77) 
Soko-soko ni 

Kyo vii'Sugoshinu 
Tanishi'iiri 



(Buson) 



The snail-man, hurrying along, 
Saw not the city which he traversed. 

Others come to gaze at the metropolis. The poor vendor of edible 
snails hurries along without seeing its wonders, and then trudges home 
again, — a lecture of the hard life of the poor. 

(178) 

Ika-Jiobori 

Kim no sora no 
Ari'dokoro 

(Buson) 



Later Eighteenth Century, 351 

kite flies in the self-same spot 
cy where yesterday it flew. 

these lines mean nothing more than that the kite is l)eing 
r where it was flown yesterday, they have olitained great praise 
2 of combined ingenuity and simplicity. 

(179) 

Ham-savie ya 

Motio-gatari-yuku 
A'lino to kasa 

(Buson) ^ ^^ 
owV in spring, where an umbrella 
rain-coat walk along conversing. 

>rous sketch this of two pedestrians, of whom the spectator, 
m probably from behind, sees nothing hvX their outer pro- 
nst the weather. 

(180) 

Uznmi-bi ya 

Tsui ni 7ua niem 
Nabe no mono 

(Buson) 
smothered coals and, at long last, 
gruel simmering in the pot. 

e see pourtrayed some recluse sitting up on a winter's night 
er, at which with difficulty he cooks his simple meal. The 
-e the prominence given to the word toHmi-bii << ash-smothered 

(181) 

Uguisu no 

Koe toki hi mo 
Kure ni keri 

(Buson) 
I is the long spring day, wherein 
nightingale did sing afar. 



/ >..c 



r 



t\ 



.»\' 






352 Basho and the Japanese Epigram. 

(182)/:; 

Machi-bito not - 
Ashi'Oto tbki 
Ochi'ba kana 



(Buson) 



How distant on the fallen leaves 
His footstep sounds for whom I wait ! 

(183) 

Mizn'tori ya 

Kare-ki no naka ni 
Kago ni'chd 

r (Buson) 

Some water-fowl, and ij^»the niidst 

Of withered trees two p^anc^ms: 

Fourteen pages of discussion ai^'devbted in the oommentary to this 
thumb -nail sketch of a desolate sceiueV- Was there any one in the palan- 
quins? Were they run-away lovers? Were the bearers thj^^ or had 
t/ifY run away ? Is the scene laid on the border of a marsh r ^c, &c. 

(184) 

Fugti'jiru no 

Ware ikite iru 
Ne-zame kana 

(Buson) 

Pokon-fish soup last night, yet lo ! 
I wake to find myself alive. 

The fugti is a delicious, yet often highly poisonous, fish of the gemis 
Tetrodon, whence a proverbial saying to which this epigram makes allu- 
sion : Fitgu 7va kuitashi, itwchi wa oshishi, *• I want to eat poison-fish, yet 
I grudge my life." 

(185) 

Ha7ia ni yote 

Kacrusa nikushi 
Shira-byoshi 

(Buson) 



Later Eighteenth Century, 353 \ 

The flow'rs have made mc drunk : — I loathe j ^ ', - ( 



The singing-girls on my way home. 

TTie idea is closely similar to that of Ko. 154: — natural^ hcautyjiis- 
gusts one with meretricious charra.s (and in this case the word " mere- 
triciouft " may he taken in its literal sense). 

(186) 

Hana ni kite 

Hana 7ii inevipf.u 

Itoina kana 

(Buson) 
Coming to see the flow'rs, I sleep 

Beneath the flowers, being free. 

The commentators praise the 4eli .ate esthetic feeling here displayed 
by the poet, who, instead of vulgarly profitii^ by every moment of time 
to gaze at the blossoms, contrariwise rested and wasted some of it, as he 
had the leisure ; for thus may beauty penetrate more deeply into the 
soul. 

(187) 

Ara musnkashi no kana-zukai ya na / Jigi ni gai 
arasumba, aa niama yo / 

Ume sakinu 

Dore ga imime yara 
Ume ja yara 

(Buson) 

** Oh ! what a hard thing is orthography ! If there be no injury to the 
sense, let us spell as we like !" — After these introductory words in prose, 
the poem goes on to say literally: "Tlie plum-tree is in blossom. Which 
[blossoms] are mtwu, and which ume ? " (Different ways of spelling the 
Japane^ word signifying " plum-blossom. ") We are reminded of the 
saying, "The rose by any other name would smell as sweet." Japanese 
spelling, after centuries of neglect, was beginning to l)e discussed and 
correctness insisted on in Buson 's time, which, curiously enough, synchronised 
with the period when Dr. Johnson fixed our own English orthography. 






354 Baslto and the Japanese Epigram, 

(188) 

Samidare ya 

Aril yo hisoka ni 
Matsu no tsuki 

(Ryota, 1 7 19-1787) 
In the June rains, as if by stealth, 
One night the moon shines through the pines. 

Ryota, the third head of the . Setsumon School and author of no less 
than sixty works, was one of the most famous of the eighteenth century 
revivalists. The epigram here quoted has the honour of being the only 
one that ever attracted Chinese notice, and was paraphrased into that 
language. The paraphrase is as follows: — 

Ax^sft aiffttHK i»iii»ti«^ «i$ite« 

i.e. literally, " 'Tis midsummer, and my grass hut is dreary ; every evening I fall 
asleep to the sound of rain. Suddenly the moon hangs [in the sky]; and 
the shadow of the pine-tree falls on my. garden." 

(>89) 
Meigetsu ya 

Uvtare-kawaraba 

Mine no vtatsn 

(Ryota) 

Oh! moon, if born again, Td be 

A pine-tree on a mountain peak. 

In order to be. the first to behold the moon rise. Remember that, to 
the Japanese, the moon is the loveliest of all y^a«^«i«^> 9bjcc>s **^^'*^Ty jind 
incomparable. No sunset, no rainbow, ho stars of heaven share her praise 
here, as they do in Western lands. 

(190) 

Roku'givatsu ya 

itam tokoro mina 
Yu no nagare 

(Ranko, 1 728-1 799) 
'Tis July, and on every side 
Nothing but rivers of hot water. 



Later Eighteenth Century, 3JS; 

This wi^ (composed at the sulphur baths of Kusatsu, the strongest 
and among 1)^^ hottest in the world. See Murray's " Japan I landbook " 
for a description of the curious method of lathing under a quasi-military 
discipline whiol; is there pursued. 

('90 
Aka-aka to 

Shitfio kori'kcri 
Soba no kuki 

To ice all crimson red has frozen 
The rime upon the buckwheat stems. 



(Ranko) 



This is one of the numerous class of epigrams testifying to ol)serva- 
t ion of minute facts in nature: — the thin crimson stems of the buckwheat 
may be seen cased in ice on some day or other almost every winter, at 
least in the uplands. 

Kare-ashi no , , 

Hi ni hi ni orete 

Nagare-keri 



(Ranko) 



The withered reeds, that day by day 
Break off, are floated down the stream. 



(193) 
Mutsti Dono no 

Suzumi'dai nari 
Chi'Matsushima 

(Gydtai, 1731-179O 
On Matsushima s thousand isles 
The Lord of Mutsu takes the cool. 

Mutsu is the name of the province off whose coast lies the little 
pioe-clad archipelago of Matsushima, famous for its beauty. 



,i' 



356 Basho and tlu Japanese Epigrant. 

(^94) 
Ama tsHtau 

Hoshi no hikari ya 

Naku cJudori 

(Gyotai) 

Where shine the stars that wend along 

The heav'ns, there doth the sea-gull cry. 

This is to be interpreted allegorically. The poet — a mere wandering 
Samurai — had been summoned to the Court of Kyoto. Accordingly he likens 
himself to a sea-gull, — a common, worthless l)ird, — and his new surround- 
ings to the glorious starry vault. 

(195) 

UguisH wo 

Modosu-}ia ume ni 
Kakine shite 

(Shird, 1 736-1 8 1 2) 
Around the plum-flow*rs make a fence, 
To stay the nightingale*s return. 

A nightingale had actually come and perched upon a plum-tree in 
the ix)el's garden. He would fain resort to violence to prevent its flying 
home. 

(196) 

Inciznuia ya 
i ' ^j litsujin to ni-ji 

■ A ^ Kaku ma tiaki 

(Etsujin, 1760-1836.) 

A flash of lightning, and no time 
To write the one word *' Etsujin. " 

Tlie i)oint of this epigram lies in the extreme simplicity of the 
characters with which the name " Etsujin " is MTitten, namely Q \ 
which any one could dash off in am instant of time. — This poet is to be 
distinguished from his namesake (one of the " Ten Wits," sc^ pp. 296 
and 337), whose name is written j^ J^. 



Later Eighteenth Century, 35 7 

(297) 
Ware to kite 

Asobe ya oya no / *' 

Nai siizufne 

(Issa, 1 763-1 827) 
You little sparrows left without 
A mother, come and play with me. 

This is said to have been composed by Issa at the age of Hve, when 
3 had just lost his own mother. 

(198) 

Nan no sono 

Hyaku-man-gokti mo 
Sasa fio tsuyu 

(Issa) 
What then? what are his million bales? 
M^sne dewdrops on the bamboo grass. 

The circumstances under which this ver^ was composed may serve 
» illustrate the oddity and independence of spirit which characterised, 
>t this poet only, but many of his brother epigrammatists. The I^rd 

Kaga, richest of all the Daimyos, whose revenue was assessed at a 
illion bales of rice, summoned Issa to his presence one day ; but the 
tier refused to go. Thereupon, the Daimyo despatched his henchman 
ith a gold-lacquered box containing His Highnesses album, to request the 
vour of Issa^s autograph. This, like^%'ise, Issa at Hrst refused ; but being 

length over*peffiuaded,. he took his own cheap broken ink-slab, moistened 
te Indian ink stick with his saliva, and penned a line of poetry as 
iquired. " If you don*t like it, you can tear it up," said he, on being 
•monstrated with for his rudeness. The Daimyo, by no means displeased, 
nt him ten gold coins in acknowledgment ; but Issa could only with 
ifficulty be persuade to keep three shillings, the amount of his rent. 
aXtx on, the D&imy5 presented him with a beautiful sandal-wood ink-box ; 
at Issa was so much wearied by the visitors who flocked to gaze at it 
lat he handed it over gratis to a cUrio-dealer, who took it to Yedo and 
3ld it for several hundred dollars. Issa, himself absolutely indifferent to 
ioney, composed the above epigram as a vent to his feelings on the 



s 



i 



3 5 8 Baslto and the Japanese Epigram, 

occasion. While his philosophy was strictly practical, his cppn^ssio n ^ or 
all^ living jytjatures was so profound that he demurred even to killings a 
flea. I lis style, though it could rise into the classical on an occasic'n, 
was for the most {)art colloc[uial, as in No. 200. 

(199) 

Yase-kawazii 

Makerti'tia Issa 
Kore ni art 



(Issa/) 



Emaciated frog ! be not 
Worsted in fight : — Issa is here. 

(200) 

Yard nakii-tia 

Sore Iiodo bnji de 
Kaeru kari 



(Issa) 



Hallo ! you shouldn't cry, you storks, 
Returning home so safe and sound ! 

(201) 

Kaerusa no 

Yu'hi'zakura ya 
Minie ni tsue 

(So-a, dates uncertain.) 

A typical cjcample of the class of Japanese epigrams most difiicult to 
translate. The words arc literally, .** Home-going** evening sun cherry- 
trees, and staff to chest." The picture is that of some aged man, who, having 
sf>ent the day among the cherry-blossoms, is now returniDg home, but, 
rapt by the beauty of the sunset glow upon the flowers, remains gazing at 
it, his body bent and leaning on his staff. Something like the foilowing 
may serve as an approximate rendering : — 

Cherry-flow'rs sunset-lit : — I turn 
And gaze, my breast upon my staff. 



Later Eighteenth Century, 359 

(202) 
Sei daseba 

Kdm ma mo nashi 
Mizit'gnnnna 

(Keirin, dates uncertain.) 
If but the wheel be diligent, ' 

The water has no time to freeze. 

Th is verse has become proverbial for industry. 

(203) 

Uguisu ya 

Hana naki ki ni wa 
Oranii ]iazn 

(Gomel, dates uncertain.) 
Of course the nightingale stays not 
Upon a tree bereft of flowers. 

I'he elderly poet composed this epigram on calling to see his mistress 
and finding her abroad. A pretty young woman could not be expected, 
he suggests, to care for a withered gallant like himself. 

(204) 

Koi-shinaba 

Waga tsuka de nake 

Hototogisu 
Cuckoo! ifl should die of love, 
Oh ! [come and] sing upon my tomb ! 

X^Miiposed by a courtesan in the Yoshiwara at Yedo, who, having 
bedi ifeuidered to her lover, was abandoned by him and reduced to des- 
pair. 

(205) 

Kuchi akeba 

Go-so no miyurn 
Kcnvazn kana 

(Anon.) 



36o 



B as/to and the Japamse Epigram, 



Behold the frog, who, when he opes 
His mouth, displays his whole inside ! 

Proverbial in tljie sense of -<< Do not blurt out all your 
thoughts." — The term go-zby here rendered the *• whole inside," is literally 
the " five viscera." 



The literature of the Japanese epigram is valmniiioiis and ccMiBtantly 
growing. The following works have been consalted in the prepafaHoii of 
the foregoing essay : — 

JS^/J^jt '' Rtmpai Shoshi;' by M. Sasa, one thin yoL, 1887, ^^^^ 
with the history of Haikai and Rcnga, 

^fkiL% " I^tnkai ShiJen,'' by S. Okooogi and M. Nunokawa, I toI^ 
1884, gives short biographies of all (he principal q)igiainmatiatSy with 
specimens of their work, following chronological order according to schoolsi. 

m^-^tm ** ^<fi^» //yos/iaht," by Kat6 Heki-godo, one small vol., 1889, 
with a sequel entitled JKil^tltf fV ** Zoku Haiku Ilybshaku^ reproduces the 
epigrams of the y|](||^ " Sant-mino Ska^* anthology, and aooompaoifs each 
with a short commentary. 

^Klft " Haikai-roii^^ l)y Aeba Koson, an article of 46 pages pnbltshed 
in a magazine entitled ^fBPQJt^^ " Waseda BwigaJht," This distinguish- 
ed man of letters here gives i>erhaps the best general view of the subject 
in a concise form. 

ftSt^AI* " ^^'^^ ^V'« ^^'^f" ^y Gengen-ichi, 3 vols., 1816^ with 
sequel entitled JtftSit^Att " ^"^^'f -^^^'^ A^^ ^an" 3 vols., 1832, 
illustrated. Biographies of epigrammatists. 

lS''^^5itJSIS " ^'okott JIaika Itsttwa^" by Shigure-an, one thin vol., 
1 90 1. Anecdotes of epigrammatists. Many similar collections exist. 

^^APl '' Haiku Nytmum;' by Takahama Kyoshi, a lighi pf the 
Shimpa or contemporary school, I Vol, 1898. This litUe gukls to the 
composition of epigrams is interesting for its general remarks on style. 

^KS4^ *' //"'k'/'c?/ Dokugaku^'' issued by the Hakubun-kwan publish- 
ing firm. This guide to the analysis and composition of epigrams enters 
into grammatical and other details, but is not to be reoommended. The 
European student desirous of embarking on the study of the Japanese 
epigrammatic style should find a careful comparison of the originals 
quoted in the present essay with their translations far more useful. The 
favourite ellipses and other grammatical i>eculiarities of the style will be 
more easily mastered in this way than by the presentation of any set of 
rules. 



Literature. 361 

'jfM'^^ ** <Mff^<u' Aostin" ftii anthology hy Miyakc Shuzan (died 
1801), m the edition entitled ffpf|#||TlrJi ** Hyoshaku Haikai Kaan;' 
published by Kimura Kokfi in 1900, which adds a short commentary on 
each epigram. Only the first half of the original work has yet appeared 
in this form. Still this volume, published at 25 sen, is likely to l>e more 
useful to the foreign student than any other, except the ^^fff|l 
«* Haiku Uy^hakH^ " which it closely resembles in form. 

Wtt^HmW ** Biison A'uskTt AT^V' only 2 vols, yet published in 
book form, 1903. The rest b appearing gradually in a magazine entitled 
** ffoioiogisu,^ Buson's epigrams are here discussed seriatim by a select 
circle of admirers, whose criticisms are given exactly as delivered in Cdlo- 
quial. The obscurity of many epigrams is here well exhibited. 

ft]l3ltW ** Haikai Bunko,'' 24 large vols., 1887-1901, issued by the 
llakubun-kwan publishing linn. This cncycIop4'edic compilation includes 
matter new and old, — general treatises, biographies, the complete works 
of many epigrammatists, anthologies arranged according to subjects, 
ancodotical matter, prose works by the epigrammatists, their essays, notes 
of travel, etc., etc, etc. The present writer does not profess to have 
done more than touch the fringe of this gigantic compilation, but he 
has at least profited by Uchida Fuchi-an*s biography and critifjue of 
Basho, entitled «S «(«« t i« " Basha-an Tosei Den;' and t£ « » » 
«* Bashb Kbden^^ by Aeba Koson's biography of Vokoi Yayu entitled m^ 
-ibiWlK/fV " Yokoi YayTi O no Den," by the l)iographical sketch appended 
to the collection of Issa^s epigrams entitled -''^^% " fssa Zenshu^' and 
by Ono Seichiku*s historical sketch of the subject entitled ^ iff -S. jt 
« Haikai JRyakushir 

Besides the aliove, there are the well-known general literary 
histories. IIaga*s WA9^ii'W^ ** Kokubun-^^aku Shi Jikko," or " Ten 
Ijectures on the History of our National Literature," has Ixjcn found 
suggestive. It has, moreover, the advantage of l>eing written in Colloquial. 

So far as known to the present writer, the only European authors who 
have treated, however briefly, of the subject hitherto arc : — 

I. IK G, AstoUy who, in his " Grammar of the Japanese Written 
I^anguage," 2nd edit., p. 203 (1877), inserted 3 specimens of epigrams with 
literal translations, and later, in his " History of Japanese Literature,'' pp. 
289-297 (1899), gave a summary of the subject (but without touching on 
origitte$\ together with literal translations of 19 specimens. 

IL B. H, Chemtherlain, " Handbook of Colloquial Jai)anc3e,'' 2nd. 
edit., pp. 453-4 (1889), 4 specimens — text and literal translation. 



362 Baslw and tlu Japanese Epigram, 

III. Lafcadio Hearn, ** In Ghostly Japan/' pp. 156-164 (l999), text, 
of 8 epigrams, with literal translation and explanation. — Since the prcseoC 
essay was completed, the writer's attention has been drawn to Mt.'Heam'^ 
two latest works, " Shadowings," pp. 69-100 (1901), and « A Japanese Mi»- 
cellany," pp. 92-118 (1901), containing respectively collections pf epigrams- 
on the curious subjects of cicad*x and dragon-flies, — no less than 107 in. 
all, or more, if those arc counted of which not the original text, but. 
only the translation is given. Some of the renderings are in the metres^ 
of the elegiac distich, which, owing to the far larger number of syllable^-* 
of that form of verse, necessitates more or less expansion of the ■^rgfr^t^' 
Others, rendered literally, though less attractive as English — or Anglicised-— ^-^ 
poems, possess superior value for the scicntiHc enquirer. All well exhibit=^ 
the endless dexterity with which the Japanese epigrammatist can iiiodulat< 
the trilling of his tiny pipe. 




A Brief Sketch of the History of Political 

Parties in Japan* 

By a. H. Lay Esq. 

[Ready 4. Dfc. igo2,'\ 

The idea of popular representation in the Government 
>f Japan may be said to have had its birth with the 
:lestoration. Prior thereto indeed the minds of some 
houghtful men had been turning in this direction. For 
xample, Yoroi Heishiro, Shonan of Higo had for some 
ears been a strong advocate of national progress in all 
lirections. And Yamauchi Toyonobu, Daiviio of Tosa, 
/ho had endeavoured strenuously to bring about the re- 
ival of the Imperial authority, presented a memorial in 1867, 
1 favour of the establishment of a deliberative assembly.. 
His Imperial Majesty the present Emperor, in his 
Oath on the occasion of his accession to the Throne, 
[lade known his enlightened desire that men should 
neet in council from all parts of the country and all 
flairs of state be determined in accordance with public 
opinion, The achievement by all classes of the people 
►f their legitimate desires and the prevention of discontent 
irere necessary. Unprecedented reforms for the welfare 
)f the nation were to be effected. This pronouncement 
nay be regarded as the starting point of the movement 
owards Parliamentary Institutions. The Imperial wishes 
n regard to the opinion of the people and the necessity 



*The Go Seimon (ftlSlfc) °^ ^^^ \^\\i day of the 3rd monlh of the 
St, year of Mciji (April 6 1868). 



364 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 

for their aid in carrying on the affairs of the nation were 
further notified from time to time. In a notification of a 
few months later * it was declared that public sentiment, 
as expressed by the councillors selected from all parts, 
was to be the directing power in the future because the 
private caprice of any one individual should not be allowed 
to control the Empire. Again, t early in 1869, His 
Majesty proclained that he was about to proceed to the 
East where he would summon together his Ministers and 
the Chiefs of the People in order that the popular opini- 
on might be consulted, that the foundations of the nation 
might be laid upon a basis which should insure national 
tranquillity. All these notifications show what was in the 
mind of the Emperor and His advisers in the early days 
of the re-instatement of the Imperial Rule. 

The spirit of the Meiji era throughout has been re- 
form, and progress, and consultation of the popular will 
as far as possible, within certain fixed limits, and the 
enlargement of the rights of the people. In the main, 
the Government has tried to fulfil the aspirations of the 
people although it has at all times felt bound to act as 
a drag upon over impetuosity and undue haste. With 
regard to the ultimate form which Representative Institu- 
tions should take, the authorities have differed and still 
differ from the generally expressed desire of the people. 

In considering the steps taken after the Restoration to 
perfect the organs of administration, we find that when the 
Government of the young Emperor was organized at Kioto, 
its members were composed of 3 classes, i, Sosai (Hi^) 
who had supreme control (Prince Arisugawa Satsu, assisted 

*8th month of the ist year of Meiji (September 1868). 
t 25th day of 2nd month of the 2nd year of Meiji. 



Lxiy : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan, 365 

l)y Princes Sanjo and Iwakura), Gijo or Gitci (^/£, con- 
sisting of Princes of the Blood, Nobles of the Court, and 
Tl^erritorial Nobles, who assisted in the direction of affairs, 
conducting business that was not of the highest importance, 
-and Sanyo (^|^), councillors, consisting of nobles of the 
Court and retainers of the daimios chosen from various clans. 
"* Eight Departments were created under the Dajokwan or 
Government. The arrangement having been hurriedly made 
at a time of commotion was not found workable, and accord- 
ingly in June 1868 the Dajokwan issued a notification remo- 
delling the system of Government. It was therein laid down 
that all matters were to be settled by public discussion. The 
Government was divided among seven Departments, one of 
which was termed the Gisei, (^&), the Deliberative assem- 
bly. The Department exercised legislative power and was 
subdivided into an Upper House (_h^) and a Lower 
House (T*^). The upper House consisted of Gijo, Sanyo, 
Secretaries and clerks, and the Lower House had two 
Presidents of debate and f ordinary members whose duty 
it was to discuss, under the orders of the Upper House 
af!airs relating to the Revenue, relations with foreign 
countries, the coinage, colonization etc. Here we have the 
germ of the present House of Peers and House of Re- 
presentatives. Towards the end of 1868 a Bureau for the 
investigation of matters connected with public deliberation 
on affairs of state was opened % under the control of 
Yamauchi Toyonobu. A Parliament called Kogijo (J^IS^f) 
place for public discussion was opened at Tokio on April 
18, 1869, when an Imperial Message of instruction was 



* Seven if we exclude the Sosai kiokti. 

tR± (Koshi). 

J 19th day of 9th month of ist year of Meiji (November 3, 1868). 



366 Lay : — Tlic Political Parties of Japan, 

read. The opening was originally fixed for March 27, 
but the ceremony was postponed in order to allow all 
the members to reach the Capital from the Provinces. 
The idea at first was to make representation depend upon 
the importance of the clan, but this too was at the last 
moment altered, and each Daimiate was instructed to 
furnish one representative. In all there were 276 mem- 
bers. The chamber was not actually representative of 
the people but of the Governing authorities in the various 
localities. Members were elected, by order of the Em- 
peror, by the Councillors who carried on the affairs of 
the Feudal Principalities. Akizuki Ukionosuke was the first 
President. The Kogijo became known as the * Shugi-In 
(jJ^H^gS) on t August 15, 1869. Among matters discuss- 
ed by this so-called Parliament were questions regarding 
new laws. Petitions were also received from the people. 
It had been largely the desire to fashion the Japanese 
constitution on western methods, and the hope that the 
administration could be conducted most smoothly by 
ascertaining the will of the majority, had led to the 
creation of a deliberative assembly. But the constitution 
(^f the SJiiigiln rendered it from its nature prejudiced and 
unprogrcssive, and after a trial of a year or two the venture 
was found to be unsuccessful. Its sittings were discon- 
tinued from J October 4, 1870, and thereafter its business 
was limited to the receipt of petitions ; but it was not 
actually abolished in name till June 24, 1873. 

'^' S'lTti^i-In is the name applicil to the present House of Representatives, 
llu" only dirTorcncc Ix-'ing that the first of the three characters is written 
«lirt'ercntly in each case. The modem term is written (ll^SIK)* 

t Slh day of the 7lh month of the 2nd year of Meiji. 

\ loili <Kiy of oth month (»f the 3rd year of Meiji. 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japaji. 367 

Extensive changes in the Dajokivaji were effected in * Sep- 
tember 1 87 1. The Sei-In (iH|5c), chief College or Council 
of State, the Sa-In (£Bt')» I-^^ College, and the U-In 
(>&l^)» Right College or Executive, were established. 
The Sa-In was intended to be a deliberative and legisla- 
tive chamber with limited powers, and replaced the Shugi- 
In. The members were nominated by the Emperor and the 
Council of State. Goto Shojiro, who subsequently played 
a leading part in Japanese politics, was the first President. 

Various measures issued about this time tended to re- 
move social barriers between the people, and indirectly 
contributed to help the nation at large to a share in the 
conduct of national affairs. By the abolition of the Feudal 
System on f August 29. 1871, on the advice of Kido 
Takayoshi, and its replacement by the organization of Pre- 
fectures, centralization of the Government was brought about. 
Also the permission granted for marriages between all 
classes of the people, and the abolition of the terms da 
and hiniii in October, aided in the removal of rigid social 
distinctions and disqualifications. 

The history of political parties in Japan from their in- 
ception up to the present time may be conveniently divid- 
ed into four periods, (i). The period from the Restora- 
tion up to 1882 while as yet they were in embryo. (2). 
From the year 1882 when they for the first time took 
actual shape, until the year 1887. 

(3). From the organization of the Daido-danketsu in 1887 
until 1898. (4). From the date of the amalgamation of the 
two strongest parties under the name of the constitutional 
party, (Kenseito JKi^jR) until the present moment. 

* 29th day of 7th month of 4th year of Meiji. 
f 14th day of 7th month of 4th year of McijL 



368 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 

The stirring events of the Restoration, and the spread 
of the doctrines which had brought about the reinstatement 
of the Imperial authority in deed as well as in name/ led 
to a great awakening of thought in the nation. The 
popular mind was open for the reception of new ideas, 
and fastened with avidity upon everything that appeared 
to make for national advancement. The people eagerly 
took up the work leading to the establishment of consti- 
tutional Government which had been started under Im- 
perial and official auspices. 

Public opinion was divided into two currents, that of 
gradual and that of rapid progress, and, in spite of a 
slight backwater of conservatism, the general flow of 
feeling was steady in the direction of reform. 

Foreign influence soon made itself felt in Japanese do- 
mestic politics. Tlie Special Mission despatched to Europe 
and America at the close of 1871 was headed by Iwakura 
Tomomi, Udaijin, having as assistant ambassadors Kido 
Takayoshi, Councillor of State, Gkubo Toshimichi, Min- 
ister of Finance, Ito Hirobumi, Vice-Minister of Works, 
and Kamaguchi Naoyoshi, assistant Vice-Minister of For- 
eign Affairs, and had for its main object the revision of 
the Treaties. It was, however, understood in official circles 
that observation of the political institutions in the countries 
to be visited would form part of the duty of the Embassy. 
On his return to Japan, Kido, in narrating the various cir- 
cumstances which had fallen under his notice abroad, stat- 
ed that the most urgent need of the nation was to estab- 
lish the constitution on the basis of the Imperial Laws, 
and to frame laws having something of permanency, not 
* issued in the morning and revoked in the evening. He 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 369 

expressed the opinion that although Japan had not yet 
reached the stage when all matters could be submitted to 
the decision of the public, the Government should be 
conducted upon the principle of consultation of the wishes 
of the people. Of the alien influences which helped to 
mould the shape which it was destined that representa- 
tive institutions should take, that of the United States 
was first apparent. Then followed a period when the 
views of those who had studied political problems in Eng- 
land were predominant. And subsequently * French in- 
fluence became for a time paramount. But in the end 
German theories of Government prevailed and left their 
stamp upon the Japanese Constitutional system. 

In the year 1873 there were to be found among the 
ranks of the higher officials of the Government two 
well defined parties, the one desirous of gradual progress 
at home, and a conciliatory policy towards other nations, 
the other advocating rapid progress in domestic matters 
and a resolute foreign policy. The line of demarcation 
was accentuated by the discussion which arose as to 
whether the conduct of Korea towards Japan in the re- 
fusal to receive the letter from this country and in the 
treatment meted out to the Japanese Envoys demanded 
an appeal t > the sword. The peace party supported by 
Okubo and Ivvakura gained the day, and the war party 
severed their connection with the Government. Amoncr 

* French thought made its inflfeence greatly felt in 1 88 1. The return 
of Marquis Saionji from France in the early part of that year helped to 
turn attention to French political and social theories. He started the 
7cyd Jiyu Shhnbun, &long with Matsuzawa Kinsuke and Matsuda Masa- 
hisa, in order to ventilate his opinions on the subject of freedom. The 
principles of Rousseau because popular and obtained many converts in 
particular the celebrated Nakae Tokusuke (Chomin), recently deceased. 



370 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 

those who followed the example of Saig5 Takamori in 
resigning were Itagaki Taisuke, a samurai of the Kochi 
Prefecture, *Soyejima Taneomi, a samurai of the Saga 
Prefecture, Eto Shimpei, a samurai of the Saga Pre- 
fecture, Goto Shdjiro, a samurai of the Tokio Yw, These 
men were Councillors of State and had repeatedly memo- 
rialished the Government of a popular assembly during 
their tenure of office. Thus the Government was left in 
the hands of those of more moderate inclinations, while 
the ardent advocates of the rights of the people took 
their place outside the ranks of officialdom, there to 
labour more eflectively for their cherished object. They 
met from time to time in consultation, and were joined 
by Komuro Nobuo, a samurai of the old f Mi5d5 Prefec- 
ture, Furusawa Uro, a samurai of the Kochi Prefecture, 
both of whom had just returned from P'ngland filled with 
admiration of English Parliamentary Institutions, and with 
a desire to transplant them in Japan, Okamoto Ken- 
zaburo, a samurai of K5chi Prefecture, and others. One 
point in the conduct of the administration which they 
strongly resented was the abolition of the appointment of 
representatives of the clans to the deliberative assembly, 
notwithstanding the fact that they were not in the true 
sense representative of the people. They considered that 
the abuses of a bureaucracy had ensued. The idea of 
striving for the foundation in Japan of an assembly com- 
posed of representatives elected by the people appealed 
strongly to these reformers. Fired with zeal for the cause 

* Resigned the office of Minister for Foreign affairs October 31. 1873 
on the plea of ill-health. 

t On August 21. 1876 the Mi6d5 Prefecture was divided between the 
Iliogo and Kuchi* Prefectures Awaji going to the former Awa to the latter. 



Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan, 371 

they lost no time in taking steps to render the reali- 
zation of their dreams possible. In the one direction 
they addressed a Memorial to the Government, while at 
the sajne time . they laboured fi)r the spread of their 
doctrines among the people. Mere we have the genn 
of the political parties which in the course of no vcxy 
long time developed and flourished. 

The important memorial just referred to, which is said 
to have, been drafted by Furu.sawa and then submitted 
to Soejima for his amendment, bore the signatures of 
Itagaki, Goto, Soejima. Et5, Komuro, Furusawa, Oka- 
moto, Mitsuoka Hachiro and Yuri Kimmasa, a samurai 
of Tsuruga Profecture. It was presented to the Sa-In 
and bore date January 17, 1874. At the same time 
publication of it was effected in the Nisshin slmi ji shi 
(HHiR^ftfe)* ^^ which numerous articles of interest bear- 
ing upon the same and other subjects appeared at the 
time. Much popular discussion was caused by its publi- 
cation. In the preamble, allusion is made to .the! failure 
on the part of the authorities to undertake measures to- 
wards the establishment of political institutions in Japan 
in spite of the return home some time previously of' the 
Special Embassy. Mutual distrust had of late arisen be- 
tween rulers and the ruled, the mind of the people was 
agitated and there were evident signs of pending trouble, 
simply because the general opinion of the Empire as as- 
certained by public discussion had been suppressed. The 
memorial itself goes on to say that the Governing Power 
was neither in the Imperial House nor with the people, 
but in the hands of officials who occupied a place between 
the two. Not that these men neglected to pay respect 
to the Imperial House or to protect the people. But the 



372 Ijay : — The Political Parties {f Japan. 

Crown was losing the reverence due to it and there was 
much making and changing of laws, and favouritism pre- 
vailed. The people could not make their voice heard 
nor could they express their grievances. The merest 
child could perceive that under the circumstances tranquil 
Government was an impossibility. Reform must be eflkct- 
ed or the nation would come to ruin. The remedy lay 
in the promotion of public discussion which was to be 
brought about by means of a Council cliambec elected 
by the people. Taxpayers had a right to a voice in the 
conduct of public affiiirs. It was not too early, as some 
maintained, to take the step indicated, and a long ai^gunient. 
in support of the contention of the memorialists followed. 

In reply to the Memorial the Sa-fn returned a con- 
ciliatory message on January 23, 1874. That College was 
cimvinced that the principle advocated was excellent, and 
having already received sanction to a proposal of a similar 
nature emanating from themselves, had drafted a set of 
regulations. The suggestion would therefore be adopted, 
but it was recommended that the Home office just con- 
stituted should first of all be called upon to express an 
opinion, and that the question should be taken up after 
the Local assemblies had met in view of the instructions 
issued in 1873 relative to such Assemblies. But there were 
not wanting those who sneered at the proposal. Kat5 
Hiroyuki drew up a memorandum in criticism of the 
memorial, in which doubts as to the advisability of es- 
tablishing an elective assembly were uttered. To him 
Itagaki, Goto and Soejima replied, jointly, on February 
20, pointing out that no sudden change was in contem- 
plation. At first the franchise would be bestowed only 
upon the Samurai and richer fermers and merchants. 



Lay : — The P^Htical Parties of Japan, 373 

They had proved worthy of the right, for they it was 
vfYio had produced the leaders of the revolution of 1868. 

It was also urged by opponents of the movement that 
the bulk erf the nation was indifferent to the proposed 
change and that the samurai alone were interested. No 
doubt this was more or less true at the start, but it was 
not long before the new propaganda gained favour with 
a large section of the nation. Before long two certain 
writers asserted that the &ults of the government lay 
with the few clans who controlled its conduct and that 
the whole nation ought to take their place in directing 
public business. 

Now that the progect of a popular assembly had been 
expressly brought before the attention of tlie public and 
had elicited a large measure of approval in different quar- 
ters, the natural sequence of events was the setting on 
loot of associations formed for political purposes which 
should eventually grow into political parties proper. Thus 
the earliest pcditical Society from which the Jiyu^to 
(Liberal Party) subsequently spr.mg, namely the * aikoku 
ko to (j^H^JK)' ^^ Patriotic Society. Its aim was set 
forth to be the maintenance of popular rights and to 
enable the people to be self governing, free, independent, 
unfettered, the first meeting was held in the Kofuku An- 
zensba in Ginza, Tokio. A large number of persons 
enrolled thennselves members of the Society. 

But these were still early days and the cause suffered 
severely at the outset from the mistaken zeal of some of 
its friends. Early in 1874 occurred the attack upon 
Prince Iwakura at Akasaka by Takaichi Kumakichi of 



* Also known a» the Aikokmhu. 



t 



374 L'ly : — The fblitical Parties of Japan. 

Kochi and eight other partisans of the side which advo- 
cated war with Korea. The outbreak shortly afterwards 
of Et5 Shimpei and his resistance to the forces of the 
Government on the plea of patriotism and the subjuga- 
tion of Korea, which cost him his life, also furnished its 
enemies with excellent weapons to fight the popular 
movement. Itagaki returned to his native Province, 
vowing, however, that he would devote his life to the 
cause of the inauguration of representative institutions. 
He there established shortly afterwards the first local 
political association which he named the Riss/iisha (4^ 
ft), showing his determination to adhere to what he 
considered to be his life's work. He declared that the 
time of transition which had arrived when old fashions 
Avere falling into desuetude, and the administration 
system had not been perfected, required that the enci^ies 
of the people should be employed for the Emperor and 
the nation.* We thus have Kochi and later on Hizen 
among the clans which helped to bring about the Resto- 
ration, working for the extension of the power of the 
people, while the Government was in the main conduct- 
ed by Satsuma and Choshu men. 

A step towards the creation of a Representative As- 
sembly was again taken in the establishment of a De- 
liberative Assembly of Local Authorities by an Imperial 
Decree of May 2, 1874 wherein it was affirmed that the 
Imperial desire was eventually to assemble representatives 
of all the people and to determine tlie laws in ac- 
cordance with public opinion. t The Chamber was to 

* Other political associations also were formed in Tosu, such as the 
X Count Inoue Kaoru, \vli()>e laLnjurs in connection with the progress 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 375 

have been opened on the loth of September 1874, but 
in August of that year postponement was decreed for 
the reason that Dkubo, Minister for Home Affairs, was 
then absent in China as High Commissioner Extra- 
ordinary endeavouring to arrive at a settlement of the 
Formosan affairs with the Chinese Government. Before 
calling the Local Officials together it was necessary to 
ascertain whether it was to be peace or war, lest ex- 
citement in the provinces should lead to mischief. 
Eventually the Assembly met on the 20th of June i875» 
the ceremony being performed by H.M. the Emperor 
in person. An incident which aroused the ire of the press 
was the refusal to allow newspaper representatives to be 
present. Kido was the first President of the Assembly 
and the attention of the members was as a commence- 
ment called to the matter of Roads and Bridges. The 
question of a Popular Assembly came up for considera- 
tion in July, and, to the great disappointment of those 
who supported the cause of the people, it was decided 
that the condition of the country was not such as to 
warrant such a step in advance, the Local Authorities 
giving the weight of their influence in favour of Assem- 
blies of Ku cho and Ko cho instead. Meetings were to 
be held annually, but owing to the Satsuma rebellion 
they were suspended for a few years. The second 
session opened in April 1878, Ito being President. 

In 187s a temporary reconciliation took place between 
,the statesmen in office and those who had given up 
their official positions. A meeting between Okubo, Ito, 



of Japan, must be borne in mind, when Acting Minister of Finance* 
summoned the Local Authorities to Tokio in 1872 to deliberate upon 
matters oomiected with local financial administration. 



3/6 Lay :^-Tke Bditical RwtUs cf Jafon. 

Hido, and Itagaki, was brought about at Osaka on Jan- 
uary lo, and it was agreed that a pariiatnentaiy system 
should be erected as being the best means to meet the 
national rcquirements. Itagaki and Kido then accepted 
their old offices of Councillors of State. On the 17th of 
March the four officials mentioned were commanded to 
make investigations together regarding the constitution 
of the Government and, as a result of their report on their 
Enquiries, the Sa-In and the U-In were abolished and the 
Genro in {jtM^) Senate was established on April 14, 1875, 
and also the Dai Shin In (High Court of Justice). 

On July 5, 1875 the Emperor delivered a speech 00 
the occasion of the opening of the Genro In in which 
He declared its establishment as a legislative Body of 
Gikwan (Delibeiative officials). Among the members of 
the Genrd In were G5t5 Shojiro, Vice President, Yanagi- 
wara Sakimitsu, sko shit, Katsu Yasuyoshi, sho sJUi, 
Ogue Tsune, jusAii, Yuri KuitmiSSi, jusAH, Mutsu Mune- 
mitsu, S/id g(hi^ Torio Koyata, and Miura Goro, skd go4 
and sko skit of the War Department, Kono Tashikawa, 
sho go-i, and Kat5 Hiroyuki, jugoi. 

But the reunion in official circles was not of toog 
duration. In the Autumn of 1875 the " Unyo kan" was 
fired on by Koreans in the vicinity of Kokwa (jl ||||) 
island and the question arose whether or not war should 
be declared against the Peninsular Kingdom. Itagaki 
favoured vigorous measures. He was also dissatisfied 
with the measure of administrative reform attained. 
Accordingly, on October 12, he presented a Memorial 
to the Emperor urging the separation of the Council of 
State from the Executive Departments. Shimazu Hisa- 
mitsu, Sadaijittf a few days later, presented a similar 



Lay : — The Ihlitical Parties cf Japan, yj'j 

Memorial in which he expressed his concurrence with 
the views expressed by Itagaki. The outcome was that 
both of them were on the 27th relieved of office at their 
own request on March 28» 1876. Inouc too was similarly 
relieved of his duties. 

1875 also saw the liberty of the press, of public speech, 
^nd of publication considerably restricted. The Govern- 
ment, not without reason, feared the consequences of 
complete freedom of expression of public opinion while 
the newspapers complained that they were hampei^ 
^nd fettered, and, in at least one instance, were punished 
merely for complaining of the severity of the law. The 
jiew Press Laws were promulgated on July 28, and 
^heir stringency created widespread consternation. One 
newspaper .stated that they had at once put a stop to 
^Dublic discussion throughout the Empire. Even tlie 
Tiioderate Nichi Nichi Shimbun fell under the ban of 
official displeasure. Imprisonment of editors and suspen- 
2sion of newspapers were matters of common occurence.* 
Jt was no wonder that constant attempts were made to 
<ievade the laws as, for instance, by substituting the 
viame of some other country for Japan in an article and 
^hen giving vent to their feelings in reference to that 
ther country so that any one reading between the lines 
ould see that Japan was meant. The complaint was 
lade that Japan was a pure absolute monarchy and that 
^ihe real legislative and judicial powers lay with the 
^Dabinet Ministers. 

But, in spite of all this apparent reaction, the course 



• At one time there vrere over 30 newspaper contributors in prison 
I Tokio alone. 



37^ Lay : — ^754^ Pblitical Parties of Japan, 

of events tended generally towards the goal of Con- 
stitutional Government. 

According to an Imperial message made known by 
Prince Arisugawa, President of the Genroin, to it« 
members on September 6, 1876, that body was entrusted 
with the duty of drafting a Constitution by an extensive 
consideration of the legal systems of foreign countries 
and the employment upon mature reflection of the ideas 
therein embodied when suitable. A Committee of investi- 
gation was appointed consisting of Nakajima Nobuyuki, 
the first President of the present House of Repre- 
sentatives, Yanagiwara Sakimitsu, Bukuha Bisei. But 
an unfortunate check was given to progress by the 
troubles which arose the following month and which 
preceded the outbreak of the Satsdma rebellion in Jan- 
uary 1877. 

While the civil war was in progress it was feared that 
disaffection might spread to other parts of the Empire 
and Itagaki had returned to Tosa in order to exercise a 
restraining influence upon his followers. The Risshi sha, 
acting in concert with the Sciken sha held consultations 
regarding the conduct of the Government and the need 
for an Elective Assembly to cure the evils the 
State was suffering from. On May 14, 1877, Kataoka 
Kenkichi, as representative of the Risshisha^ presented a 
lengthy Memorial to the Imperial Court at Kioto. It 
was pointed out therein that when the Feudal Princi- 
palities were converted into Prefectures, an Assembly of 
samurai should have been convened and public discussion 
further developed. But instead of that the Government 
behaved in an arbitrary manner and to this could be 
traced all the ills of the present maladministration. Neither 



iMy : — The Political Parties of Japan. 379 

!ie Genro In nor the Daishin In had fulfilled the natural 
xpectation raised at the time of their institution. 
ustice had not been done to the Samurai, Their offices 
ad been abolished but no laws had been framed for 
leir protection, nor were they admitted to a share in the 
eliberations of the Government. Other grievances such 
5 the financial conditions were also touched upon. In 
Dnclusion it was represented that the establishment of 
1 elective assembly and the enactment of Constitutional 
aws were the means by which a free and independent 
)i:it could be fostered among the people and they 
)uld receive settled ideas upon politics. 

The attention of the Government had been anxiously 
>ced upon Kochi for some time as it was feared that 
ibellion might spread thither from the South. Measures 
ere taken to prevent any recourse to force, and arrests 

men who had come to the front there and in other 
irts of the country w6re effected. For example, Kata- 
va Kenkichi, Hayashi Yuzo, * Oe Taku, Takenouchi 
suna, Mutsu Munemitsu, a samurai of Wakayama, and 
tcrwards Minister for Foreign Affairs, and others who 
id been taken into custody were sentenced to various 
rnis of imprisonment in the summer of 1878. After 
le rebellious outbreak had been quelled, the power of 
le central Government was found to rest upon a firmer 
isis than ever, and the movers in the cause of popular 
:presentation deemed it necessary to institute a political 
impaign throughout the country, to revive the interest in 
le question which was languishing. It was decided to 
!suscitate the Aikokusha which had practically ceased to 



*A Samurai of Kochi Ken. 



380 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 

exist except in name, and Sugita Teiichi, Kuribara Rio 
ichi, Ueki Emori, Yasuoka Michitaro, in April 1878 pre 
ceeded on a tour throughout the country to re-awakei 
the people, visiting the Kinai, Hokuriku, Sanin, Sanyc 
Shikoku and Kiushu Provinces. The cause of public dis 
cussion was, however, for * the moment brought into dis 
credit by the misguided act of certain of its adherents 
Okubo, who had for so many of the years of the ne^ 
life of Japan been a pillar of the State, was killed o 
May 14, and his six murderers issued a paper settin; 
forth the alleged crimes of their victim, in the forefror 
of which was the charge of obstructing open discussio 
and trampling on the rights of the people. The death c 
Dkubo prevented him from beholding the reforms calcu 
lated to further the growing and widely expressed desir 
for representation which he had largely contributed t 
bring about, and which were announced two months latei 
On July 22, 1878 were published * three enactment 
passed by the Chiho-Kwan Kwaigi having a most iiti 
portant bearing on the conduct of local affairs and making 
for localization. These were the Fu Ken Kwai Kisok 
(Regulations relating to Fu and Ken assemblies), the Cht 
hpzei' — Kisoku (Regulations relating to local Taxation), an( 
the Gun Kticho sonhenseiho (Law for the formation c 
country and City Districts, towns and villages). A larg 
measure of local autonomy was thereby conceded. 

While liberal principles were thus asserting themselve 
within the Government, the idea of the people obtaining 
a share in the direction of affairs spread and even mad< 
converts among the higher officials in the Provinces 



♦The San Dai Shimpo (H:^JfS). 



^ 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 381 

Sympathy on the part of several of the Local Authorities 
was hailed with rejoicing, as they were regarded as the 
representatives of the people of the Prefectures. In Sep- 
tember 1878 a large meeting of sympathizers with the 
popular aspirations was held at Osaka and in its sequel 
the Aikokus/ia came to life again Similar societies ex- 
tended throughout the Northern Provinces, Shikoku and 
Kiushu. The Aikokiisha held a second largely represent- 
ative meeting at Osaka in March 1879, to which a num- 
ber of associations sent delegates, and at a further assembly 
which took place in the following November, a determi- 
nation was expressed to present a petition to the Govern- 
ment praying for the grant of a national assembly, the 
means for giving effect to their wishes to be carefully 
considered and to be discussed in March of the next 
year. Speakers were also to be despatched to various parts 
of the country to arouse local enthusiasm. The views of the 
Society were at the same time disseminated by pamphlets. 
Accordingly the Aikokusha met again in March 1880 when 
its supporters formed themselves into an association Call- 
ed the Kokkwai Kisei Dontei Kwai (g^^jftlPjai^), 
Union for the establishment of a Parliament. Mr. Kata- 
oka and Kono were appointed delegates to undertake the 
presentation of the petition. They proceeded to T5kio as 
* representatives selected by the ninety seven persons 
^ho were acting on behalf of twenty two Prefectures, two 
cities, and eighty seven thousand people, and attempted to 
Iiand their prayer first to the Dajokzvan and then to the 
Cenrd'In, Refusal to receive it, however, met them, on 
^he ground that no provision existed for the receipt of 



* Kemeito Shdsht\ 



382 Lay : — Hie Political Parties of Japan. 

political petitions. Many other documents of similar im- 
port found their way to Tokid from various localities, and 
it was claimed that by the end of April seven or eight 
tenths of the whole people had made their voice heard 
urging that a Parliament be given them. To restrain this 
clamour for a parliament repeated from so many quarters, 
and to control the crowded gatherings which were con- 
vened with this as their avowed object, lest any distur- 
bance might arise, the Government promulgated the Law of 
Public Meetings on April 3, 1880. The meetings of the 
old Aikokusha at Osaka were thereby put a stop to, and 
the association for a time obliterated itself only to re- 
appear in the future in a stronger and more permanent 
shape. The stringent ineasures taken by the Grovernment, 
though conceived rather with the object of controlling 
the more unruly elements among the political societies, 
were strongly resented by the public at large. The move* 
ment in favour of a national assembly was declared by 
its devotees to be ten times stronger than that which oc- 
casioned the overthrow of the Tokugawa rule. In the 
latter case only the samurai ditid higher grades of society 
had taken an active part. Now the entire population 
was vitally interested. Events proved the correctness of 
this judgment. The late Mr. Fukuzawa was much in- 
terested in this as in all other questions aflecting the 
national life, and he expressed an opinion in one of his 
works that the best way to bring the Government and 
people into proper touch with each other was by a 
National Asaembly. 

Meanwhile the Government were continuing upon th 
the lines of gradual progress in legislation &c. Th 




Lay : — The Political Parties of Japayi, 383 

* Criminal Code and Code of Criminal Procedure, for exam- 
ple, were issued in 1880 (July). Public opinion, however, 
was by this time a force which had to be reckoned with in 
1 manner different from the attention which it had claimed 
It any previous period in the history of Japan. Among 
the ranks of the Government there was a growing feeling 
that a reasonable measure of concession to the wishes of 
the people could not be delayed much longer. In the 
spring of 1880 a proposal, according to the Kemei slioshi, 
emanated from f Marquis Yamagata to the effect that a 
Parliament should be constituted by selection from among 
the members of the City and Prefectural assemblies. 
Lieut.-General Torio Koyata also published his views re- 
garding constitutional and Parliamentary administration. 
But amongst the officials Count (then Mr) C>kuma, pro- 
bably more than any other statesman, had the cause of the 
people at heart, and sympathized with their desire for re- 
presentation. He offered a suggestion to the Emperor 
regarding the advisability of a national assembly being 
opened in the near future (1883). It was not long before 
his hopes were realized. 

In the annals of domestic politics in Japan the year 
1 88 1 stands out conspicuously. On the 12th of October 
His Majesty The Emperor promulgated the famous Im- 
perial Ordinance in which the promise was given that a 
Parliament should actually be established in 1890. As 
a preparatory measure ltd, in company with a number or 
junior officials, was despatched to Europe early in 1882 
to study the political systems of the west. 

The various associations scattered throughout the coun- 



♦ Keiho and chigihd. 
t then Count. 



384 Lay : — The Pblitical Parties of Japan, 

try, with reform and popular representation as their aim, 
now found themselves within measurable distance of their 
goal. The next step to be taken was re-organization on 
the lines of parties entitled to compete in the election of 
members of the Diet Consequently tlie year 1882 saw 
the actual birth of the three important parties which are 
still in existence, though the names by which tliey have 
been know have been altered aj; various stages of their 
history. 

To the Jiyuto^ or Liberal Party as it has been com- 
monly called, belongs the credit of being the senior in 
the field, thought it was not really the first to be proper- 
ly registered as a political association. The part played 
by Itagaki in the awakening and organization of the 
pDlitical energies of the Empire and this establishment of 
the Aikokusha and the Kokwai Kisei Domei Kwai has 
already been referred to. In November 1880 the last 
named union held a meeting attended by sixty for dele- 
gates repi*esentative of * two cities and twenty two Prefec- 
tures. It was decided to change the name of the society 
to the Dai Nippon Kokkwai Kisei Yushi Kwai {^ H 4^ 
Bi^^^^'^#)i Public Association of persons in sym- 
pathy with the idea of the establishment of a Parliament 
in Japan. A determination was arrived at to organize a 
party with fixed principles based upon the idea of freedom. 
This was practically the first formal recognition of the 
necessity for political parties on well defined lines. Thus 
the Jiyutoy party of freedom or Liberal Party, acquired 



* Kiato and Osaka and the Prefectures of Fukuoka, Shimane, Ishikawa, 
Ehime, Nagano, Mumamoto, Akita, Aiclii, Kochi, Gumma, Aomori, Fuku- 
shima, ^Shiga, Niigata, Tochigi, Okayama, Ibaraki, Hid^, Iwate, Oita, 
Miyagi, and Saitama. 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 385 

its name. A manifesto was drawn up consisting of three 
articles. Desire to enlarge the freedom of the Japanese 
people, to extend tl*eir rights and afford them protection 
was the raison d*etre of the party. The Jiyuto would 
labour for national progress and the growth of the hap- 
piness of the people. In their opinion all Japanese pos- 
sessed equal rights and Constitutional Government was 
befitting to Japan. On October 29, i88i the ceremony 
of establishing the party was performed at the Ibumura- 
ro, Asakusa, Tokio. At the same time the Dai Nippon 
Kokkzvm Kisei Kokivaiy which had still remained in ex- 
istence, was amalgamated with the Jiyuto, the step being 
taken because it was felt that the multiplication of parties 
united in principle was disadvantageous. The headquar- 
ters of the liyuto were established at No. 9 Yariyacho, 
(Ciobashi District, Tokio. Officials were appointed as 
follow — Itagaki. President ; Nakajima Nobuyuki, Vice 
President; Goto Shojiro, Baba Tatsue, Suehiro Shigeyasu, 
Takenouchi Tsuna, Standing Committee. Thus the party 
was fully organized. It was, however, not until July 8, 
1882 that official sanction to the constitution of i\\Q Jiyuto 
as a political party was obtained. Prior to that date the 
party had come into conflict with the police for infringe- 
ment of the La^v of Public meetings by holding gather- 
ings which had not been reported beforehand to the 
proper authorities. The Managers of the party were 
mulcted in fines. ^ 

Rikken kat-shin-id (43l2fei§jll[)» Constitutional Reform 
Tarty, or Liberal Conservatives as they have been termed, 
^he progenitor of the Shimpoto and the later Kensei-hon-td, 
AAfas established in the early months of 1882. It had its 
»"ise among the moderate reformers in the ranks of official- 



386 Lay : — Tlu Politieal Parties of Japan, 

dom whose watchword was slow but steady progress. 
Mr. Okuma's advocacy of the urgency of establishing a 
popular assembly had raised up for him enemies among 
his colleagues and his opposition to the sale of industrial 
undertakings in the H5kkaid5 had widened the breach. 
To him was due the credit of lending the weight of his 
influence to the popular cause, and he turned to the people 
for their assistance in the work of reform. According to 
the Gd-dd-ken-ko-roku, Mr. Dkuma had no intention of 
limiting his efforts to obtaining an elective assembly for 
the people. He had at heart the achievement of great 
reforms of State and desired to rally round him those of 
the .same way of thought throughout the country, in 
order to be prepared for the changes which the times 
were bringing about. Among his sympathizers he coun- 
ted Ono Azusa, who was regarded as one of the ablest 
men of the day, Ogawa Tamejiro, Tachibana Kwaijiro, 
Ichijima Kenkichi, Yamada Ichird, Takata Sanae, Oka- 
yama Kenkichi, and Amano Tameyuki. Meetings for the 
discussion of the question of a political organization and 
of matters relating to a Constitution were held at Ono's 
house, and the society which collected there was known 
as the 0-to-kwai (g|^^). Th§ avowed object of Mr. 
Dkuma in interesting himself in political parties was to 
place the Cabinet on a democratic basis and not have 
the authority in the hands of a particular class. 

The better to fulfil what he conceived to be his duty, 
Okuma resigned his official posts in October 188 1, 
carrying with him a number of the most promising of 
the Government servants. Those who followed him from 
office included Yano Fumio, Secretary to the Dafdkwan, 
Inukai Ki, and Ozaki Yukio of the Account Depart- 





Lay : — The Political Parties of Jxipan. 387 

m^nt, Nakamigawa Hikojiro and Komatsubara Eitaro, 
both of the Foreign Office, Shimada Sabiiro and Tanaka 
Kozo of the Department of Education, Kono Binken (Toshi- 
gania) Minister of Agriculture and Commerce, * Mae* 
jima Mitsu Postmaster-General, Judge Kilabatake Haru^ 
fusn, Ono Azusa of the Bureau of Audit, Mudaguchi 
Gengaku of the Department of Agriculture and Com- 
merce, imd Nakano Buei of the same Department, as 
-well as others. On April 8, 1882 a Cherry Garden 
Party was held in the grounds of Mr. Okuma's residence 
near Kijibashi, now occupied by the French Legation. 
Among the guests were Messrs Ono, Ogawa, Takata, 
Jctiijima, Okayama, Amano, Yamada Ichijiio, Yamada 
Kinosuke, Sunakawa Yushun, Kimura Takejiro, Kosaki 
KQiTvatar5, Isobc Jun, Kitadai Masaru, and Ishiwatari. 
The meeting was an occasion for political discussion and 
plans for organization, and was succeeded by the in- 
augural ceremony which was performed at the Meiji 
Kaidd on the i6th. The headquarters of the Kaishinto, 
as the party was commonly called, were located in the 
building just mentioned, 14 Nichome, Kobikicho, Kio- 
bashi District, Tokio. Mr. Okuma was the first Presi- 
dent, Kono Benken, Vice-President, Ono, f Mudaguchi 
and X Haruki Yoshiaki being Managers. The inclination 
•was towards English parliamentary institutions as a 
model. The manifesto of the party ran as follows:— (i) 
The preservation of the dignity of the Imperial House 



♦ Created a Baron on the occasion of the celebration of the 25th an- 
niversary of the accession of Japan to the International Postal Union, 
June 1902. 

t Now President of the Tokio Tramway Co. 

X President of the Tokio Appeal Court. 



388 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 

and the perfecting of the happiness of the people, (2) 
Internal reform to be the principal end in view and the 
national rights to be extended, (3) Local Self-Govem- 
ment and restriction of centralization, (4) Extension of 
the franchise pari passu with the progress of society, 
(5) Negotiations with foreign countries in regard to 
points of policy to be limited, and commercial negotia- 
tions strengthened, (6) The principle c»f a hard money 
system to be maintained. Superiority was indirectly 
claimed for the Kaishinto in the matter of personnel as 
compared with the Jiyuto. In the Go do gen-koroku it is 
stated, as a quotation from the Tsui-shi-roku of Yamada 
Ichiro, that in the ranks of tlie Jiyuto there were at the 
beginning no scholars, and that they could indeed only 
count one such who was in sympathy with them, viz. 
Fujita Shiro, because of the violence and radical views 
of the party, but it is at the same time admitted that 
there were not at the time many such men to be found 
in any of the rival camps. Socially the Kaishinto no 
doubt ranked above the JiyTtto. After the complete 
t)rganization of the Kaishinto, the Akiba Kwai {1^ H ^) 
for the investigation of questions concerning the Con- 
stitution was set on foot by Ono and others. 

What was styled the Meiji Grovernment Party, the third 
and last of the three great parties, namely, the Rikken 
Tei sei to (it ^^l&i 3K)» ^'^' Constitutional Imperial 
Party, arose in March 1882 as an opponent of the more 
advanced and popular parties. Among its chief pro-f 
moters must first be mentioned Fukuchi Genichird of the 
Nichi Nichi Shimbuii which was then known as the go* 
yd sJiimbun official newspaper, and advocated careful 
advance, attacking the radical politicians on frequent 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 389 

occasions. The other promoters were Mizuno Torajiro 
of the Toyo Shimbiin, Mariiyama Sakura of the conser* 
vative Meiji Nippo, Misaki Kamenosuke, Seki Naohiko 
and Watanabe Asaka. On March 18, 1882 the Rikken 
Tei-sei'to was formed and its formation was publicly an- 
nounced early in April. The programme of the party 
was ennunciated in eleven articles. The points insisted 
upon were : — 

1. The opening of the Diet in 1890, which the party 
accepted as determined by Imperial Ordinance. 

2. Approval of the Constitution as it should be 
determined by Imperial order. 

3. The Sovereign Power lies in the Emperor, but its 
exercise is governed by the Constitution. 

4. There should be two houses in the Diet. 

5. Members must have certain qualifications. 

6. The Diet to discuss and settle laws. 

7. The final determination of questions to rest with 
the Emperor. 

8. Naval and military men to keep aloof from 
politics. 

9. Judicial officers to be independent with the gradual 
completion of the Judicial system. 

10. Public freedom of meeting and speech in so far 
as it does not interfere with national tranquility. 
Freedom of newspaper writing, public speaking, 
and publication within the limits of law. 

11. The existing paper money system to be gradually 
changed for convertible paper money. 

The more noticeable difference between this declaration 
and the expressed principles of the JiyTitb and Kaishinto 
is its more conservative nature. 



390 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 

Political parties were at this time forbidden by IdW 
to have branches in the provinces. On official re- 
cognition being obtained all local offshoots had to be 
dissolved. In consequence, a multitude of parties of 
divers names sprang up all over the country. 

To the Jiy'tto were as it were, affih'ated the Osakal 
Rikken Seitdy Shizuoka Gakunan JiyTUo, Kochi Kainan 
Jiyuto, A\\d]\ JiyutOy T tsu JiyutOy Mikawa Sanyo Jiyuto^ 
Aitchi Jiyuto, Etchu Jichito, Echigo Kubiki sangim Ji- 
yutOi O'tl Tohoku Shichi-shii Jiyuto, In sympathy with 
the Kaishinto were the Akita Kaishinto, the Mito Kai- 
shinto of Ibaraki, the Etchu Kaishinto of Toyama, the 
Shizuoka Kaishinto, the Jakn-etsii Kaishinto of Fukui, 
the Hiogo Kaishinto, the Rinsen KaishintJ of Fukuoka. 
In touch with the Tci sci to we find the Kumamoto 57//- 
mci Kw^Uy Tosa Koyo Rikken Tciseito, Okayama Chu-sei- 
Kwai, Tango Miyai:n Zenshinto, Yamanashi Rikken ho- 
shu tOy and the Tokio Rikken chu sci to and Fnso Rikken 
tei-sci-t'j, Tiicn, outside of the three strong parlies were 
the Hakuai-to of Kagoshima, the Ko-gi'Sci-to of Kuma- 
moto, the Rikken tci sei to of Chikuzen, the Fushaku-kwai 
of Ehimc, the Db-yu-kwai of VVakayama, the Rio-yu-kwai 
of Echizen, the Chi-kcn-kivai of Fukui, the Rikken-shin- 
sei'tb of Kanagawa, the No-o JiyTi Kai-shin-to of Noto, 
the Senyu'kivai of Shizuoka, the Td-yo-sha-kwai'td of 
Shimabara, Hizen. i882 may well be called the year of 
parties in Japan. In fact, political bodies sprang up 
everywhere and the interest exhibited in public af&irs 
was striking. The luse of the word rikken, constitutional, 
in the nomenclature of so many of the political bodies 
shows what importance was attached to the principle of 
constitutionalism in the administration of the Govemmenh 



Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan 391 

But from the very start lack of cohesion militated greatfy 

against successful effort and efficiency of organization and 

although this fault was to some extent remedied later on 

when circumstances became more favourable it Ha^ 

always continued to be the bane of political parties in 

Japan. 

It will be remarked that the utterances of the various 
parties when they first came into existence present no 
features in the main of a distinctive nature. All put forth 
excellent doctrines but they were strongly characterized 
by vagueness. The same characteristic has been notice- 
able throughout their history, except when some question 
of urgency has for the moment arisen. This is no doubt 
the reason why the grouping has constantly changed, 
one group merging into another and secessions oc- 
curring, frequently without apparent cause. TIk! line of 
cleavage has consequently never been very distinctly 
•drawn and men have all the time passed from the ranks 
of one party to ally themselves with another. Nor is 
this to be wondered at in the absence of any concrete 
issue, which when it has appeared, has invariably con- 
solidated the parties. The secret appears to lie in the 
-feet that sentiment, rather than fixed and definite 
principles leading to well-defined ends, has been the 
motive power. 

But the excitement had been so great and the move- 
ttlent so rapid that the reaction was bound to come 
-speedily. 1883 and the following years therefore 
-witnessed a falling off in political fervour among the 
people and disunion and disruption among the parties. 
The sure promise of a National Assembly for 1890 also 
€5ofitribUted to bring about a relaxation of interest in 



392 iMy : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan. 

things political. Having the goal of their desires in 
view, the country ceased to pay the same concentrated 
attention to political agitation. Itagaki had in his mind a 
trip to Europe to study in person the systems of Grov- 
ernment and methods of party organization in use abroad, 
but the scheme was temporarily frustrated by the wound 
he received in an attempt made by Aibara Shokei to 
assassinate him at a gathering at Gifu on April 6, 1882, 
and by the work entailed in connection with the issue of 
the Jiyu Shimbtm. But he eventually sailed for Europe, 
in company with Goto on November 11, 1882 and was 
absent from Japan till June of the following year. The 
absence of these two leaders from the arena removed a 
check upon the rank and file of the party. After their 
departure mutual jealousies arose between the Jiyuto and 
Kaishinto. The former attacked Okuma and his followers 
violently on account of certain improper relations alleged 
to exist between them and the Mitsu Bishi Company. 
For their part, the latter accused the Jiyuto of giving all 
their time to personal and party attacks and trying to 
create divisions among the parties. The parties were 
moreover, divided amongst themselves. For example 
seceders from the Jiyuto, Messrs Baba Tatsui, Oishi Ma- 
sami, Suehiro Shigeyasu, formed the Dokiiritsu to. It 
was the same story of lack of discipline which has 
already been cited. 

Meanwhile the Authorities saw good cause for anxiety 
lest the awakened political feeling should act to the de- 
triment of good Government. They feared the large in- 
temperate and irresponsible element which was in marked 
evidence among the public exponents of popular rights 
and took steps to safeguard the interests of peace and 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 393 

tranquillity. By stringent measures, which never failed 
to err on the side of severity, they endeavoured to re- 
strict full liberty of speech, public meeting and news- 
paper writing. Amended newspaper regulations, issued 
on April 16, 1883, made still more difficult the conduct 
of newspapers. The proprietor, editor, manager, as well 
as the foreman of a newspaper, instead of the editor 
alone as before, were made liable to punishment in case 
of infringement of the provisions of the law. Not only 
so, but the amount of security to tie deposited by per- 
sons wishing to start a newspaper was fixed at a sum 
that was in many cases prohibitive, namely, 1,000 ycfi 
in Tokio, 700 yen in Osaka, Kioto, Yokohama, Hiogo, 
Kobe and Nagasaki and 350 yen in other places. And 
the dispersal of political meetings was more frequent in 
1883 than was before. 

Numerous were the proofs that the Government had 
reason to dread the effect upon the ignorant of the pro- 
pagation of the new doctrines, though the repressive 
measures adopted no doubt accentuated the difficulty of 
the situation. Many were the arrests, and suspension of 
newspapers was frequent. A number of the more ex- 
treme adherents of the '^JiyJito came in for much censure 
for their violent methods. The most striking instances 
of infringement of the law which furnished the chief 
handles for attack to their enemies were the f Fuku- 

* One Japanese newspaper at the time stated that the public had 
come to regard them as Nihilists or Socialists. 

t In September 1883 judgment was given in this affair, in which the 
■overthrow of the Government had been attempted ; and Kono Hironaka 
was sentenced to 7 years' minor confinement, and Tamono Hideaki (who 
died in prison). Kanaka Kiojiro, Aizawa Xeiken, Hirajima Matsuo to a 
6 years* term. Subsequently the sentences of the survivors were decreased* 



394 Lay' — The Political Parties of Jqpan, 

shima affair, the * Kabasan affair, and the f^^saka affair. 
In an article published in September 1883 the inde- 
pendent Jiji Shimpo complained that politics were con- 
fined to a class of men who made it their profession 
and that evils consequently resulted. 

All the parties, though so recently organized, felt 
themselves more or less discredited. The Rikken tei-sei 
to from its inception distrusted by the Cabinet, was the 
first to reach the conclusion that it would be better that 
its members should separate. Dissolution was effected 
on September 24, 1883. Opposition journals at the time 
held that such a course had been inevitable sooner or 
later. There was no need for a special Imperialist asso- 
ciation in a country where all were loyal. This example 
was followed by the Jiyuto a year later. At its 3rd 
annual meeting held at Osaka on October 29, 1884 it 
decided that dissolution was advisable for a number of 
reasons, among which were the prohibition against the 
existence of branches of the party, the restriction of the 
liberty of the press, and internal disunion. But this de- 
termination was based upon a resolve that the step 
should be a temporary one, merely taken in order to 
gather strength for further effort. In the case of the 
Kaishinto also there was a strong faction in favour of 



* In September 1884 some numbers of the Jiyuto plotted to overturn 
the Government, making the base of their operations at Kabasan in Hi- 
tachi. Tominaga Masayasu and four others were sentenced to death, not 
for their political offence, l)ut on a charge of robbery and murder. 

t On November 23, 1885 Oi Kentaro, Kobayashi Kusuo, Arai Shdgo, 
Inagaki Shimtsu, etc., were accused of complicity in a plot to raise a revo- 
lution in Korea. ( )i and Kobayashi were arrested at Osaka, the other 
two at Nagasaki. The first three named, received a sentence of 9 years 
penal servitude, subsequently shortened. 



Lay: — The Political l\trtic$ of /n^n. 395 

dissolution. The financial depression prevailing had it8 
effect on politics, and it was maintained by Kono who 
was supported by Mudaguchi, Haruki, Fujita Takayuki, etc.> 
that dispersal and a guerilla warfare were the best plan. 
Bui opinions were divided. Messrs Okuma and Kono, 
the President and Vice-President, left the Kaishinto on 
December 17* 1884 on grounds which comprised the 
lack of union and insubordination existing among its 
members ; and the party was reduced to a condition of 
weakness. A Committee of seven was appointed to 
nianage the business thereafter and consisted of Numa 
Shutchit Fujita Mokichi, Shimada Saburo, Ozaki Yukio, 
Koizuka Riu» Minoura Katsundo, Nakano Buei. In the 
end the extreme step of dissolution was advised, and the 
Kms/iinO continued to drag out a more or less 
moribund existence until new life was infused into it by 
the Spirit of the movement in favour of the amalgama- 
tion of progressive political parties in common opposition 
to the Government, which was started in Kiushu as early 
as 1883 but did not develop strength for some years 
later. 

The Government had all this time not neglected pre- 
paration for the inauguration of the promised Constitu- 
tion, ltd Hirobumi, the great Japanese Statesman, to 
whose ability and research the Japanese system owes 
more than to any other man, returned from Europe in 
August 1883 after fully completing his investigations, 
and devoted himself to the work of drawing up the 
Constitution. On March 17, 1884 the ^ Scido-tori-shirabe- 
khku ($1 IK % M J^) was formed in the Imperial 



* Bureau for investigation concerning the Constitution. 



.- ^ Ai 



396 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan, 

Household Department and Ito was appointed, head over 
it. H.E. also a few days later succeeded Marquis Toku- 
daiji as Minister of the Department in question. His 
constitutional work was thus closely associated with the 
Imperial House, the source and fountain of Government 
in Japan, in order that the task might be accomplished 
under the personal supervision of His Majesty. This was 
the reason, given by reliable authorities, why the House- 
hold, rather than any of the other Departments of State, 
was selected. It showed clearly that the Emperor was 
to remain the ** Head of the Empire, combining in 
** Himself the rights of sovereignty," though it was 43e- 
termined, with His sanction, that tlieir exercise should be 
thereafter guided by the provisions of the Constitution 
which was a free gift from Him to His people. The evolu- 
tion of the Constitution went on apace. To pave the 
way for the Ordinance regarding the House of Peers 
which was auxiliary to and promulgated along with the 
Constitution on* February ii, 1889, a Notification deter- 
mining the new Orders of Nobility was issued on July 
7, 1884. Titles were conferred, in a fashion copied 
from the West, upon persons of noble descent and upon 
<:ivil and military officers who had rendered signal 
service in the Restoration. 12 Princes, 24 Marquises, 
74 Counts, 321 Viscounts, 69 Barons were . created, 500 
Peers in all. Various other reforms, necessitated by the 
jiew era of Constitutional Government, were instituted. 
Towards the end of the year 1885 the Cabinet system 
was remodeled and the present arrangement and nomen- 
clature of Departments of State was introduced. Ito 
became Minister President besides retaining the post of 
Minister of the Imperial Household Department. 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 397 

For the next few years the political world was com- 
paratively calm. Mr/ Itagaki on his return from his 
European trip, did not justify the hope that a renewal 
of political activity would immediately follow, going at 
once to his native place. The intense zeal of 1882 was 
wanting, but all the time, though the people directed 
their energies principally into other channels, they did 
not allow themselves entirely to lose interest in politics. 
Of the KaislUntd during this time it was said that its 
members were in the main occupied with ordinary affairs 
or with writing. On the surface there was little to indicate 
that political matters interested the nation at large. 

Period 2. 

After a while, however, signs of returning animation 
began to appear. In April 1886 the Kaishintb presented 
a memorial dealing with the questions of local Au- 
tonomy and freedom of speech and public Meeting. Ill 
September 1886 a number of the prominent adherents of 
the defunct Jiyuto met for consultation in Tokio and 
sentiments favourable to the sinking of petty differences 
arid the formation of one great united party were ex- 
pressed. 

Some . of the leaders of the Kaishinto were alsfO 
.known to be well-disposed towards union. Here wb 
have the Commencement of the movement towards the 
creation of the amalgamated association known as the 
Dcddo'danketsu (:fc ^ OB IS)- ^ Both Itagaki and Goto 
used their influence in 1887 to effect a union and 
political activity became more and more marked from the 
'year mentioned. The * Tei-gai Club (T^ (R IS§ fi|5) 

* Hinoto-i, the designation of the year 1887. Hence the '87 Club. 



398 Lay:—Tke Pbfyicat IhriUs €f Jhpm. 

was formed by tiie exertions of the latter in October and 
its members were drawn from various parties. The 
manifesto stated that the object was the imion in 
practice of those of like ideas already united in theory, 
organization and inter-communication. 

Rigorous enforcement of the regulations regardiRg 
newspapers and public meetings was continued all this 
time by the Government. Newspapers were as before 
suspended continually and it was practically in/ipossibfe^ 
owing to the minute and what migiit tie temied 
vexatious requirements of the law, to hold a public 
meeting uninterrupted by the police with an order to 
dissolve. The natural consequetice of the deprivation of 
freedom of public meeting was the holding of private 
and secret meetings instead. The Government were well 
aware of the growing discontent and for further security 
considered more coercive measures necessary. They 
issued the Ho-an Jo-rei (^ 5Sc 1^ |f!|)» Peace Preservation 
Regulations, on December 25, 1887, proliibiting secret 
associations under a penalty of minor confinement for 
not less than one month and not more than two years, 
in addition to a fine from 10 to 100 yen. Under the 
ban of this enactment fell such well-known men as 
Hoshi Toru, Hayashi Yuzo, Nakajima Nobuyuki, Ozaki 
Yukio, Kataoka Kenkichi, Nakae Tokusuke, Takenouchi 
Tsuna, Nishiyama Shicho and hundreds of others^ who 
were banished from Tokio to a distance of 3 /7 at 24 
hours' notice. Great was the excitement which followed 
the enforcement of these reactionary regulations. The 
revised newspaper regulations issued on December 28, 
1887 were, however, a distinct advance in the direction 
of liberty. 



Lc^:^ — The IVitical Parties cf Japan. y^ 

It must, nevertheless, always be borne in mind that, 
however harsh legislation at times appeared, the Govern- 
ment pressed steadily forward in the path of reform and 
progress. On April 28, 1888 the Sumitsu4n (jfjl ^ |^), 
Privy Council, was formed with Ito as President, a Vice- 
President, twelve members (of whom one was Kono 
Benken), a Chief and several other Secretaries. This 
new iKxly was created that it might constitute an ad- 
visory Chamber to The Emperor on matters of State. 
It was understood that that time had been purposely 
chosen for its inauguration in order that its deliberations 
might be in a special measure concerned with questions 
which might ar»e in regard to the National Assembly 
and tlie Constitution. The creation of the Council was 
regarded with pkasure by the people and its member- 
ship, seemed to them a fulfilment of the promise given by 
the Emperor to select as his advisers men of ability. The 
inaugural ceremony was performed by H.M. The Emperor 
in person on May 8. On his appointment as President of 
the Privy Council, ltd resigned his position as Minister 
President of State, which was taken by Count Kuroda. 
Thus did the former continue to concentrate his atten- 
tion upon the preparation c^ the Constitution. On May 
25, 1888 the draft of the Constitution was laid before 
the Privy Council for consideration in the presence of 
the Emperor. 

An inqportant political even^ occurred on February i, 
18S8 in the reconciliation of Count Okuma with his 
focmer Colleagues and his re-entry into the Government. 
He this time took the portfolio of Foreign Afi&irs. It 
was rumeoufed that the consent of the Count to resume 
office was obtained oa the basis of the adoption by tlie 



400 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japein, 

Government of the programme of the KaisJnntd, but the 
exact truth did not transpire. This return to office was, 
however, welcomed by the organs of the party. . Though 
the complaint of lack of suitable leaders was now again 
heard among the political parties, no cessation in their 
renewed activity was observable. On the contrary, in- 
creasing vigour appeared. The Meiji Club was formed 
by members of the Kaishintb in the Autumn of 1888, 
the Jichi Club of Count Inoue was projected and Vis- 
count Torio Koyata founded the Hoshi-chu-sei'td (|5^ ^ 
^ iE Wk)* Moderate Conservative Party, m the following 
winter, his idea being to occupy a position of modera- 
tion and independence in politics. . Then we must note 
the existence of a str6ng body of Conservatives luider 
the name of the Koku-sui ho-zon-to (^ IR^ ^ # Jll)- — 
Likewise, not to omit mention of the Liberals, Hoshi 
Toru started the Kwanto Kwdi in March 1889. 

February 11, 1889 stands out as one of the epoch 
marking days in the annals of Japan. On that day th 
Constitution was promulgated. His Majesty in 
performed the ceremony in the Throne Room of th 
new Palace at 10.30 a.m. The function, at which th 
writer of this sketch had the honour of being present,, 
was most stately and impressive. With a few brief 
sentences expressive of the Imperial satisfaction" at 
prosperity of the nation, of hope for the future 
and of confidence in tlje hearty cooperation "of th 
people in the work of Grovernment, tlie Cons'titutio: 
of Modern Japan was ushered in. The system is divide 
into seven chapters containing seventy six articles whicE^ 
set forth the Constitutional provisions relating to (l) 
The Emperor, (2) the rights and duties of Subjects,: '(3) 






Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 401 

The Imperial Diet, (4) The Ministers of State and the 
Privy Council, (5) the Judicature, (6) Finance, and (7) 
Supplementary' Regulations. The Japanese Constitution 
maintains the form of an absolute Monarchy, for the 
Emperor stands Supreme and has reserved to himself 
certain rights, such as the issuing of Ordinances for the 
putting into operation of laws, of declaring war and 
peace, etc. On the other hand the liberty of the subject 
is respected, and the right of freedom of speech and 
public meeting lind the free exercise of religion within 
the limits prescribed by law, are recognized. The 
Prussian model is seen to have been copied, but in such 
a way as to make the production correspond with the 
peculiar circumstances of Japan. At the same time were 
issued, as necessary adjuncts to the Constitution, the 
Imperial House Law, the Imperial Ordinance concerning 
the House of Peers, the Law of the Houses, the Law 
of Election of the members of the House of Represent- 
atives, and the Law of Finance. The Law for the 
Organization of Cities, Towns and Villages, which had 
for its purpose the extension of local Self-Govern ment, 
took effect on April i, 1889. 

In the summer and autumn of i838 Count Got5 made 
tours throughout the north eastern Provinces, in order 
to impart to the nation his belief in the advantages of 
union. His motto was daidd-shd-i^ similarity in great 
things, difference in small things. He directed his at- 
tack upon the clan system of Government and thus 
speedily made his the popular cause. And meetings 
were held at Osaka, in Kiushu under the auspices of 
the Kiushu Kaishintd, and elsewhere, at which resolu- 
tions, in favour of one grand organization were passed. 



*• ."".T 



V.*f-H 




402 Lay : — Tlie BdUical Parties of Japan, 

Tlie Daido dan-ketsu ( :^ |l^ M i^) ^hus came into ex- 
istciKC as a great unorganized body, the bond of union 
between its members being slight and loose. No long 
career was in store for it. Though it had its own 
organ, the Seiron (|^ |Jt), it was never formally entered 
as a political association. The absence of any definite 
aims from the first rendered its tenure of life insecure, 
and it was sneered at by its detractors as a party with- 
out a programme. On May lo, 1889 the Dai-^ dan-- 
ketsu fell to pieces, its demise being considerably ac- 
celerated by the entry of Count Goto, the chief promoter 
and leading spirit, into the Cabinet in the preceding 
March. The immediate cause of the break-up was 
difference of opinion as to whether or not the body 
should be formally constituted as a political organization. 
On that work the party split. ' The more radical of the 
members supported the view adverse to constitution as a 
political association and made the cry of hi'Sei-shasetsu 
(# WlUlWC) their motto. Of this side Oi Kcntaro 
was a warm upholder, and he carried with him Nait6 
Roitsu, Arai Shdgo, Saitd Keiji, etc. They seceded 
from the Daido danketsu and set up the Daido Kmua 
Kwai {%^^ IH^) 21 Society for the promotion of 
friendly intercourse between its members. But the 
majority of the Daido dan-ketsu held the opinion that they 
should form themselves into a proper political association 
{sei ska setsu, j^ (t tft)^ So they proceeded to enrol 
themselves in a Society with articles of association, 
which th:y styled the Daido Club, preserving in its 
name the idea of a grand Union. To this section 
adhered Messrs. Kono, Inukai, Suehiro, Ueki Imori, Ya- 
giwara Hanshi, Kud5 K5kan, Inoue Kakugoro, Inagaki 



Lay: — Tlic PoUiical Parties of Japan. 403 

Shimesu, ect., and it rcpr«:sented the moderates. 
Vigorous efforts were undertaken by Goto and also by 
Itagaki to effect a re-union, but for a time they proved 
unavailing. 

Treaty Revision, that burnini^ question which was in 
the forefront of political issues in Japan for so many 
years, did more than anything else to discover a common 
ground on which all popular j>arties could cast aside 
their wrangles and be at one. The longer the negotia- 
tions were protracted, the more exacting grew the jxio- 
pie's demands. Party politicians began to devote their 
minds more particularly to attacks upon the Government 
for its policy in regard to the revision of the Treaties. 
The groups into which the Daidb danketsii had divided 
were brought together again for the time being, by their 
desire to defeat any revision programme by which Japan 
failed to secure terms of absf lute equality. And the 
Nippon Club was created by Marquis Asano, Viscount 
Tani and Viscount Miura with identical aims. Many 
were the memorials presented, chiefly in favour of the 
suspension of the conferences the 1 going on. The climax 
to the opposition to the various schemes of revision, and 
to that then under consideration, came when Count 
Okuma narrowly escaped assas ination in October 1889 
on his return to the Foreign Office from a drive. The 
negotiations then lapsed for some years, until the time 
when they were reopened, and resulted in the first in- 
stance in the Revised Treaty between Great Uritain and 
Japan of July 16, 1894. 

After the abrupt stoppage of the Treaty Revision Con- 
ferences, Count Itagaki again tried to exert his influence 
to re-form a United Party. But though the \'cteran 



404 Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan, 

party leader succeeded in lessening the breach between 
the opposing factions, union was, for a time at least, out 
of the question. Messrs Di Kentaro, Watanabe Kotard, 
and their friends wished to revive the defunct Jiyuto^ 
while members of the Daido Club favoured the revival 
of the AikokukotOy and so matters stood towards the end 
of 1889 when Osaka became once more the centre of 
political activity. Mutual concession still proving un- 
attainable, and the mutual jealousies of the various leaders 
being found to be in the meantime insurmountable, those 
who still followed the banner of the old JiyHto, were 
split up into three factions. In January 1890 ih^ Jiyuto 
was again established in name,* and it was decided to 
re-organize the Aikoku ko-to as a separate body under 
Count Itagaki. The latter had fixed its opening 
ceremony for the 15th of April in the year just men- 
tioned ; but, meeting on that day, merely published its 
manifesto, thus leaving the way open for reconciliation. 
A Conmiittee representative of the three factions was 
shortly appointed to confer, Messrs Kono, Itagaki, Sue- 
hiro, Inoue etc. representing the Daido Club ; Messrs 
Nishiyama, Shioda, Ishida, etc., the Aihoku koto ; and 
Messrs Oi, Aral, etc., the revived Jiyuto. In the end 
the Kd-En Qub (^ ^) was established, the Authorities 
receiving the requisite notice on the 17th, of June 1890. 
In Kiushu a movement was set on foot again in April 
to foster a spirit of union and the f Kiushu Doshi Kwcn 
an independent local organization did much towards ac- 



* Though divided into the Kivauto JiyTt/o led by O-i Kentard and the 
A'wansai Jiyuio under the leadershij) of Kobaya-slii Kusuo. 

t Its motto being desire for Union with all parties of progressive 
principles. 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 405 

omplishing this object by the despatch of delegates to 
he north who interviewed and obtained promises of sup- 
ort from Count Itagaki and others of the Jiyuto, like- 
/ise from the leaders of the Kaisliintd, A basis for 
nion was provisionally found. A Great Meeting of 
hose in favour of Union in Kiushu,* was held at Kago- 
hima on June 15. Delegates were once more despatch- 
id to Tokio, who had interviews with leading men of 
ill parties. The Kaishinto also appeared likely to fall 
nto line with the others. Some of the principal news- 
^pers of the capital such as the Hocki, Kokumin\ Choya^ 
Yomiuri, supported the scheme with enthusiasm. At 
that period, however, the attention of the public was oc- 
:upied with the first General election which took place 
from the ist, of July f 1890. The election resulted as 
Follows — 



Independent 


69 • 


Daido haX 


55 


Kaishift to • ••• 


46 


Aikoku toX 


35 


Hoshu to (Conservatives) 


22 


Kiushu Shimpo to (an independent 




' local progressive organization)... 


21 


J »yj€irU ^, ••• ..• *•• ••• *•• ••• 


16 


Ji-chi to Ji§) 


17 



♦ Kiushu Doshi Rengo Tai-kwai.) 

t The figures are taken from the Tei-koku Gi-kwai-Shi, which gives 
them on the Authority of a certain newspaper at the time, and considers 
that they convey the truth approximately. Other publications give a 
slight diflference but in the main similar computation. It will be noticed 
that there is one member too many, the total being 300. 

\ Belonging to the K^ht Club. 



^^.JL-'A^ 



I « 



4o6 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of JapaH, 

vyillClcllS ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• lo 

LJllCvrXairi • • • ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• £ 

It will be seen from the above how divided up the 
various factions were. The Daidd ha had the largest 
individual representation, after the independents. 

After the elections were over the question of union 
resumed its prominence in view of the impotence of the 
many factions represented in the Diet should they 
remain independent of each other. The active Kiuslm 
Doshi Kwai was determined not to let the matter rest 
and held a meeting at Fukuoka on the 20th, July iSpo, 
with the object of uniting all the parties of progress, and 
once more sent representatives to Tokio to assist their 
cause. The Tohoku sliichi s/iu kwai (^[ 4b 'b jlW ^) 
formed in the seven pro\ inces of the north East by the 
amalgamation of those oi' progressive views, likewise met 
at Akita on the 26th and came to a decision in favour 
of union. But while an impetus was thus being given to 
the movement in favour of the formation of a large 
popular party from both extremes of the Empire, the 
Government deemed it necessary to prevent a reconcilia- 
tion which might lead to their finding all political 
parties ranged under one banner in opposition. On July 
25, 1890 was issued the Law of Public Meetings and 
Political Associations, Shu Kwai Sei-sha ltd (^ ^ j^ 
jtth ifi)- ^^y Article 28 of that law political parties were 
forbidden ifiteT alia to establish branch offices or to com- 
bine or correspond with other associations of a kindred 
nature. A sudden blow was thus dealt to the hopes of 
the unionists and it became a question of what was now 
the proper procedure to be adopted. The Jiyuto and 
KiusliH Doshi Kai at or.ce decided to dissolve as a step 



Tjay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 407 

towards Union, the Aikokukoto being of the same mind, 
but dissolution not being in its case necessary as it had 
not been formally constituted. 

Conferences now took place between the representatives 
of the various parties which had just ceased to have a 
corporate existence and those which still retained their old 
constitution. On August 12, a meeting was held at the 
house of Mr. Kawashima Jun (of Kagoshima) in Hira- 
kawacho Kojimachi, Toki5, and attended by Messrs 
Nait5 Roitsu, Oi Kentard, Nakae Tokusukc of the old 
liyutd\ Messrs Shimada, Takata Sanae, Kato Masano- 
suke of the KaiskintOy Messrs Hayashi, Kataoka, Sugita 
Teiichi, of the old Aikokttkdto, Messrs Kono Hironaka, 
Suzuki Shoji, Oe Taku, of the Daiiid Club, and Messrs 
Yamada Buho, Matsuda Masahisa and Kawashima lun 
of the old Kiushu Doshikivai, At the same time a Com- 
mittee of ten was appointed, including Kono, to consult 
regarding the establishment of a new party. On August 
17, the Daido Club, whose co-operation had from the 
first been doubtful, all at once changed its point of view 
and deciding to dissolve, became an ardent advocate of 
the views to which it had become converted. The zeal 
of the Kaishin-to towards alliance had by this time 
cooled, and differences with the Daido Club tended to 
increase the estrangement. At a meeting held on 
August 25, which was attended by 13 members of the 
old Aikoktikdtdy 1 3 of the old JiyTtto, 1 3 of the old Dai- 
do Club, 13 of the old Kihshh doshi kiuaiy and by re- 
presentatives of the Gumma Kogi Kwai and Kioto Koyii 
Kwai at the Atago Kan Shiba, it was decided to form a 
party called the Rikken Jiyuto (Constitutional Liberal 
Party). On the 15th of September the ceremony of for- 



4o8 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 

mation took place. They declared themselves to have 
at heart liberal principles, respect for the Imperial 
House, enlargement of popular rights, relaxation of Gov- 
ernmental interference in domestic matters, a repre- 
sentative system of Government, party cabinets and 
treaties of equality. 

A manifesto was issued in lO articles, proclaiming: — 

1. That Government business should be rendered 
simple and expenditure curtailed. 

2. Adjustment of naval and military preparations. 

3. Reform of the Educational System. 

4. Revision of the Law of Finance and careful super- 
vision of national revenue and expenditure. 

5. Reform of public debt and of the system under which 
Government property was held. 

6. Revision of Taxation Laws and reduction of land 
tax. 

7. Reform of procedure for the protection of private 
undertakings. 

8. Reform of Local Government and adjustment of 
Local Finances. 

9. Revision of all laws relating to speech, public 
meeting and political association and abolition of 
the Peace Preservation Regulations. 

10. Revision of the Law of the Houses and the elec- 
tion law. 
It is noteworthy that the question of party cabinets is 
now raised publicly in a most express manner. Briefly, 
the other points amount to the reduction of Government 
expenditure and taxation, more local self Government 
and revision or abolition of laws calculated to restrict 
freedom, with alteration of Educational System. 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 409 

The new association was not looked upon with favour 
by the Kaishinto who wished the expression Kaishin, " re- 
form," which helped to form their style and title, used in 
naming the new amalgamated party. In the end therefore 
its members decided definitely to hold aloof from union. 

The independent members of the Diet after consider- 
able negotiation and discussion resolved on August 20, 
upon the formation of their own party which they named 
the Taisei Kwai (party of great accomplishments) (^ JSK 
'^). Messrs Motoda Hajime, Yoshino Seikei, Oyagi 
Kiichird and Sugiura Juz5, Masuda Shigeyuki, Naka- 
mura Yaroku belonged to it. This party may be re- 
garded as the successor of the Rikken-teisei-kivai and the 
predecessor of the Kokumin Kiokivai and Teikoku to. It 
was from the first inclined to support the Government 
and soon openly took its part. According to the public 
declaration, the Taisei Kwai was to preserve a moderate 
attitude, being biassed in no direction. Reasoning con- 
servatism was practically its motto. 

But another and entirely separate association saw the 

Jight a few montlis later. Some of the followers of 

Count Got5, members of the Nichiyo kwai ( H fl| '^), 

just started by (Inagaki Shimesu and 14 others), of the 

Genyoslux (^ ^ j|t) of Fukuoka the Dosei kwai (|p] |£ 

-^) of Saga and of associations at Kumamoto, Oita, 

^iyagi, Nagasaki, met at the Dyukwan, Asakusa, Tokio, 

on November i, 1890, and decided to establish the 

kokumin Jiyuto (H K @ ^ JJI), National Liberal Party. 

^^he opening ceremony took place on December 21, 

"%vhen Mr. Yoshida Masaharu delivered an address. The 

programme laid down was (i.) Expansion of the Navy, 

^2.) Reduction of National Expenditure, (3) Reduction of 



■. A-S 



4IO 



Imv : — The Political Parties of Japan. 



Land Tax, (4.) Amendment of Law of Conscription. The 
Kokumin Jiyuto was regarded with disfavour both by the 
Rikken Jiyiito and by the Kaishinto, and it was never a 
particularly powerful body. 

The Gcnro'In having with the establishment, of the 
House of Peers and the House of Representatives ceased 
to have a raison d'etre 2SiA was abolished on the 20th of 
October 1890. 

The long expected opening of the Diet took place on 
November 29, 1890. At the ceremony which marked 
the occasion His Majesty announced, in a speech which 
he read, that all institutions relating to internal administ 
ration established since his accession to the throne hai 
been brought to a condition approaching completeness 
It was hoped to extend the scope of these measures an 
to reap good fruit from the working of the Constitution. 
* In the House of Peers there were 252 membe 
viz : — 

Imperial Princes 

Princes 

Marquises 

Counts 

Viscounts 

Barons 

Highest taxpayers.. 
t Imperial Nominees 

252 







\\J 




10 




. 21 




. 15 




, 70 




. 20 




• 45 




, 61 



* From the A'hoku-n }7fran (Jt ]K ^ S K') 

t Selected from the Court Councillors (3), the old memlx'rs of the 
n>-/n, (27), the Ivegislalivc Ikircau (2), the Tresident and Professor&> 
the Imperial V^niversity (6), Various Government Departments (lO), 
rest from among the iv.?ople, (^Meiji Nempio\ 



-=rs 



of 



Lay: — Tlu Political Parties of Japan, 411 

The membership of the Lower House under the old 
election law was 300. In the election for President of 
the Lower House House, the Jiyuto with the factions 
supporting them showed that they were in a compact 
majority. Mr. Nakajima Nobuyuki (of Kochi), their 
candidate, being successful. For Vice-President Mr. Isuda 
Mfiinichi, (a celebrated student of Law, who was at one 
time a Judge, and a member of the Senate) belonging to 
the Taisei kwai obtained election. Now, for the first 
time, political parties had the opportunity they had so 
long sought of confronting the clan statesmen in a place 
where they were more or less at liberty to speak their 
xninds. Nor was it long before they came to logger- 
Iieads with the government. The fight began, as it has 
so often done since then, over money matters. Reduc- 
tion of the land tax and of salaries was demanded. The 
/iyuto and the Kaishinto were found side by side in op^ 
position, while the Taiseikivai made common cause with 
the Government. A dispute also arose over the condi- 
tion to which it was proposed to bring naval and mili- 
bary preparations. The Jiyuto^ however, was rent in two 
by wrangles, as often before and subsequently. Suehiro 
3higeyasu and Inoue Kakugoro, who were noted for their 
independence of mind, were expelled from the party, and 
Oe Taku (son in law of Count Got5), Takenouchi, Su- 
zuki and others seceded. Twenty-nine of the old Aiko- 
^usha members, including Messrs Kataoka, Hayashi, 
LJeki and others warm supporters of Count Itagaki, 
^parated from the party on February 24, 1891; and 
[tagaki himself followed their example on the 26th after 
Vuitless efforts had been made to smooth matters over, 
:>wing to the disorganized state of the party, giving, as 



412 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 

his reason that he had no part in their counsels. As 
regards the difference with the Government, a com- 
promise was effected by a reduction of several million 
yen from the estimates. From the subsequent action of 
the parties, and of the Jiylito in particular, it would 
appear that their opposition was actuated more by a de- 
sire to place obstacles in the way of the clan Govern- 
ment than by any fixed principles. They gave way, 
however, before matters reached a climax lest the first 
Session of the Diet should be brought to a sudden and 
untimely end. So the first united attack in the Diet 
upon the Grovernment made by the combined forces of 
the Jiyuto and Kaishinto resulted in the main in a vic- 
tory for the former. 

It was very evident that a reorganization of the Jiyuto 
was necessary and steps were immediately taken towards 
that end. Itagaki did not keep apart long, and at a 
meeting held at Osaka on March 24, 1891, he was 
elected President and the words Rikkcn were erased 
from the party name, which once again became the 
Jiyuto, A declaration was issued on May 29, in which 
the programme was set forth to be (i.) Domestic Gov- 
ernment to be based on Local Self Government, (2.) 
Good faith and friendliness to be the chief aim in foreign 
affairs, (3.) Naval and military preparations to be on a 
defensive basis, (4.) Financial retrenchment suited to 
national resources, (5.) Protections to be chiefly along 
lines tending to the public advantage, (6 ) Freedom of 
Education, (7) Strengthening the Independence of the 
Judiciary, (8) Facilitation of Communication, (9) Exten- 
sion of the powers of the legislative. 

The Jiyuto then devoted its attention to perfecting its 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 413 

organization and extending its influence. Count Itagaki 
started shortly afterwards on a tour to the North-East 
and delegates were sent to the west. 

An important organization appeared in March 1891 
called the Kiodo (Union) Club (^ |P1 {ft ^ 135) which 
was originated by Messrs Inoue, Suehiro, Oc and Sue- 
niatsu. Its component parts came from the Taisci kzuai, 
Kokumifi JiyutOy Jichito and Kumamoto Kokkento. The 
Club was composed of members of the Diet who were 
to take steps for the national progress and the promo- 
tion of intercourse between its members. It was meant 
to be a support to the Government and steps were 
taken to influence popular feeling in its favour by a 
campaign throughout the country. 

Attempts were again set on foot which resulted in a 
rapprochement between the Jiyuto and Kaishinto, The 
indefatigable Kiushu Club in the early Autumn met to 
endeavour to promote union of parties and Itagaki on 
his return from his tour in the N.E. paid a visit on 
November 8, to Okuma. In the end, Count Okuma 
gave up his post as Privy Councillor on the 12th, and a 
large meeting was held on the 17th at the Oyukwan, 
Asakusa, attended by members of the Diet representative 
of the Jiyuto (72), Kaishinto (37), Unattached (25), in- 
cluding Taiseikwai (2), and joint action for the purpose 
of presenting a united front to the Government was de- 
cided upon. When the Diet met for the second time, 
November 21, 1891, the Budget was again selected as 
the point of attack and the bills for the establishment of 
the Iron Foundry, for the construction of men-of-war, for 
the state payment of Prison Expenditure and for the 
state purchase of private railways, — all of which, except- 



414 Lay : — Ttie Political Parties <f Japan, 

ing the last, have by now been passed — were thrown out. 
The nature of the attack showed that the opposition was 
in the main captious and the co-operation between the 
parties leaving no immediate hope of amicable arrange- 
ment, the Government ordered the Diet to dissolve on 
the 26, December 1891, somewhat lo the surprise and 
dismay of the allied opposition (consisting of the five 
bodies, the JiyutOy Jiyli Club, Kaishinto Tofftoe Glub and 
Dokuritsu Club. This was the first but by no rnean^ 
the last instance of compulsory dissolution. 

The Taisen Kwai dissolved on the date mentioned, be^ 
cause the majority of the party had ceased to support 
the Government, and because of the impending elections. 
The Jiyei Club returned to the Jiynto and issued an itppe^l 
to the public explanatory of its attitude towards the 
Government and inviting the people to judge of its efforts 
to lay a solid foundation for constitutional Governments 
The second General Election was held from February 
15, 1892, and was the occasion of many scenes of 
turbulence in all parts of the country, particularly in 
K5chi Prefecture no few persons (several hundreds) being 
wounded and even killed in local disturbances. By the 
people the Government were accused bitterly of inter- 
ference in the elections, and this cry was taken up 
strongly and used as an instrument wherewith to recom- 
mence the struggle with the Government on the re-open- 
ing of the Diet. 

The opposition parties assisted each other at the ix>lls 
and their elected canditatcs were classed by some news- 
papers under the general aj^pcllation of the popular party 
Min-td (E j^). \Vc also sec that on the other hand 
there was a distinct party openly taking the side of the 



Lay : — Uie I\}litical Parties of Japan. 415 

Government, which was termed the Ri-to (j^ 58R)- The 
result of the General Election was : — 

.j%yvfo ••• »•• ••• •*• ••• ••• ••• ••• 1 \jKj 

ICatshtHtd ••• ••• ••• .« •• 4-^ 

Govt. Party (Old Taisei kwai etc.) no 

Unattached (including supporters of the 
United Parties and Govt, supporters). ... 05 
The United Parties consequently counted a majority. 
After previous separate gathering, they held a joint 
meeting on May i, 1892, to prepare for the extra- 
ordinary Session of the Diet (Session No. 3.) which was 
to begin next day. Hoshi Toru was elected President 
of the Lower House on the 2nd and Sone Arasukc, 
now Baron and at present Minister of Finance, Vice- 
President. 

On the 14th the motion that the Government was re- 
sponsible for interference in the late elections passed the 
House of Representatives, an address to the throne on 
the same subject having been rejected two days before. 
The violence of the attack made upon the Government 
induced the latter on the i6th to suspend the session 
for seven days. There was a great commotion and the 
fear lest misguided adherents of the opposition parties 
might carry the attack beyond the limits of verbal war- 
fere led to a large number of Soshi and of sympathizers 
with the o^x)sition outside of the House, being ordered 
to leave the capital under the Peace Preservation Law 
on May 21. The attack made upon Takata Sanae, of 
the Yotmuri Shimbun and a prominent member of the 
Kaishintdy caused a fresh order for 39 sdshi of P'ukuoka 
Prefecture to leave the capital on the 30th. These were 
indeed troublous times. On the re-assembling of the 



4i6 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan. 

members on the 31st the Lower House erased the Ex- 
penditure upon men-of-war and a Steel Factory and the 
expenditure in connection with the subject of the investi- 
gation of Earthquakes. The Upper House manifested 
what has since come to be recognized as its habitual at- 
titude towards the financial wishes of the other -chamber 
by promptly restoring these items. The usual com- 
promise was resorted to, the first item being disallowed, 
the second passed. 

To meet the growing power of the opposition the 
Government Association called the Kokumin Kiokwai (H 
E ^ '^) (Nationalist Society), successor to the Taisei- 
kiuai, was projected, Messrs Watanabe Koki, Sone, 
Tsuda etc. took a leading part in the work. A meeting 
for organization was held on June 20, 1891. 

Marquis Saigo * and Viscount Shinagawa resigned 
their ofificial positions as Privy Councillors in order to 
be able to become President and Vice-President respec- 
tively. The alliance with the Government, however, did 
not last long. 

On August 8, 1892 a new Cabinet came into power, 
headed by Ito, and they took up an attitude of neu- 
trality towards the Kokinnin Kiokivai, On November 
10, a general meeting was held at which the rules of 
the party and the policy were published. But from then 
the number of its adherents in the Diet fell off con- 
siderably. 

Towards the end of 1892 the Domei Club was in- 
stituted being composed of old members, of the Taisei- 
kzuai and unattached members, including Messrs Kusu- 



* (then Count). 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 417 

noto Masataka, Nakamura Yaroku,* Kawashima Jun, 
Juzuki Juen. 

The 4th Session of the Diet was approaching and 
here were premonitory signs that it would not fail to 
te a stormy one. It met on November 25, 1892. On 
anuary 1.7, 1893 ^^c Lower House suspended its sit- 
ings for five days of its own accord after having vainly 
ndeavoured to persuade the Government to alter their 
udgetary proposals for the financial year 1893-94, 
/hich were under examination. This was done with the 
vowed object of affording the Authorities time for re- 
lection. A joint motion impeaching the Government 
vas about to be brought in by Messrs Kono Hironaka 
:)f the Jiyuto, Inukai Ki of the Kaishinto and Suzuki 
uen of the Domei Kwai when an Imperial order was 
eceived proroguing the House for 15 da}'s. On its re- 
pening on February 7, an address to the throne with 
'ference to the Budget, complaining of the action of 
e Ministers of State, was passed. A petition was pre- 
ttied to the Emperor by Mr. Hoshi Toru, as President, 
> resenting the House, on the 8th and His Majesty 
>mnised to give it his attention. The sohition of the 
>Iz)lem came on the loth when the Emperor issued an 
:r furnishing f three hundred thousand yen from the 
y Purse towards the expenditure in connection with 
building of men-of-war, and providing that one tenth 
lid be deducted similarly from all official salaries, 
opting, such as might be specially exempted, for six 
'5 for the same purpose. Thus the crisis was at an 



NOW Governor of Fuloioka Prefecture, 
^-^^e tenth of the annual fixed appropriation for tlie exj^endilure of 
-*^*iipcrial Household Department. 



41 8 Ijay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan. 

end, and the Imperial Gift was welcomed by an out- 
burst of loyal enthusiasm by the people. For their part 
the Ciovemment promised to eflect retrenchment as far 
as possible in future, to reform the executive, reduce ex- 
penditure and introduce radical reforms into the navy. 

This session was also remarkable for the passing of 
the amendment of the Law of Public Meetings and As- 
sociations whereby a much larger measure of liberty of 
public meeting was secured and the rights of political 
associations were considerably extended. These reforms 
the Representatives had been endeavouring to bring 
about for three sessions. Taking advantage of the revi- 
sion of the law referred to, the various parties set about 
the creation of branches in the Provinces, and prepared 
in other ways to build up their strength. Combinations 
of political parties were however still forbidden, the 
Cabinet fearing to make this further concession in the 
existing state of public feeling. 

Later in 1893 the Government issued, according to 
promise, the reforms in the navy and in official organi- 
zation of Government, the former in May and the latter 
in October. The Reforms were not deemed satisfactory, 
more particularly by the Progressionists. As was pointed 
out by the Mainichi Shimbun at the time, they merely 
amounted to a certain reduction in expenditure. What 
was required was radical re-organization of the administ- 
rative system and a change from the Government of the 
clans to the Government of the people. 

In connection with the problem of Treaty Revision the 
matter of mixed Residence had become a burning ques- 
tion on the close of the Diet. There had come into ex- 
istence in 1892 the Joyaku Kaisei Kcnkiu Kwai (of Mr. 



iMy : — The Political Parties of Jap a 71. 419 

lloshi and others) the Naichi Zakkio Kokin Kwai (of 
Messrs Motoda, Oi others) and the Zakkio Mondai Ken- 
^iu Kwai. 

In October 1893 a conservative party called the Dai Nip- 
J>on Kiokwai {^ 11 4^ t& ^), Japan Society, was formed 
^vith opposition to mixed residence as its standard. 

The co-operation between the Jiyuto and the Kaishinto 
which had at the last session of the Diet been brought 
to bear against the Government, soon ceased. 

In January 1893 Mr. Hoshi Toru delivered one of his 
well remembered speeches in Tokio in which he declar- 
ed that the aims of the two parties were divergent and 
that there could be no sym[»athy between thens. This 
led to mutual recrimination, Mr. Shimada and others 
taking up the cudgels for the Kaishinto, The organs of 
the two parties also differed as to the results of the 
session of the Diet during which they had stood side by 
side and the breach widened. But it was not only be- 
teen his own party and outsideis that Mr. Hoshi was in- 
strumental in creating bad feeling. In the JiyiUo also he 
sowed the seeds of dissension. His unpopularity grew 
owing owing to the S5ma and other affairs in which his 
conduct was subjected to much criticism, and in the end 
he himself withdrew his name for a time from its mem- 
bership. On December 2 , 1893 some of the Liberals 
hostile to Hoshi and not adverse to an understanding 
with the Progressionists, including Messrs Haseba Junko, 
(representative of Kagoshima) Kikuchi Kuro (representa- 
tive of Aomori), Kobayashi Kusuo (reprcntative of Oka- 
yama) seceded, and ranged themselves together under 
the name of the Doshi Club. They received a warm 
welcome from the Progressionists. 



420 Tjay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 

The 5th Session commenced November 25, 1893 and 
the Government found themselves face to face with a 
disorganized opposition. Tiie Progressionists and their 
allies, the Domei Club, the Doshi Club, the Koktimin 
Kiokwai and the Dai Nippon Kidkwai turned their un- 
friendly attention to Mr. Hoshi at first rather than to the 
Government and succeeded in having him expelled from 
the House of Representatives. Mr. Kusumoto was elected 
President in his place and Mr. Abei Iwane became Vice- 
President. After getting rid of the late President, the 
parties in the Diet were able to give all their mind to 
finding fault with the actions of the Government. Repre- 
sentations with reference to the strict enforcement of the 
treaties and concerning the Chishitfia Ravenna case ap- 
peared to the Authorities to be of such a nature as to 
call for the prorogation of the House. The session was 
accordingly suspended for ten days from the 19th of 
December ; but as the members were found to be in no 
more conciliatory mood on its reassembling, suspension 
for fourteen days more was then ordered. On the 30th, 
however, the House of Representatives was dissolved. 

March i, 1894 was the time of the 3rd General Elec- 
tion. It resulted as follows : — 



fiyuto 


• • • ... 


• • • 


... 


120 


Kaishinto 


... ... 


• • • 


... 


60 


Kokumin Seisha 


{Kokitmin 


Kioki 


wai) 


35 


Doshi Seisha,,, 


... ... 


. • . . 


... 


24 


Domei Seisha 


... ... 


... 


... 


18 


Seimnchosha ... 


... ... 


... 


... 


5 


Dai Nippon Kiokivai ... 


... 


... 


8 


Unattached and 


uncertain 


... 


• • . 


30 



The Jiyuto still continued antagonistic to the Kaishintd 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 421 

ind their allies, styled commonly the Roppa (/^JS)i * six 
;ions. An inclination to take the side of the Govcrn- 
xnent was observable on the part of the Jiyuto, while the 
^Dthers remained bitterly hostile and showered abuse upon 
their quondam friends for their desertion. Hoshi Toru 
^returned to his own party on May 4. With regard to their 
political opponents, the Doslii Club amalgamated with 
'the Domei Club, forming the Kodo Club. This again 
^vas transformed into the Rikken Kakushinto (jjc ,^ U? iUf 
THj) Constitutional Reform Party, on May 3, 1894. The 
leading spirits were Kusumoto Masataka, Kawashima 
Jun, Suzuki Juen, Nakamura Yaroku, Kodokokan, Ohi- 
gashi Gitetsu. The Kaishinto. succeeded in forming a 
coalition of various leading newspapers Hochi, Chuo, 
Nippon^ YoMturi, Mainichi, Shin Choya, largely through 
the efforts of Mr. Tokutomi lichiro of the Kokumin 
Shimbun, This combination was regarded by its friends 
as sounding the death knell of clan Government, by the 
Jiyuto as an attempt to retard their own growing in- 
fluence. On April 22, 1894 Messrs Inukai and Takeno- 
uchi of the Chugoku Shimpo tOy Sasa Tomofusa and 
Ooka Ikuz5 of the Kokuniin Kioktvai, Shudo Rikuzo and 
Takaki Seinen of the Kaishinto, Suzuki Juen, Ohigashi. 
Gitetsu, Kodo K5kan of the Kodo Club, Abci Ivvane, 
Komuchi Tomotsune, Oi Kentaro, VVakabara Kanzui, of 
the Dai Nippon Kiokwai, Viscounts Shimazu, Tani and 
Soga of the Peers, and United Newspaper editors, such 
as Suehiro Shigeyasu of the Choya, Kuga Minora of the 
Nippon, Tokutomi lichiro of the Kokumin, Koizuka of the 



* Kaishinfb, Dbshi Club, Donui Q\yj\^, Koktimin Kidhv(u\ Seimnchosa hay 
Dai N^pon Kiokwai. 



422 iMy : — The Political Parties of Japan. 

Mainichi, with Oliashi Sahei of the Haktibiinska, etc., 
met at tlic Maple Club, Shiba, in demonstration of their 
desire for a national union of parties against clan Gov- 
vernment. In May further meetings were held of those 
in sympathy with the movement and resolutions were 
passed in favour of responsible cabinets and a strong for- 
eign policy. 

The 6th Session of the Diet assembling May 12, 1894 
in a way met with a repetition of the experience of its 
predecessor. Attacks upon the Cabinet for its foreign and 
domestic policy brought about a dissolution on June 2. 

Now we come to one of the most crucial periods in 
the history of Japan. \V?ir with China was declared on 
the 1st of August 1894, and the stern realities of a for- 
eign struggle put a stop to domestic jealousies and con- 
flicts, and united the whole nation. Activity was directed 
from home politics to foreign affairs and the result was 
that the cabinet had a comparatively free hand in dealing 
with the difficulties comfronting it, and in the end 
proved of longer duration than any other cabinet which 
went before or followed. 

The parties soon showed their determination that party 
strife should not interfere with national needs and that 
the country must present a united front to the enemy 
and took steps to show themselves in absolute accord 
with the Government on the subject. 

The announcement of the solution of the weary pro- 
blem of Treaty Revision being in sight owing to the 
signature of the Anglo-Japanese Treaty on July 16, 1894 
also removed a great cause of quarrel between the Gov- 
ernment and the party men. 

The 4th General election took place on September i, 



• • • • 




US 


• • • • 




47 






40 


• • • • ■ 




35 






4 






4 


ty) ... 




25 






30 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 423 

4. The result was unfavourable to the JiyiitOy the re- 
s being as follows : — 

Jiyuto 

Kaishinto 

Kakiishinto 

Kokumin Kiokwai 

Zaisei Kakushin-kwai 

Chugoku Shimpoto 

Unattached (strong party) 

„ (moderate) 

^ Declaration was made in October by the Jiyuto to 

effect that in spite of many points of divergence of 

ion, the Government might count upon their support 

the other parties changed their attitude of opposi- 

So the 7th Session of the Diet, an extraordinary 

which was opened, at Hiroshima, October 15, 1894, 

^jmoto being President and Shimada, Vice-President, 

rie House of Representatives, was remarkable for its 

dimity. By a unanimous vote on October 20, cxtra- 

:iary military expenditure to the amount of one 

:3lred and fifty millions o{ yen was sanctioned. 

lie war still continuing, the 8th Session of the Diet 

likewise characterized by absence of strife and a 

^mination to carry through the weighty business on 

X. It was called on December 22, 1894 in Tokio 

closed formally on the 27th of the following March. 

^March 20, 1895 *he Treaty providing for a cessation 

hostilities was concluded and on April 17, the war 

China, which had raised the position of Japan to a 

' place among the nations, came to an end. 

tie attitude of the Jiyuto towards the Government 

showed signs of continued improvement owing to 






424 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 

their support of the post bellum programme, and t 
transfer of Mr. Hoshi Toru to Korea, as Adviser to t 
Peninsular Government, took out of the way a ni 
likely to hinder an understanding between the party a 
those in power. By degrees the changed position tak 
up by the Jiyuto manifested itself more and more. 

In May 1895 their manifesto proclaimed that th 
would not needlessly attack the Govenmient, though 
was exhorted to carefulness. 

On July 17, 1895 a meeting of (parliamentary meni 
of the Jiyuto was held and the new platform of the paK* 
was determined as follows : — 

1. The party was absolutely opposed to non-co 
slitutional methods, bearing in mind the Imperii 
desires regarding the Constitution, and would labo 
for the perfect completion of a Constitutional f<>«" 
of Government. 

2. Japan must not be content with the thought thi 
she was the only strong Power in the East, \y 
must take her place among the Powers and alo 
with them preserve the peace of the world. 
party should devote itself to the task. 

3. Reform and Expansion of the navy and at 
same time increase and perfection of the army ^ 
be aimed at. 

4. Encouragement and development of navigati^^ 
commerce, colonization, agriculture, industry, et^^- * 
to be laboured for. 

5. Although the party had its own ideas about soiiircrc^ 
of revenue, financial matters to be entrusted as ^^^ 
as might be to the Authorities and sanction or* f C' 
fusal to be given to them after due consideratii.o0' 



Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan, 425 

^- By restriction of needless expenditure, national 

finances to be placed on a secure basis. 
7- The Retrocession of the Liaotung peninsula was 

indeed regrettable, but this was certainly not the 
time for quarrelling, and thereby erring in great 
matters of state, but plans for the future were 
urgently required, so the party would labour for 
public rather than private ends in company with 
those of identical aims, in accordance with the 
dictates ot true patriotism. 
^- Korean independence to be placed on a firm 

foundation, its future necessitating much anxiety. 
we have more than the platitudes we have been 
'^'^^t:omed to expect from political parties in Japan. 
*^^iric:t issues are to be found set forth and we can see 
^^^^•"ly what the party have in their mind. 

"^^ further declaration was issued on November 22, 
"^"^^ying that an understanding had been come to with 
^ Crovemment with whom the JiyJUo would work to- 



in future. 

declarations were confirmed at a General Meeting 
On December 15. 

^ antagonism felt by the six factions towards the 

^ was accentuated by its becoming for the time be- 

^ ^ <iuasi Government party. By them official action 

^^garded with a much less lenient eye. On June 

. ^^'^^mbers of the Kaishintd, Kokumin Kiokwai, Kaku* 

. ^'^^ Chugoku Shimpoto Zaisei Kakushin Kwai, Cliuo 

^'^S'io Kwed met at the Atago Kwan, and constituted 

^ ^"^ Selves an association of political friends in sympathy 

^ each other, Seiyu Yushi Kzvai (J5[ ^ ^ ^\ ^), with 

^^^^w to fixing Governmental responsibility for the re- 



426 iMy : — The Political Parties of Japan, 

trocession of the Liaotung peninsula at the invitation <^^ 
Russia, France and Germany. Some few of the JiyJif^ 
members joined themselves to this company. From the 
various allied groups opposed to the Government the 
Doshi Kivai (fp) ,"^> '^) was formed and ft drew up 3 
statesment in 13 articles which was agreed to on Sept- 
ember 9, setting forth its principles. Thus great activity 
was displayed in the endeavour to fix the responsibility 
upon the Cabinet for what was deemed to be a national 
disgrace. 

On December 25, 1895 commenced the 9th session of 
the Diet, and the opponents of the Government lost no 
time in seizing the opportunity they had been impatiently 
waiting for. A bill of impeachment was introduced into 
the House of Representatives on January 9, 1896, but 
was rejected by 170 to 103 votes. The impotence of 
the opposition was thus at once manifested and made 
more apparent than ever the need for strengthening the 
bonds of union. On the same day supporters of the 
anti-Government parties held a meeting at the Koyu 
Kwan. The Kakushinto made up their minds on the 
i6lh to despatch delegates to approach the several fac- 
tions with the aim of amalgamation. At a Meeting held 
at the Imperial Hotel, T6ki5, on January 18 union of 
parties inimical to the Jiyuto under a new name was de- 
cided upon. The Kokuvdn Kidkwai, however, which, 
originally founded as an official support, had for some 
time cooperated heartily in bitter opposition, had recently 
showed vacillation and a desire to hold back. So on 
the 19th its parliamentary representatives declined to have 
anything to do with the scheme for uniting. At the 
same time they renewed the attack upon the Govern- 



Lay : — The Political Parties of fapaiu 427 

ilient by bringing in a motion of want of confidence on 
February 15, a step which led to the suspension of the 
session for ten days. During the interv'al Viscount Shi- 
Hrigawa exerted his influence with his party, successfully, 
to induce them to moderate their zeal ; and on the re- 
assembling of the Chamber the motion was withdrawn. 
The ninth session of the Diet therefore presented a con- 
tinuous record of defeat for the ** strong foreign policy " 
side. 

The movement towards union w^ent on rapidly, Messrs 
Inukai, Ozaki, Taguchi, Shimada, Suehiro, Taketomi, 
Takata Sanaa, Takeuchi and others evincing active in- 
terest in it. On the 20th of February a resolution was 
passed at a meeting held at the Kinki Kwan, Kanda, in 
favour of the dissolution of all popular parties and the 
formation of one large political association, for the pur- 
pose of eflFecting a change of Cabinet and the taking of 
office by responsible Ministers. The result was that the 
Shimpoto (j^ ^ JH), Progressive Party, was actually con- 
stituted on Match i. It was an amalgamation of the 
Kaishinto, of which it counted ^{\,y one adherents in the 
House of "Representatives, the Kakushitita, with thirty 
three parliaihentary representatives, the Ote Club, six, 
CJiugoku Slmnpoto, five, the Zaisei Kakushin Kzvai, with 
three, and also had in its ranks five independent mem- 
bers. Their principles were set forth to be progress, the 
upholding of the dignity of the Imperial House and en- 
largement of the happiness and rights of the people. 

Nor did ^their declaration differ much, except in the 
matter of insistence upon cabinet responsibility from most 
of the public utterances of all parties from the time of 
their inception. They demanded (i.) Reform of Admiii- 



4^8 Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan. 

istrative abuses and the establishment of responsible 
cabinets, (2.) reform of foreign policy and extension of 
national rights, (3.) adjustment of the finances and de- 
velopment of the undertakings of the people. 

By virtue of the understanding which then existed be- 
tween the Government and the Jiyuto^ the post-bellum 
programme was sanctioned and military and naval ex- 
pansion was taken up. The 9th Session of the Diet 
was a memorable one and many projects of the highest 
importance were set on foot at that time. 

In reward for the support of his party Itagaki was 
on April 14, 1896 admitted into the cabinet as Min- 
ister for Home affairs. Mr. Hoshi Tom went as En- 
voy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the 
United States. 

Not to be outdone by the Jiyuto in the struggle for 
influence in the Councils of the State, the Shintpoto 
came to an understanding with some of the Satsuma 
Statesmen. 

On the resignation of the Ito ministry the Matsukata- 
Dkuma cabinet came into power. 

The two great cries at the time were Jinsai Toyo 
(selection of men of talent) and Giosei Seiri (administra- 
tive adjustment), and party influence was found useful 
in helping candidates for oflfice. 

The Sliimpoto held a large meeting on November i, 
and announced that the policy of the Government did 
not differ greatly from that of themselves and that they 
would try to see it carried out. In case of failure on 
the part of the Government to give effect to it, they 
would^ be found in active opposition. 

The loth Session of the Diet opened on 22 Decern- 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 429 

Ijer, 1896 and the new party showed their strength in 
the House of Representatives by electing Mr. Hato- 
yama Kazuo to succeed Mr. Kusumoto, upon whom the 
title of Baron had been conferred, as President of the 
Chamber. 

The period during which the Shimpoto took ^ides 
with the Government proved a time of trouble and 
disunion for the Jiyuto. In January 1897 a tendency 
to split up into small factions was manifested. Shigeno 
Kenjiro and six others left and grouped themselves to- 
gether under the appellation of the Teiyu Club (T S)- 
On February 28, the Shinjiyutb, (new Jiyuto) was formed 
by deserters from the Jiyuto, Many were the defcct- 
tions from the old party about this time and they com- 
prised Kono Hironaka. Count Itagaki himself resigned 
his position as President on March 19. Bando Kangord 
and 8 others formed the NicfUyo Kivai ( H ffi '^). The 
Kokumin Kiokivai also experienced losses in January, 
Messrs Sasaki Sh5z6 and six others leaving to start 
the Kokumin Club, Then the business men, of whom 
more and more is being heard in political matters, in- 
cluding Messrs Ban Naosuke, Matsumoto Jutaro, Kimura 
Seitaro, Ozaka Zennosuke, and Hara Zenzaburo, originat- 
ed the Doshi Club (pj J^). To give an idea of the 
various factions as represented in the Diet early in 1897 
the Jimfnin published the following figures : — 

Menil>ers. 

Jiyuto 88 



Shimpoto 

Kokumin Kiokivai . . 
Gi'in Club ... .. 
Doshi ** 



96 

25 
21 

21 




430 Lay }—T/te Political Parties of Japan, 

Skin Jiyuto ... ... ; 9 

Nichiyokwai ......' 9 

Kokntnin Club 8 

Kaknshin ** • S 

Unattached 7 



nt 



299' 

(which leaves one member unaccounted for). 

With \\\z Autumn of 1897, however, the question. ^* 

increasing the taxation and, in particular, the land tr^*-^' 
became a great point at issue between the Governnm 
and the parties. The Shimpoto esF>eciHlly took up a 
solute stand against taxation, which led in tlie end to 'l::*^^ 
severance of connection between that party and the Qr<^^' 
ernment. - • 

On October 22, 1897 the Shimpoto passed the follc:>'^^** 
ing resolution under four heads, calling for : — 

1. The removal of discordant dements from tl^^ 
Cabinet and their replacement by members ^' 
identical syn>pathies, to render that Body sXxoT^Z 
and united.* 

2. Revision of the Budget. Restriction of non-urg^^*"*^ 
expenditure. 

3. Alteration of policy in the Government of Formo^^* 
and reform of administrative abuses there. 

4. Reform of non-constitutional acts and perfecting' ^ 
the working of constitutional Government. 

On the 28th the Premier replied in a memorandum ^^ 
the effect that outside interference would not be permitt^*^ 



* Accvirdiiv^ to some accounls they also desired that . puuishment sho** 
be meted out to the President of the Boaid of Audit for his allc^J'^*^ 
illegal rcninval of menihers. 




i 



Lay: — Tlie Political Parties' of Japan, 431 

in the appqintment or removal of Cabinet Mini'steris or 
with regard to the conduct of the administration. 

On the 31st of October at a meeting of the Standing 
Committee, the Shimpoto decided, as the result of their 
negotiations with Count Matsukata, that the Government 
had no real intention of fulfilling their pledges, judging 
by their action in the past, and that they would decline 
to continue to work hand in hand with them. The 
officials who had obtained their posts as party men, 
chosen from the ranks of the Shimpoto^ gave them up 
in November, and Count Okuma resigned the portfolio of 
Agriculture and Commerce on the 9th of the same month. 

Opposition to the Government likewise tended to re- 
unite the oft'shoots of the Jiylito, and the * Kodo Kwai 
was formed by the fusion of the Shin Jiyutb, Kohimin 
Club and Churitsu Club under the leadership of Viscount 
Takashinia. 

This feeling of antagonism to the taxation measures of 

the Cabinet spread, and the representatives of the Kohi- 

inin Kiokwai called upon the Premier in November to 

resign. Both the Shimpoto and Jiyuto passed resolutions 

of want of confidence in December. 

Other Associations such as the Jitsugib dbslii Club also 
showed openly their intention to attack the Government. 

Thus the prospect of a quiet nth .Session was remote. 

The Diet was summoned on December 21, 1897. On 

the 24th the Gwernment introduced Bills providing for 

increased taxation and projects of law preparatory to the 

coming into force of the Revised Treaties. 

But the collision came on the 25th when, upon the 
Lower House changing the order of the Day to admit 

♦ Dissolved on February 20, 1898. 



4 



r . 
■ • !• 



M *-» 



/^ir 



._/;&• i^/^^'^^ >^^^>^ ^/ /tf/<»«. 

. *-^« n/* a motion of want of confidence. 
of the introduction ot a 

c i:,ziin!ution was pronounced as soon as the 
sentence of dti>soiui r 

reading of it iiad been completed. 

In the fsLce of this vigorous attack from the parties 
acting hi combination, the Cabinet felt constrained to place 
their resignations in the Emperor's hands. They accord- 
ingly did so on December 28, 1897. 

Then followed a brief time of difficulty in the genesis 
of a Cabinet. Marquis Ito, who was recognized univer- 
sally to be the only man who could at the moment pro- 
perly step into the breach, came forward on January 12, 
1898 and accepted the responsibility. 

The leaders of the Sliimpoto and JiyTUd would have 
been valuable auxiliaries. An attempt was made to in- 
duce Count Dkuma to accept a portfolio, but it was 
frustrated by the Shimpoto who declared against any co- 
operation between him and Marquis ltd. Similarly it 
proved impossible to induce Count Itagaki to enter the 
cabinet and lend the Government the weight of his in- 
fluence with his party. 

With the Jiyuto, however, negotiations still proceeded, 
though they fell through a few months later when the 
party openly went into opposition. 

Another Greneral Election, the 5th, took place on the 
15th March 1898. The returns gave (from Kenseito 

Jiyiito and their Sympathizers ... 99 

Koktwtin Kiokivai Supporters ... 32 

Old Kodb Kwai 4 

Unattached 8 



H3 



•Government 
Supporters. 



r 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 433 



Shimpofo and Supporters 105) 

Seiyukivai 7 

Old Kbdo ha 7 

* 7"^//^^;/ Z^J;//«*(North Eastern Union 2 
Unattached 9 



Opposition. 



1 30 J 

Old Dbshi Kwai 4 

Unattached 23 



27J 



Independent. 



Period 3. 

The period of greatest influence of political parties. 

We now come to a time wlien the influence of political 
parties has been most clearly demonstrated and when 
they have actually realized their long cherished dream, 
a party Cabinet. 

At a General Meeting of Parliamentary Representatives 
of the Jiyuto held on April 18, a definite decision to 
have nothing to do with the Ito Cabinet was announced. 

The party had been willing to support that Cabinet on 

* 

the understanding that it was founded upon a basis of 
party. But the promises made on entering upon oflfice 
had not been fulfilled and the post bellum programme 
liad not been adhered to. So the way for a rapproche- 
rnent between the parties under a common flag of 
hostility to the Government was paved. Party meetings 
lield in May all passed resolutions of opposition, except- 
ing the Kokumin Kijkwai. 

The assembling of the 12th Session of the Diet took 
place on May 14, 1898. Kataoka Kenkechi was again 

* Founded by Kono Hironaka in the latter part of 1S97. 



432 iMy : — The Political Parties of fapan, 

of the introduction of a motion of want of confidence, 

sentence of dissolution was pronounced as soon as tlu. . 

reading of it had been completed. 

In the face of this vigorous attack from the |iartifv= ^ ^ 

acting in combination, the Cabinet felt constrained to plar* »^ ^— . 

their resignations in the Emperor's hands. They accord- 
ingly did so on December 28, 1897. 

Then followed a brit;f time of difficulty in the genesfc 
of a Cabinet. Marquis Ito, who was recognized unive 
sally to be the only man who could at the moment prc =- _: ^ — 
perly step into the breach, came forward on January t " ^2 

1898 and accepted the responsibility. 

The leaders of the Shimpoto and Jiyuto would ha 
been valuable auxiliaries. An attempt was made to i 
duce Count Dkuma to accept a portfolio, but it 
frustrated by the Shimpoto who declared against any < ^ y 

operation between him and Marquis Ito. Similarly \i 

proved impossible to induce Count Itagaki to enter an ~he 
cabinet and lend the Government the weight of his 
fluence with his party. 

With the Jiyuto^ however, negotiations still proceecS. 
though they fell through a few months later when 
party openly went into opposition. 

Another General Election, the 5th, took place on 
.15th March 1898. The returns gave (from Kem^* 
Sho-shi.), 

Jiyuto and their Sympathizers ... 99 

Kokumin Kibkwai Supporters ... 32 

Old Kodo Kzvai 4 

Unattached 8 





:he 



143 



•Governnm 
Suppoi 




Lay: — The Political Parties of Japan, 433 



Shimpofo and Supporters 105I 

Seiyukwai 7 

Old Kodo ha 7 

* 7c;A^^Z^J//?«'(North Eastern Union 2 
Unattached ... 9 



Opposition. 



1 30 J 

Old Ddshi Kwai 4 

Unattached 23 



27J 



Independent. 



Period 3. 

The period of greatest influence of political parties. 

We now come to a time when the influence of political 
parties has been most clearly demonstrated and when 
they have actually realized their long cherished dream, 
a party Gibinet. 

At a General Meeting of Parliamentary Representatives 
of the Jiyutd held on April 18, a definite decision to 
have nothing to do with the Ito Cabinet was announced. 

The party had been willing to support that Cabinet on 

* 

the understanding that it was founded upon a basis of 
party. But the promises made on entering upon office 
had not been fulfilled and the post bellum programme 
had not been adhered to. So the way for a rapproche- 
ment between the parties under a common flag of 
hostility to the Government was paved. Party meetings 
held in May all passed resolutions of opposition, except- 
ing the Kokumin KiDkwai. 

The assembling of the 12th Session of the Diet took 
place on May 14, 1898. Kataoka Kenkechi was again 

' * Founded by Kono Hironaka in the latter part of 1S97. 



434 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 

President and Motoda Hajime once more filled the office 
of Vice-President. 

Bills for increased taxation as well as a revised Law 
of Elections and revised Civil Code were introduced, and 
it was not long before the parties came to loggerheads 
with the Government. 

Questions proposed independently by the Shimpdto and 
the JiyTito with regard to foreign affairs elicited replies 
which the members deemed crude and apart from the 
point. On the 30th of May, in consequence, a motion 
of impeachment was brought in, but rejected by the 
small majority of six votes. 

With a view, if possible, to inducing tlic Represent- 
atives to reconsider their position, and to give them time 
for more mature deliberation concerning the Increased 
Land Taxation Bills, the Session was suspended for 3 
days from June 7. 

On the day of Suspension a meeting was held by sup- 
porters of the two large parties not members of the 
Lower House (at the house of Hiraoka Kotaro, who ex- 
erted Ijimself strongly to bring about Union), at which 
the project of Union was mooted ; and it was decided to 
take measures in order that common cause might be 
made against the Government. 

This was another step towards the great amalgamation 
brought about, directly, by antagonism to increased taxa- 

• • • 

tion, which came about shortly afterwards. 

The majority in the Lower House still proving ob- 
durate in the matter of the Land Tax Bill, a sudden stop 
was put to tlie proceedings by the dissolution of the Diet 
on June 10. This stirred the popular parties to renewed 
effort. Hitherto it had been customary, when one party 



Ijay : — The Political fhrtics of Japan, 435 

as friendly to the Government, for the other to be 
►und acting in opposition, but now they came to the 
Dnclusion that they could, together, succeed in substitut- 
ig constitutional, as they termed it, for clan Government. 

Rapid was now the current of events towards union. 

On the day following the dissolution a second meeting 
ttended by representatives of the Jiyutb and Skimpoto 
00k place, and a definite arrangement was concluded. 
Messrs Kuribara of the Jiyuto and Takenouchi of the 
shimpotj were appointed to draw up a declaration and 
ules. Counts Itagaki and Dkuma accepted the invitation 
ddressed to them to enter the party about to be 
Drmed. On the 21st the Jiyuto, Shimpoto, and also the 
Doshi Club dissolved. The first two made a declaration 
o the effect that, having taken into careful consideration 
he condition of affairs, both at home and abroad, they 
lad, in order to bring about the full completion of 
Constitutional Government, dissolved and joined with 
parties having identical aims ; and they would unite 
nto one great party, and work together for the cause they 
lad Sit heart. Formal Coiistitutlon of the new Party, to 
vhich the name Kenseito, (StftjR) of (Constitutional Party), 
vas given, was effected on June 22, at a meeting at the 
Jhintpmiza, Hiraoka delivered an address, he having con- 
inued earnest in the endeavour to bring about Union, 
md a meeting subsequent to that of the nth having for 
hat purpose been held at his house. Kataoka being in 
he chair, Messrs Ohigashi Gitetsu, Ozaki Yukio, Ma- 
suda Masahisa, Hayashi Yuzo were nominated a Com- 
littee in charge of general business. Messrs Minoura 
Latsundo, Kuribara Rioitsu, Takenouchi Seishi, Ito Dai- 
achi, Furihata Mototaro were elected Party Managers. 




43^ Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 

The declaration published ran, roughly, as follows: — It is 
about lO )'ears since the Constitution was promulgated 
and the Diet opened. As many as five times has the 
I^iet been dissolved and Constitutional Government has 
not yet become an accomplished fact, nor is the in- 
fluence of political parties greatly felt. Thus agreement 
and co-operation between the Government and the people 
is [)revented by the firm establishment of the remaining 
evils of the Government, and Public Business is delayed 
to the great regret of all lovers of their country. Hav- 
ing taken into careful consideration the condition of 
affairs both at home and abroad, the Jiyuto and Shimpoto 
have in order to bring about the full completion of con- 
stitutional Government, decided to dissolve and together 
unite in forming a great party of persons in sympathy 
with each other. 

The principles of the Kcnseito were laid down as 
follows :— 

I. Reverence for the Imixiriil House and maintenance 
of the Constitution. 
. 2. Party cabinets and fixing of (ministerial) responsi- 
bility. 

3. Development of local .self- Government and restric- 
tion of interference from, the Central Authority. 

4. Protection o{ national rights and extension of com- 
merce and trade. 

5. Finances to be placed on a firm basis and balance 
of accounts to be preserved. 

6. Inter-Conununication between national and foreisrn 
finances and development of national resources. 

7. The army and na\y to be proportioned to national 
needs. 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 437 

8. Speedy creation and completion of means of trans- 
port and communication. 

9. Spread of Education and encouragement of tech- 
nical instruction. 

The fixing of ministerial responsibility and party 
cabinets were the leading points. With such objects 
alone forming the chief basis of its foundation, and so 
many members formerly unfriendly to each other, all 
eager for office, it lacked the elements of lasting cohe- 
sion. The Government vanquished and yielding to all 
demands and office thrown open to political aspirants, 
then would inevitably come competition for place, be- 
coming ever more bitter, with final disorganization and 
disruption. 

The minds of the elder statesmen were at this juncture 
exercised as to whether or not it was expedient to have 
a party upon which the Government could rely. It was 
the idea in some quarters that the Kokuniin Kiokivai, 
the Jitsugioha^ the Chikashuseiha and * YainasJiita Club 
might form the nucleus of an organization upon which 
the cabinet could rely in its conflict with the Kenseito, 
Owing, however, to the wish of some of the elders to 
keep aloof entirely from party entanglements, the project 
was abandoned. In the presence of His Majesty the 
Emperor a Conference was held at the Palace on June 
24, Marquises Ito, Saigd, Yamagata, and Oyama, and 
Counts Inouc and Kuroda being present. A discussion 
took place as to the advisability of forming a Govern- 
ment party and as to the application of the constitution 
to the Lower House, and led it was said to an estrange- 
ment between Marquis Ito and Yamagata which lasted 

* Formed by the Independent Members of the Diet on May 7, ,1898. 



i 



43 8 Ijny .-^ — Tlie Political Parties of Japan, 

for a long time. The former was in favour of a Gov- 
ernment Party, but was unable to carry out the project 
owing to disagreement on the part of his colleagues. 
He accordingly saw no help for it but to resign and 
make way for the new party. 

The conference was followed on the morrow by a 
general resignation of the cabinet. 

The course was now clear for the construction for the 
first time of a Cabinet on purely party lines. 

Marquis Ito lost no time in communicating with 
Counts Okuma and Itagaki and inviting them to take 
the place vacated by himself They consented, and after 
consultation with the General Commissioners of the Ktn- 
seito, the portfolios were distributed as follows on June 
30, 1898:— 

FIRST PARTY CABINET. 
{Kcfiseitd,) 

Vremic!r, and Minister for Foreign Affairs, 

Count Okuma, formerly of the..... Sfd$npatd 

Home Minister, Count Itagaki, formerly 

of the Jiyi^to 

Financial Minister, Matsuda Masahisa, for- 
merly of the J^nUd 

Minister of Communications, Playashi Yu- 

zo, formerly of the Jiyuto 

Minister of Agriculture and Commerce, 

Oishi Masami, formerly of the Skimpotd 

Minister of Justice, Ohigashi Gitetsu, for- 
merly of the " 

Minister of Education, Ozaki Yukio, for- 

merlv of the " 



luty : — TItt MUical Parties of Japan. 439 

Four of the Ministers were members of the House of 
l^epfesentatives. This is the first time that any member 
of the Lower House has been inchided in the Cabinet. 

A few days previous to the formation of the first 
Party Cabinet, the progress made poUtically, and the more 
sober frame of mind in which politics were considered 
was marked by the abolition of the Ho-an Jo-rei, Peace 
Preservation Regulations (By Imperial Ordinance of June 
24, 1898). This was one of the signs of the growing 
strength of that policy which had succeeded in the preced- 
ing Session in passing the project of law. Party men were 
also appointed Vice-Ministers of several of the Depart- 
ments, and many other posts, such as that of Chief 
Secretar>' to the Cabinet, Chief of Police, Departmental 
CouiKillor, Local Governor, etc. were bestowed upon ad- 
herents of the Kenseito. At this time what was ironical- 
ly termed riokwan netsn, feverish hunting for office, was 
prevalent. 

The transfer of powjr from the clan statesmen to the 
representatives of the people was hailed with great re- 
joicing. It was looked upon as a great step in the 
political progress of Japan and was even termed a second 
Restoration. 

Not only, however had the first Party Cabinet to con- 
tend against the enmity of statesmen experienced for 
thirty yeiirs in the administration, but internal dissensions 
rent it in twain. 

The imperfect cohesion of the Jiyuto and the Shimpoto 
and the diffii^ulty of preserving the balance of power, 
which led to mutual jealousies, soon occasioned the 
downfall of the Cabinet. At the General Election of 
August 10, 1898 the two parties competed with each 



i 



440 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 

other, notwithstanding their alliance. This, the sixth 
election passed off quietly. The result was as follows : — 

Shiinpofj 112 

Jiyutd 9^ 

Independent (Supporting the Kenseito) 5 i 



Total Government Supporters 259 



Kokitmin Kiokivai 20 

Independent 21 



Total Government Opponents 41 



From the time of the formation of the C:ibinct there 
has been constant friction among the ^linisters. More- 
over the House of Peers was dead against the idea of a 
Party Cabinet and had to be reckoned with. The fact 
that the Ministers of War and Marine were not party 
men was also a thorn in the side of the majority. The 
holders of the other portfoh'os were not long allowed 
to remain undisturbed in the exercise of their functions. 
The Vice-Minister of Justice also was made the object of 
accusation on the ground that he had been concerned 
in interference in the elections, and was allowed to resign. 

But it was the uproar raised by a reference to Japan 
as a possible Republic, no doubt without the slightest 
intention of criticising the existing regime, made by Mr. 
Ozaki Yukio in a public speech on August 30, which 
was the direct cause of the break-up. The Minister of 
Education was in the end compelled to resign, which lie 
did on the 24th of October. Mr. Inukai Ki, of the 
ShimpotOy was advanced to the post of Minister of Edu- 
cation. Now came the crisis. 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 441 

To this step the Jiynto objected, as they wished to 
5>ee the portfolio held by one of their own nominees, or, 
as an alternative, desired the Forei<^n Office to be given 
to them. At the Cabinet Council held for the discussion 
of the appointment on the 26th the impossibility of re- 
conciling the two sides showed that the Kcnseito was on 
the verge of disruption. The appointment of Inukai was 
announced on October 27. Two days later Itagaki, Ha- 
yashi and Matsuda resigned and their example was 
followed by the Vice-Ministers and other high officials 
nominated by the old JiyutD. The Shimpoto faction was 
approached on the subject of dissolving the Kenseitd, but 
rejected the idea. A sudden decision to dissolve, at- 
tributed to the agency of Mr. Hoshi Torn, was arrived 
at by a meeting attended by Jiyuto Representatives on 
the 29th, and a new Kcnseito was forthwith started. Its 
principles were declared to be the same as those of the 
old Kenseito, Messrs Kataoka, Ebara, and Hoshi became 
General. Commissioners, being afterwards joined by Baron 
Sueraalsu. ^ The Shimpoto branch, taken aback, met oh 
the 30th and again on Novemcer i, when they decided 
to style themselves Kcnsei honto (Original Constitutional 
Party). On November 3, the Kensci honto was formally 
constituted, Messrs Suzuki Jijen, Hiraoka K6tar5, Kudo 
Kokan, Di Kentaro, Kono Hironaka, being the General 
Commissioners. Its programme too was identical with 
that of the old Kenseito. 

On the 31st Count Okuma resigned. 

Thus expired the short lived Party Cabinet. 

But during its existence it had instituted a system of 
reforms in various Departments, differentiating political 
from business officials, partly with the view of facilitating 




442 iMy : — The PbHiical Parties of Japan, 

the employment in Government Departments of men who 
had rendered service to their party. In addition, a de- 
crease was effected in the number of officials and the 
salaries of those of lower rank were raised. 

On the 8th of November a new Cabinet under the 
Premiership of Marquis Yamagata was gazetted. It ap- 
peared at the outside to be their wish to have no con- 
nection with any political party, but it was early per- 
ceived that such an attitude would be incompatible with 
a peaceful session. 

Although the Kensci honto comprised a majority in 
the Lower House, the attention of the Government was 
rather turned towards the Kenseito, The Premier had a 
meeting with Count Itagaki a day or two after entering 
upon office when negotiations for an understanding were 
opened. Through the exertions of the latter, aided by 
Messrs Hoshi and Kataoka, an understanding was enter- 
ed into with them. So shortly afterwards the Kenscitj 
made a public announcement on November 29, stating 
that as the Government were in accord with the views 
held by the party, they nu'ght rely upon their sqpport 
and the two together would labour side by side for the 
welfare of the nation and the perfecting of Con- 
stitutionalism. On November 30, Marquis Yamagata by 
invitation received the Ministers and the leaders and 
many of the rank and file of the party at his official re- 
sidence, and made a declaration of the existence of a 
state of Government co-operation with the Kenseiid, By 
this action the party showed their recognition of the 
fact that the time was not yet ripa for a purely party 
Cabinet and that the Klder Statesmen were still in- 
dispensable. 



Im)' :—T/ie Political /It/ firs of Japan. 443 

The 13th session of the Diet was called for November 
7, 1898. Messrs Kataoka and Motoda were again elect- 
t:d President and Vice-President, respectively. 

Keiisei honto, unlike the Kcnseito^ declined to Iiave any 
dealings with the Cabinet, but on the contiary deter- 
mined to take up a line of conduct at variance with that 
adopted by the Government. Its constitution they con- 
sidered violated their principles, which called for a party 
Cabinet, and which they resolutely adhered to. Their at- 
titude however was more than counter-balanced by the 
support of the Kenseito and the Kokumin Kiokwai, 
Thus the augury for a quiet Session was from the be- 
ginning favourable. 

The bill for increasing the land tax was passed in a 
modified form by arrangement with the Kenseito in spite 
of the strenuous opposition of the Kensei Iwnto. The 
Kokumin Kiokwai also continued its support of the Gov- 
ernment. 

On the 5th of July 1899 it dissolved to come into 
existence again as the Teikoku-to (^ ^ J|(), Imperialist 
Party. At the -same time it gave a promise of assisting 
the Government and co-operating with the Kenseito. 

In June of the same year, Marquis Ito delivered a 
series of lectures in the Central Provinces and in Kiushu 
on the necessity for re-construction of political parties. 
Undaunted by their feilure at the 13th Session, the Ken- 
sei honto persevered in the course of action they had 
adopted. They held meetings in various parts of the 
country in order to spread their views; Count Okuma 
taking an active part in the campaign. Approval was, 
at a meeting held at Kioto on May 27, given to resolu- 
tions calling for adjustment of the administration, reduc- 



k 



444 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Japan, 

tion of expenditure, the restoration of the land tax, post 
and telegraph rates and the soy tax to their former 
level without recourse to other fresh sources of taxa- 
tion : — These reforms to be effected at the 14th Session 
of the Diet. At a gathering at the Koto Nakamuraro 
Tokio, later in the year, November 17, at which speeches 
were delivered by Count Dkuma and Viscounts Tani and 
Miura, the fallowing programme was sanctioned :— (i) 
Administrative adjustment in the army and navy, Formosa, 
and all other directions. Restoration of three taxes above 
specified to their old rates without recourse to new 
sources of taxation, (2.) Active conduct of foreign affairs, 
extension of national interests and prestige, preservation 
of the territorial integrity of China and Korea, (3.) Re- 
duction of unproductive enterprises in the Budget, en- 
couragement of education, development of national re- 
sources, rapid completion of means of communication and 
transport and of works for preventing floods, (4.) Reform 
of the abuses of officialdom, and of the evil of in- 
terference with elections, (5.) Suitable steps in accord 
with party principles and decision of Representatives to 
be taken to deal with matters coming up at the ensuing 
Session of the Diet. 

Thus their continued opposition to the Government 
was in the main based upon the question of taxation. 
It is also worthy of note that the preservation of the 
integrity of China and Korea is made a plank in their 
platform a matter upon which they have dealt with 
much insistence ever since. 

The Kenscito had in the interval between the 13th 
and 14th Sessions reniaincd staunch in its allegiance to 
the Cabinet. On November 15, 1899, Messrs Hoshi, 



Ixiy : — The Political Parties of Japan, 445 

Matsuda, Suematsu and Hayashi were appointed General 
Commissioners and they adopted as the policy of the 
party for the next Session, (i.) The extension of the 
franchise, (2.) State purchase of private railways and the 
completion of projected lines, (3.) State defrayment of 
local prison expenditure, (4.) Abolition of the Law of 
Political Associations, etc. They also deemed it their 
duty to obtain the fruit of their support of the Cabinet. 

The 14th Session of the Diet, which was formally 
opened on November 22, 1899, ^^^^ '^ predecessor, 
passed without striking incident. The KensHhonto lost no 
time in opening fight over the question which ihcy had 
declared to have at heart. But the Government still re- 
tained its hold over the Kemeito which admitted of the 
administration being conducted and legislation enacted 
without friction. 

The proposals of the opposition for the restoration of 
the three taxes to their old rate were rejected by the 
House of Representatives on the 8th of December. 

The business of the Session included the passing of 
the Revived Election Law which became operative for 
the first time on August 10, 1902. The law was pub- 
lished as Law No. 73 March 28, 1900, and amended 
slightly by Law No. 38 of April 4, 1903. It is divided 
into 13 chapters which treat of, (i.) Electoral districts, 
(2.) Rights of electing and of being eligible for election, 
(3.) Election lists, (4.) Elections, voting and voting 
places, (5.) Control of voting places, (6.) Opening of 
ballot boxes and places for the oi^cning of ballot boxes, 
(7.) Election meetings, (8.) Elected persons, (9.) Term of 
membership and elections to fill vacancies, (10.) Lawsuits 
about elections and the results of elections, (i i.) Punitive 



446 Lay :— The Political Parties of Japan, 

regulations, (12.) Supplementaay regulations, (13.) Ad- 
ditional regulations. The number of members is raised 
from 300 to 381, and there are 73 representatives of City 
and 308 of Country districts. Voting districts correspond 
with the limits of Cities, towns and villages. No altera- 
tion is to be made in the membership or areas for ten 
years. No property qualification is now necessary in the 
case of Candidates, while the annual payment of land 
tax or other direct national taxes by electors is reduced 
.from 15 to \6 yen. Another important change introduc- 
ed is voting by secret ballot. A relative majority of the 
total number of ballots secured election under the old 
Law, but it is now necessary that Candidates should 
have not less than one fifth of the number obtained by 
dividing the total number of persons borne in the elec- 
toral lists by the fixed number of members for the dis- 
tricts in question. The alterations made in the law are 
liieant to minimize the possibility of corruption, to ensure 
secrecy and to bring it into line as regard details with 
recent legislation. . ; 

In several places the date of the taking effect of the 
New Law remains to be specially determined by Im- 
•"• periaV Ordinance, so that the ^number elected in August 
falls somewhat short of the full number. 

The number of persons possessing electoral rights on the 
36th of April 1902 was 967,227, of whom 67,979 were city 
electors, 896,646 in country districts and 2602 in Islands. 

Biit the Kcnscito became more and more dissatisfied 
with the portion that fell to them as their reward for 



* Niihi Nichi Shimbitn. 

t On October 4, 1 900 the *' Club " placed the probable number under 
the now Klection Law at 796,578. 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 447 

idirig the Government. They ^ found that Marquis Ya- 
lagata placed his own opinion before theirs and fancied 
hat his attitude was one of disdain of party interference. 
^Negotiations took place between them and the Govem- 
nent in March and April and as a result new civil 
ervice regulations were issued 27, April 1900. With 
hese on which they had been building their hopes of 
idmittance, to places under the Government, they were 
11 pleased. They did not think that party participation 
!n office had sufficient weight attached to it. They were 
unwilling, however, to precipitate a crisis as the wedding 
3f His Imperial Highness, tlie Crown Prince was to 
take place on the lOth of May. Accordingly they de- 
layed action until the 17th of that month, when, at a 
meeting of adherents of the party, it was resolved that it 
was not desirable to continue the status quo with the 
Government. 

On May 20, in consequence of the regulations, pro- 
viding for cases which should not fall within the purview 
of the Civil Service Regulations the offices of Chief 
Secretary to the Cabinet and of Chief of Secretariat . in 
the various Departments were able to be filled from the 
ranks of party men. Still displeased, the General Com- 
missioners paid a formal visit to Marquis Yamagata, and 
the conference which took place led to a declaration that 
the Kenseito would act independently of the Cabinet for 
the future. They subsequently proceeded to call upon 
Marquis Ito towards whom their hopes had turned as 
soon as it became evident that they would break with 
the Yamagata Cabinet, and invited the Marquis to enter 
their party as its Head. They were told that the 
matter would receive careful consideration and oii July 



448 Lay : — The Political Parties of Jc^pau. 

8, they at length obtained a promise from Marquis Ito 
that he would join with the Kenseito in bringing together 
a party of which he would assume the leadership. 
Count Inoue took a great part in the work. In a few 
weeks time the project was ripe, for fulfilment. On 
August 25, 1900 the projected formation of the Rikken 
Seiyukwai (Party of Friends of Constitutional Govern- 
ment) (it ,^ j^ 2^ '#), successor to the Jiyufo and the 
Kenseito was announced. The principles of the reconstruct- 
ed party were enunciated in the following terms : — 

(i.) The party would dutifully guard the Constitution, 
and would, conformably ' to its provisions, perfect the 
working of the Sovereign Power, and so carry out 
important national undertakings and maintain the rights 
and liberties of all the people, (2.) Bearing in mind the 
comprehensive plans of the Restoration, they would 
labour in the cause of civilization, by assisting in their 
execution and so promoting the fortunes of the country, 
(3.) They were desirous of perfecting the organs of ad- 
ministration and of preserving their impartiality and 
would aim at making selection (for office) unbiassed, 
simplification of business the making clear where re- 
sponsibility lay, a well disciplined officialdom, smart ex- 
ecution of business, — all which things must be made to 
follow the spirit of the times, (4.) Importance should be 
attached to foreign affairs and friendship with treaty 
nations should be strengthened, and they should labour 
for a civilized administration wh ch would be a security 
to foreigners and prove Japan to be a law-governed 
country, (5.) National defences must be brought to a 
state erf* perfection to accord with the condition of aflatrs 
at home and abroad, and' the national rights should be 



Lay: — TIte Political Pities of Japan. 449 

properly protected so as to keep pace with the develop- 
ment of the national resources, (6.) The national founda- 
tion should be firmly laid by the promotion of educa- 
tion, the development of the national character so that 
they might all perform their duty to the nation, (7.) The 
financial existence of the country to be placed on a live 
basis by the encouragement of agriculture, industry navi- 
gation, and commerce, and the facilitation of communica- 
tion, (8.) Local self government to be made the means 
of uniting the various units, socially and economically, 
(9.) They would respect their party responsibilities to- 
wards the nation, and labour for the public benefit cir- 
cumspectly and in avoidance of long standing evils. 

The Committee of organization of the Seiyukwai con- 
sisted of Baron Suematsu, Messrs Hoshi, Matsuda and 
Hayashi, General Commissioners of the KensHto, and 
Marquis Saionji, Viscount Watanabe, Barons Honda and 
Kaneko, Messrs Haseba Junko, Watanabe Koki, Coka 
Ikuzo, Tsuzuki Keiroku. 

On August 27. Mr. Ozaki Yukio was expelled from 
the Progressionist Parly because of his expressed desire 
to dissolve the party and unite with the new association. 
Subsequently in a circular addressed to the constituencies 
they blamed him for his action in the matter. 

On September 13, 1900 the Kenseito finally met to 
dissolve and make way for the Rikken Seiyukwai. 

The perfection of constitutional Government was declar- 
ed to be the desired end of the change which had been 
accomplished. 

It is to be noted tliat the party accepted Marquis Ito 
on his own conditions and knowing that his views as to 
Government by party did not coincide with their own. 



\ 



450 Lay; — T/ie Political Pcxrtks of Japan, 

The inaugural ceremony of the Seiyukwai was perform- 
ed at the Imperial Hotel Tokio, on September 15. 
- By the Progressists the Seiyukwai was not regarded 
with favour. Count Okuma took an early opportunity of 
delivering a speech in which, while rejoicing that one of 
the clan statesmen had showed the progress of the nation 
by accepting party influence as inevitable, he remarked 

that he was not disposed to do anything in the way of 
co-operation or union. 

, To counterbalance the weight lent to the Seiyukivai by 
the leaderships of Marquis Ito, the Kenseilwntd decided 
towards the end of 1900 to request Count Okuma to be- 
come the head, formally, of their organization. On the 
f8th of December the party was re-organized at a general 
meeting held in Tokio, the Count becoming President, 
and a business committee of five members being appointed. 
It is of interest to note the formation and comparative- 
ly brief existence of a political association called the 
Kokumindomei-kwai (^ E 13 S& ^), National Union. Or- 
ganized in September 1900 when the future of China 
seemed doubtful, it was dissolved on April 27, 1902, the 
objects of the union namely the preservation of the terri- 
torial integrity of China and the restoration of tranquility 
there, being deemed to have been assured by the con- 
clusion of the Anglo-Japanese agreement and the signature 
of the Treaty between Russia and China regarding Man- 
churia. Prince Konoe, President of the Upper House, 
was President of the Association, and Messrs Inukai Ki 
and Sasa Tomofusa were leading spirits in it. It was 
supported by the 'foa do-lmn kivai (East Asia Common 
Script Society) and by the Progressiv^es, but was regard- 
ed with open hostility by the Seiyukivai and with dis- 



Lay: — The Political Partes of Japan. 451 

pleasure by the Government. It is no uncommon thint; 
in Japan for political associations to be formed for speci- 
fic purposes and to be dissolved on tlie fulfilment of 
these objects, and the Kokumin domei kzvai is but one 
instance out of many which have occurred during the 
past twenty years. 

The resignation of the Yamagata Cabinet had been de- 
layed by the Boxer troubles in China and the inadvisa- 
bility of change of government until tranquility had been 
substantially restored. Consequently it was not until 
October 19, that Marquis ltd formed his Cabinet, the 
majority of the members of which belonged to the Sei- 
yukzvcd. 

Of the old Jiyuto leaders, Baron Suematsu held the 
portfolio of Home affairs. Mr. Matsuda of Education, 
Mr. Hayashi of Agriculture and Commerce, Mr. Hayashi 
of Communications. Much regret was felt that Count 
Inoue was not included, as he was expected to hold a 
portfolio. This may be called the second Party Cabinet 
in Japan, and it was looked upon at the time as a trans- 
fer of the rems of power from the older statesmen into 
the hands of younger men. Marquis Ito being the only 
veteran remaining. But like its predecessor it suffered 
from lack of homogeneity. 

With regard to the Teikohito they were at first inclin- 
ed to lend their countenance to the new Ministr)-, but 
on December 19, they passed ^ resolution to the effect 
that its attitlide towards the Constitution in the interpre- 
tation of the doctrine of responsibility violated their 
principles. 

The weakest feature in the Cabinet was the holding of 
the portfolio of Finance by Viscount Watanabe. Belong- 



4? 2 Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan, 

ing to Shinshu, originally not a party man and* averse to 
Government by party, the Viscount had consented with 
reluctance to join the Seiyukwai, He was appointed 
chairman of the General Committee in the beginning, but 
was dei)oscd from that post shortly afterwards owing to 
serious differences of opinion between himself and the 
other members of the Committee. The latter issued a 
ver)' vioJLMit manifesto attacking him whereupon Marquis 
Ito removed all the fifteen members of the committe, 
subsequently re-appointing twelve of them, nominating 
Mr. Ozaki Yukio in the place of Viscount Watanabe. 
Thus Viscount Watanabe took office under most unfavour- 
able circumstances, and his appointment was greeted with 
much opposition. During the ensuing six months his re- 
lations with his colleagues of the Seiyukwai grew more 
and more strained. Frequent expression of desire for his 
retirement was the subject of newspaper articles. The 
agitation against him canie to a head early in April 
1901. He then announced, in his capacity as Finance 
Minister, that the execution of certain undertakings pro- 
vided for in the budget which had just bedn passed and 
had taken effect from the ist of that month, would re- 
quire to be postponed in view of the impossibility of 
raising the domestic loan contemplated in the same esti- 
mates. This announcement was met with a storm of in- 
dignation. He was accused of being utterly lacking in 
sense of responsibility. This alteration of his own pro 
posals in such a radical manner immediately after thei 
acceptance by the Diet, was held to be a demonstratio 
of his unfitness to control the national finances. Viscou 
Watanabe, however resolutely refuced to resign unless 
company with his colleagues. He disclaimed individ 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 453 

responsibility in the matter, maintaining that the Cabinet 
liad as a body agreed that postponement of some of the 
national undertakings was inevitable, and that lie would 
stand or fall with the others. 

On April 20, five of the Ministers, all prominent mem- 
bers of the Seiyukiuaif conveyed to Marquis Ito a warn- 
ing of their intention to leave office if the services of 
Viscount Watanabe were retained. It was subsequently 
thought that a compromise had been arrived at by mutual 
concession on points of finance and that the matter would 
be allowed to drop. But disputes again arose within the 
Cabinet, and outside of it private members of the SeiyFi- 
kwai showed a disinclination to allow the Finance Min- 
ister to continue in office ; a committee elected at a 
meeting of the party sought and obtained an appointment 
for an interview with Marquis Ito in order to lay their 
views before him. The interview was fixed for the 2nd 
of May, but on the morning of that day the Premier 
suddenly repaired to tha Palace and handed in his re- 
signation, to the surprise of the public generally. Marquis 
Saionji took the vacated place, temporarily. 

The political crisis lasted exactly one month. On Mar- 
quis Ito's resignation a conference of the elder statesmen. 
Marquis Yamagata, Marquis Saigo, Count Matsukata, and 
Count Inoue was summoned by the Emperor. They con- 
cluded that there was no alternative to an Ito Cabinet at 
the moment and invited the Marquis to re-consider his 
decision. The newspapers too of all shades of opinion 
were practically unanimous in the view that no one but 
Marquis ltd was in a position to form a cabinet which 
should contain any of the elements of stabih'ty, because of 
his command of a majority in the House of Repre- 



454 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 



sentatives. This demonstrates the light in which the in- 
iluence of political parties had now come to be regarded. 
]kit Marquis Ito proved unyielding. Further conferences 
of the elder Statesmen and negotiation between them and 
the late Premier were of no avail. The delay led to 
much criticism of the older statesmen. It was argued 
that it was their duty to find a way out of the difficulty 
but that instead of boldly grasping the situation, each 
one tried to shift the responsibility on to the shoulders 
of some one else. The people were tired of their in- 
action and if they were unable to perform their former 
functions, they should retire from the political arena, 
making way for younger and more vigorous men. 

As the resolve of Marquis Ito not to come forward 
again in the meantime turned out to be unalterable, owing 
pcirtly, it was said, to his unwillingness to face the House 
of Peers until his relations with Marquis Yamagata re- 
gained their old friendly footing, Viscount Katsura was 
sent for by the Emperor on the 26th May and com- 
manded to do his best to form a Cabinet. 

On June 2nd the Katsura Cabinet was gazetted. It 
w as a new departure in that it was not under the leader- 
.shi[), nor did it contain any of the elder statesmen, whose 
presence had hitherto been considered essential in a Cabi- 
net. On the other hand, no representatives of political 
parties were included in its composition. In the estima- 
tion of those who believe in the future of political parties, 
it thus marked a transition stage between the relinquish- 
ment of power on tlie part of the statesmen who had 
controlled the administration of modern Japan, and the 
final triumph of political parties and the assumption of 
Governing Authority by their leaders. 



Lay : — The Political I\irties of Japan. 455 

The attitude taken up by the Seiyukwai towards the 
new Cabinet may be characterized as of indifferent neu- 
trality. Marquis It5 had exerted his influence to prevent 
the party from becoming hostile on trivial grounds, be- 
seeching them publicly not to offer opposition to the in- 
coming Government unless their method of conducting 
public affairs demanded it. 

With regard to the Progressives, they were inclined 
to stand by the Cabinet and negotiations were entered 
into with a view to an understanding, But no definite 
agreement waa concluded and the Progressives have 
continued in a position of benevolent neutrality. 

Early in the year there had occurred a secession from 
the ranks of this party over the question of taxation. 
Count Dkuma carrying the majority of the party with 
him supported the proposals of the Government for in- 
creased taxation on the score of national necessity. Those 
of opposite views, practically the Old Kakushinto coterie 
including Messrs Kudo Kokan, Chigashi Gitetsu, Suzuki 
Juen, Baron Kusumoto, etc., severed their connection with 
the party on February 18. They styled themselves the 
Sanshi Club (H IS)i because they were thirty four in 
number and the year of secession was the thirty fourth 
year of Meiji. Since then they have kept apart, holding 
and advocating their own views, although there has been 
talk of their return to their old party and their votes are 
reckoned as available as a rule for the Progressives. 

The Imperialists passed a resolution of confidence in 
the ministry. 

It was expected at first that the Katsura Cabinet would 
be a mere stop gap, but it passed successfully through 
the sixteenth session of the Diet, and indeed holds at 



4 -4 L^U —Th^ /i/AV^-^'»/ ^^^^^ 

sciiuitivcs. This demonstrates thr 

ll-.jciicc of political parties had r 

]kit Marquis Ito proved uny« 

c.fthc elder Statesmen and 

the late Premier were 

much criticism of th 

that it was their d* 

but that instead 

one tried to p' 

of some o*" 

action an 

functio' .^^^^^ of the * C.ncral Election which ^°^\w^c 

'' .fii^t \o was a victory for the Seiyu-kiVi^^ ^ .^^^ 
,"'^5 to be sonic doubt about the exact fi^ -.^-d 
'^^' flffiniin gives the following as the estimn^'' 
' /,v' the Authorities : — t 

SciyTi-kuHii, . . 

!Kcnsd'hont7) 
Sanshi Ckib 
Niigata Progressives 
Imperialists 
Indeix^ndent 



.J cwr 

jrisis over 

the action 

,cti members 

jj-ty and sup- 

ed 'in the line 

/he government 

..c of the recalcitrant ^^^ ^^^^^^ 
akuguro, Shigeno Kenjiro, 

enced 



• • • 



■ • • • • • 



• • • • • • 



Total 

X The Moji election has yet to take 




illegality in the voting. The lutmiin however, give? 



375 _ ^^ -^"^ 
place owin-^==^^ ^-^ 



- f J 



■«• Prior lo tlur election llie Mini>lor for Home Af)airs issued iib ^ $ 
lions to tho Local (lovcrnors, cnjuininj; non-intorferencc and afwolutc 
j^artiality. 

t These arc the liiiiiro- "ivcn bv llic Xichi Xichi. %'• 

\ 'J'ook place on (.)ctol)er lo, n^»2, Nxlien a candidate in syaijul ^ 
with the Seivh'kiL'iii was elected. 



V 



-Tilt Politkal Parlici of Jap 



457 



mate of tho Seiyu-kwai figures, while the 

K), crcditint^ the Piofjressives with 112. 

~hiinl'iin, an orf^aii of tlie Progressionists 

ract is laktn. 

'Iikh appeared in the colutims of the 

' October /J, ip02 : — 

•■ readers are axvarc, occupies a 

., tlic liistory of Japanese political 

1 a ]ilura!it)' in llic House of Reprcsent- 

iierc majority as compared witii any otiier 

.iirality of tlie wliolc House. Hitherto the 

political association in tho country could 

be stronger tiiaii any rival, and the conse- 

lat combinations and consultations were 

der to carry any measure whether for or 

vcrnnient. Not infrequently tl-e extreme 

iry illoy;icality was witnessed — a small 

ticians holding the casting vote and beiiig 

control the whole situation. But the 

1 now muster force superior to the com- 
of all its rivals. If it decides to oppose 
;xt session, one of two things must ensue 
xnge of Cabinet or a dissolution of the 

To Enj^lLshmcn it will doubtless appear 
I Ministry should attempt to remain in 
the support of a majority in the I^wer 
arlianieiitary affairs in Japan arc not yet 
British models. The present Cabinet as- 
■ith open disavowal of parliamentary sup- 
!cnts the familiar chjBen shtigi, or inde- 
, which is one of the transition stages 
ucracy to constitutional institutions. It 



45 6 Ixiy : — The Political Parties of Japan, 

present (September 1902), a stronger position than ever 
owing to its conduct of affairs having on the whole met 
with the approval of the people. A threatened crisis over 
the proposals of the Budget was averted by the action 
of the more moderate section of the Seiyukwai members 
who showed their intention to leave tlie party and sup- 
port the Government if the former persisted in the line 
it had adopted regarding the estimates. The Government 
consequently triumphed, but the Seiyukwai took venge- 
ance by ex{)elling some of the recalcitrant members, 
Messrs Inoue Kakugoro, Shigeno Kenjiro, and Den 
Kenjiro. 

The result of the * General Election which commenced 
on August 10 was a victory for the Seiyu-kwai. There 
appears to be some doubt about the exact figures, but 
the Jimmin gives the following as the estimate arrived 
at by the Authorities : — f 

Seiyu-kwai 192 

lu'nsei-honto 88^ 

Sanshi Club 

Niigata Progressives 

Imperialists 

Independent 



Progressives 



••• ••• ••• 



• • • • • 




Total 375 

X The Moji election has yet to take place owing to 
illegality in the voting. The Jimmin however, gives 199 



* Prior to the election the Minister for Home Affairs issued instruc- 
tions to the Local Governors, enjoining non-interference and absolute im- 
partiality. 

t These arc the figures given by the A7<7// Xichi. 

\ Took place on October lo, 1902, when a candidate in sympathy, 
with the Stiyn-kwai was elected. 



Lay : — Th€ Political Parties of Japan, 457 

as its own estimate of the Seiyu-kivai figures, while the 
AsaJii gives 190, crediting the Progressives with 112. 
from the Hochi S/iimhm, an organ of the Progressionists 
to the following extract is taken. 

Footnote : — Article which appeared in the columns of the 
" fapan Daily Mail'' on October ij, igo2 : — 

The Seiyu-kwaiy as our readers are aware, occupies a 
position unique in the history of Japanese political 
parties. It has a pluralit)' in the House of Represent- 
atives—not a mere majority as compared with any other 
party, but a plurality of the whole House. Hitherto the 
most powerful political association in the country could 
only claim to be stronger than any rival, and the conse- 
quence was that combinations and consultations were 
necessary in order to carry any measure whether for or 
against the Government. Not infrequently tlx' extreme 
of parliamentary illogicality was witnessed — a small 
coterie of politicians holding the casting vote and being 
thus enabled to control the whole situation. But the 
SeiyH'kwai can now muster. force superior to the com- 
bined strength of all its rivals. If it decides to oppose 
the Ministry next session, one of two things must ensue 
— either a change of Cabinet or a dissolution of the 
Lower House. To Englishmen it will doubtless appear 
strange that a Ministry should attempt to remain in 
office without the support of a majority in the Ia)wer 
House. But parliamentary affairs in Japan are not yet 
in accord with British models. The present Cabinet as- 
sumed office with open disavowal of parliamentary sup- 
port. It represents the familiar chozen shugi, or inde- 
pendent policy, which is one of the transition stages 
from a bureaucracy to constitutional institutions. It 



458 Lay : — Tlie Political Parties of Jafi^n, 

takes its mandate from the Throne alone, and does not 
acknowledge direct responsibility to any political party. 
If, then, the Seiyu-hwai should marshal its forces against 
the Ministry next session, the Cabinet would be logically 
following the rule of its existence did it send the mem- 
bers back to their constituencies, a sentence which ihe 
members, having just incurred the expense and trouble 
of a general election, will naturally be most anxious to 
avoid. Neither is it likely that things will ever be 
pushed to such a flagrant issue. The Seiyukwai is 
under the leadership of Marquis Ito, who, more than 
any statesman in the country, enjoys the Sovereign's 
confidence. Marquis Ito's attitude towards the present 
Cabinet is avowedly directed by the principle of mini- 
sterial stability. Strongly opposed to ephemeral tenure 
of office, he desires to educate among politicians a con- 
viction that the interests of party must always be 
sacrificed to those of State, at least to the extent of the 
disturbing the occupants of the seats of power merely 
because of their occupation. So long as that process of 
education can be continued without over-straining the 
cohesion of the Seiyu-kivai, Marquis Ito is likely to con- 
tinue it, and when it becomes difficult to continue, we 
may be sure that the necessary readjustments will be 
effected without anything like a crisis. 
Progressives, gives the figures as : — 

Progressives Il8 

Seiyu'kivai i88 

Imperialists 19 

Independent 50 



k.. 



Tmv : — The Politic at Parties of Japan. 459 

In any case, * the party led by Marquis Ito will com- 
mand a clear majority in the next House of Represent- 
atives. Whether or not it will be a compact body is 
quite another question. During its brief existence the 
party has not enjoyed much freedom from internal dis- 
sension. From time to time there have been rumours 
that it would dissolve and a union be effected between 
a section of its members and the Progressives. Already 
it is said to be divided over the land tax question vvh'ch 
promises to constitute one of the most difficult problems 
by which the Diet will be confronted in its seventeenth 
session (1902-03). 

Political parties have now become a distinct power in 
the land and the day may come when they shall readi 
the final goal of their ambition, namely the control of 
the administration. From small and insij^nificant begin- 
nings they have gradually progressed in influence and in 
organization. As by degrees they have been getting rid 
of their unruly and dangerous elements and learning to 
a greater extent the lesson of responsibility, they have 
more and more gained the popular confidence. Possess- 
ing practically the power of the purse, — for in the Diet 
the House of Representatives has the first say as to the 
details of the Budget presented by the Government, — 
they have always to be reckoned with. And with the 
perfection of their organization, and the growth of their 
experience they will have to be more and more taken 
into account in the future. The power which the Lower 
House can exercise is indeed limited by the Constitu- 
tion, and failing to obtain its consent to the Budget, the 

* See Footnote — (Extract from Article in Japan Daily Mail of Oclu- 
l^cr 13, 1902). 



40o 



Laiv : — The Political JhrtiiS of Japan. 



GovcintiKnt can order dissolution and the estimates for 
the current financial year are then again adopted. But 
no statesman can afford to neglect political parties or 
hope to carry on the affairs of the State for long in face 
(:'{ the opposition of a majority in the House of Repre- 
sentatives. One of the greatest of Japan's Statesmen — 
Count (>kuma — has from the early days been closely as- 
sociated with one of the principal parties, and Marquis 
Ito recently consented to throw in his lot with the other 
large pirty. Party Cabinets have already been attempt- 
ed, but have so far not proved a success. With a 
longer trial, however, there is no reason why they 
should not some day be a recognized feature of the 
national polity. There are some who sneer at the 
I)arties ar.d minimi/e the importance of the field of 
work lying before them. These are not the more 
serious students of modern Japanese history. We have 
seen in this sketch how the parties have gradually de- 
veloped and advanced and that the most able of states- 
men feel — and the feeling is constantly more and more im- 
portant — that they are no longer a ncgligeable quantity, 
but that they must be considered and consulted and 
their assistance sought. With the retirement, which can- 
not now be long delayed, of the elder statesmen from the 
arena of poHtics, will come the opportunity for the 
party men. Within the limits of the Constitution of 
Ja|)an tliere is ample room foi the exercise of large 
l)()wtrs by political i)arties. Considering the brief 
period which has elapsed since political parties l:ad tlieir 
origin in Japan, and making due allowance for the faults 
incident to youth, one cannot but be struck with the 
position they have now attained. It is true that char*T:es 



Lay : — The Political Parties of Japan. 461 

of bribery and corruption have from time to time been 
justly brought against many of their members. It is 
also true that at a time when they hesitated to grant 
the expenditure deemed necessary for national require- 
ments, the House of Representatives cheerfully voted an 
increase in the annual allowances of members from 800 
to 2,000 yen. But when times of national emergency 
have come, all parties have united to sink their 
differences arid devoted themselves wholeheartedly to face 
and overcome the difficulty and danger. And to their 
credit must be placed the fact that they have assisted in 
securing a large measure of liberty to the subject and of 
freedom for the press and political associations. 

There have of course been unruly scenes in the Lower 
House at times, but on the whole, in the conduct of 
business, it may be said to compare not unfavourably 
w'ith Representative Bodies in other parts of the world. 

With regard to representation, the agricultural interest 
preponderates, as so many of the members arc of the 
agricultural class, the mercantile world being represented 
in only a small degree. 

That there have been no distinct and well defined 
party issues may be traced to the fact that feudalism 
gave place so suddenly to a modern state of society. 
No doubt there was a period of preparation for the 
change, but the old was transformed into the new with- 
out any very marked transition period. The leaders of 
thought and those who have taken up the work of 
national rejuvenation have consequently all been men of 
progressive tendencies. For it was clear that Japan 
must advance rapidly, and in the same direction as the 
West, if she wished to take her place as she has now 
done, on terras of absolute equality among the Nations. 



4^)2 Lay : — Tlic Political Parties of Japan, 

Tliorough reform and reorganization were a vital neces- 
sity, and at the same time this truth was so apparent to 
intelligent minds that in Japan those whose thoughts 
have preferred to revert for guidance to the past have 
had few followers during the past thirty years — parti- 
cularly in the political world. The outcome has been 
that all the parties, with the exception of very minor 
and negligeable groups, have been advocates of reform 
and progress and staunch upholders of the Hberty of the 
subject. With all this, loyalty to the Emperor has never 
for a moment been lost sight of by any of the parties 
and their programmes have been filled with laudable de- 
sires for the dignity of the Imperial House. Another 
reason for vagueness of programme appears to be the 
comparatively subordinate part played by political parties 
in the Government of the country. Inability until recently, 
to carry out plans, at times prevents their being made. 
That they have frequently opposed the Government in 
cases where opposition for its own sake has been the 
only recognizable principle cannot be gainsaid. It must, 
however, be remembered that they have all along Keen 
struggling for a share in the administration, to give 
effect to their contention that the Government .should be 
not only representative of one class or section of the 
population but be carried on by the nominees of the 
l)cople under the Imperial authority. In a recent paper 
read before the Asiatic Society, Mr. Chamberlain re- 
ferred to the intensely democratic nature of the Japanese 
people. In the rise of political parties we have an 
illustration of this phase of the national character, side 
by side with marked reverence for the Emperor. The 
desire for equality and the revolt against the controlling 
iiifluoncc of a Hvurow cutcrie has all along been exhibited. 



k 



r 



atalogue cf recently published Japanese Books^ 



I sincerely trust that the Catalogue herewith presented 
to the members of the Asiatic Society may be of material 
service in the promotion of Japanese studies. One of the 
most desirable results would be a large increase in the 
number of valuable papers prepared for the Society's 
Transactions, the main purpose of this Catalogue being to 
point members to the sources through which information 
may be derived. The Catalogue does not pretend to be 
either complete or scientifically arranged ; so long as it 
serves ils purpose I shall be satisfied. 

I may add that I shall be at all times happy to act as 
intermediary either in procuring books or in having 
rough translations prepared, or in any other wa>' for 
members who are not in a position to do such things for 
themselves. 

Arthur Lloyd. 
56. Tsukiji, Tokyo December 1903. Hon. Lib. 



Religion. 

Ichimai Kishomon Tanshin Sho. ^-^tfe^lrl^itiii fS^* 
^otes on a Buddhistic book on faith. Author Shanion 
Tlyucho. Publisher Komeisha. Price Yen, 0.12. 

Fubo-on-ju Kyo Kogi. :X l5:®liJK^^- lectures on 



k 



464 Catalogue of Books, 

the Fubo-oii-ju Ky5, a Buddhistic book on parents' grace. 
Author Yamada Kodo. Publisher Koyiikwan. Price 
Yen, 0.12. 

Fukwan Zazcngi Senyo. ^-||!|/^jj$^^|c- Notes on 
the Fukwan Zazengi, a Buddhistic book on religious 
meditation. Author Ouchi Seiran. Publisher Komeisha. 
Price Yen, o.io 

Murakami Hakase Bukkyo Koron Shu. ;H'ilfild^l^ 
tic liH uft ^ A collection of Prof. Murakami's lectures 
and essays on Buddhism. Vol. I. Author Murakami 
Sensho. Publisher Komeisha. Price Yen, 1.50. 

Rinri to ShOkyo to no Kwankei. fft-j^ i J^tic £ ©BB 
^. Relation between ethics and religion. Author Ino- 
uyc Tetsujiro. Publisher P^usambo. Price Yen, 0.4b. 

Anshin Ritsumei Dan. ^j&jfc'ft'llE. A talk on peace 
of mind and faith. Author Murakami Sensho. Publisher 
Tctsugaku Shoin. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Sanron Gengi Kowa Roku. Hl^~^^^^^- Lectures 
on the Sanron Gengi, a Buddhistic book. Author Maeda 
lum. Publisher Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shinshu Shichi-so no Taiko. ^Rn'^'blfi:^::^!^- Arti- 
cles of faith of the seven Fathers of the Shinshii, a Bud- 
dhistic sect. Author Saito Yuishin. Publisher K6yuk\van. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Shinshu Yoryo. J^^lc^fi- A brief description of the 
Shinshu, a Buddhistic sect. Author Murakami Sensho. 
Publisher Tetsugaku Shoin. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Sekkyo Hiyu Gowa Roku. |ftt5:^"fe>g^^-^. A col- 
lection of parables to be adopted for sermons. Author 
Yasuda Tokunin. Publisher Bunmeido. Price Yen, 0.45. 

Sonken Hakase Rinri teki Shukyo-ron Hihan Shu. ^ 
m'^±^mt^\%mkW(^%' a criticism on Prof. Ino- 



Catalogue of Books. 465 

iye*s " Ethical Religion." Author Akiyama Goan. Pub- 
isher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.80. 

Gojin no Shukyo. "?5A07j?%- ^"J" religion, a layman's 
'iew of Buddhism. Author Akatsuki Ubin. Publisher 
^umnieido. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Sodoshu Shushoji Sokkyo Daizen. Wf|^>i^fiE^^i%% 
^^. A collection of sermons of the Sotoshu, a Buddhistic 
ect. Author Sotdshu Shiimukyoku. Publisher Koyu- 
:wan. Price Yen, o 70. 

Seishin Kowa. ^ijBlt^^- Lectures on spiritual culture. 
Vuthor Kiyozawa Manshi. Publisher Bummeido. Price 
fen, 0.30. 

Roppo-rai-kyo Kowa. AS>l!fJjSiS^.^^- Lectures on the 
^.oppo-rai-kyo, a Buddhistic book. Author Ouchi Seiran. 
Publisher Komeisha. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Gakud6-y5jin-shu Kogi. $M ^#(!>^ ^^* lectures 
>n the Gakudo-yojin-shu, a Buddhistic book on the way 
>f Buddha. Author Yamada K5d6. Publisher Koyukwan. 
Price Yen, 0.30. 

Murakami Hakase Koen-shu. # ^b IH ^T 91 K^- A 
:ollection of Prof. Murakami's lectures and speeches. 
'Vuthor Murakami Sensho. Publisher Bummeido. Price 
^'en, 0.25. 

Gusha-ron Tasshi. {^^ Sfi^i^iu:^- Lectures on the Gu- 
»ha-ron (a Buddhist book.) Author Murakami Sensho. 
Publisher Tetsugakushoin. Pi ice Yen, 0.25. 

Gunjin to ShiJkyo, !JX i J^tSC- Soldiers and Reli- 
gion. Author Takemoto Kiyozo. Publisher Kyobun- 
lAvan. Price Yen, 0.02. 

Morumonkyo to Morumonkydto. W^f^'tflt W^f\ 
}ki&' On Mormonism and Mormons. Autlior Taka- 
Lashi Goro. Publisher Jujiya. Price Yen, 0.75. 



4^6 Catalogue of Boohs. 

Bukkyo Rinri no Jissen. %WkM © ffS- Practice 
in Buddhistic morals. Author Hanada Ry5un. Pubh'shcr 
Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Bukkyo Kaikaku Dan. ift ffe 2S[ $ ^. View on Bud- 
dhistic reformation. Author Kato Hiroyuki. Publisher 
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.12. 

Fukwan-zazen Kogi. ^Hl^lS^il' Lectures on the 
Fukwan-zazen, a Buddhistic book. Author Ouchi Seiran. 
Pubh'sher Komeisha. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Kishin-ron Tasshi. & j^gft^^. Lectures on the Kishin- 
-ron, a l^uddhistic book. Author Murakami Sensh5. 
Publisher Tetsugakushoin. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Kyudosha no Shiori. ^j|^^0^. A guide to Chris- 
tianity. Author Bessho Umenosuke. Publisher Kydbun- 
kwan. Price Yen, 0.05. 

Yubin-kyakufu to Shukyo. W&M'h ^ ^tfl- Postmen 
and religion (Christianity.) Author Okubo Rakujitsu. 
Publisher Kyobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.02. 

Shinshu Kyoshi. MfA^^- A history of Shinshu, a 
l^uddhislic sect. Author Maeda Eun. Publisher Bum- 
meido. Price Yen, 0.65. 

Shonin to Shukyo. "^A^^ ^^- Merchants and re- 
ligion (Christianity.) Author Abe Seiz5. Publisher Kyo- 
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.02. 

Shukyo Kaikaku An. ^^fS^fift^^. A layman's view 
on Buddhistic reformation. Author Inouye Enryd. Pub- 
lisher Tetsugakushoin. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Shinreijo no Shuyo. i6M_hCDiif||. On spiritual cul- 
ture based on Buddhism. .Vuthor Hamaguchi Esho. Pub- 
lisher Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Hikaku Shukyo Ippan J:^; ^ ^ fj^ — HJ. A gen- 
eral view on comparative religion. Author Kishi- 



Catalogue of Books. ^Gj 

moto Nobuta. Publisher Keiseisha. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Zengaku Okugi. jjli^M^- Mystery of the science of 
Zen. Author Fujinami Ichinyo. Publisher Bungakudo- 
shikwai. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Zenkai Kummo. |5?Kp|^. Elementary teaching on 
Zen precepts. Author Nishiarl Zenji. Publisher Koinei- 
sha. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Zengaku Kwatsumondo. Jflt^JS^^* Catechism on 
the .science of Zen. Author Kdmeisha. Publisher Ko- 
meisha. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Logic. 

Ronrigaku Koyo. ffijf 31 $ iW S- ^ book on logic. 
Authors Kuwaki Ganyoku and Sekiyama Tomi. Publisher 
Hakubunkvvan. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Philosophy. 

Nippon Kogaku-ha Tetsugaku. EI ^^'j&^iHR^^. Phi- 
losophy of the Kogaku School in Japan, a school of 
Confucianism which held the oldest way of interpreting 
Confucius' teaching. Author Inouye Tetsujiro. Publisher 
Fusambo. Price Yen, 1.60. 

Nippon Tetsugaku Yoron. B4^{$$1^|^- A brief 
s^ccount of Japanese philosophy. Author Arima Suke- 
masa. Publisher Koyukwan. Price Yen, 0.90. 

Waseda Sosho Tetsugaku Shiyo. ^fSffl^^g^ail?. 
A short history of philosophy. Author Kuwaki Genyoku. 
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 1.40. 

Sekai Shiso no Kwako Oyobi Shorai. ilt^JgliElCO^S 
^XJMF^' P«^st and future of Thought in the world. 
Author Hokki Keijir5. Publisher Tdyosha. Price Yen, 
0-15. 

Tetsugaku Koy5. f$^jP||. A short history of phi- 



J 



468 Catalogue of Books. 

losophy. Author Asanaga Sanjiro. Publisher Hobun- 
kwan. Price Yen, i.oo. 

Shizen-kai no Shimbi. Q^fJ-CD^fl- -Esthetics in 
Nature. Author Otsuki Ryu. Publisher Bungaku D5shi- 
kwai. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Shakwai-gaku to Tetsugaku. Sh^^ilS^- Sociolo- 
gy and philosophy. Author Hisamatsu Giten. Publisher 
Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Jinsei no Shimbi. A^v7)8ril- Esthetics of human 
life. Author Otsuki Ryu. Publisher Bungaku Ddshikvvai. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Bungaku no Shimbi. X^0Sf3§- -'Esthetics of litera- 
ture. Author Otsuki Ryu. Publisher Bungaku Doshi- 
kwai. Price Yen 0.25. 

Koto Nippon Shushin Sho. . ift*1?H:4:1if:l'#. A text 
book on elementary ethics for girls, to be used in higher 
e^ementaiy girls' schools. Author Bungakusha. Publis^her 
Bungakusha. Pi ice Yen, 075. 

Obei Kotoku Bidan. P|lt:5RS^^|fe. A collection of 
stories about public morals in Europe and America. 
Author and Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Yojohan Tetsugaku. KS-f"^^- An " Attic Philo- 
sopher." Author Hakugan Koji. Publisher Tetsugaku- 
shoin. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Genko Yoroku. ^ ^f ^ ¥A' A collection of moral 
stories. Author K\^'an Ryokuin. Publisher Hakubunkwan. 
Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shimpen Futsu Shinrigaku. fiftl^Jlfiii^a^- A hand 
book on psychology. Authors Takashima Heizaburo 
and Doi Kennosuke. Publisher Seibido. Price Yen, 
085. 

Fujo no Sluiyo. Wk^^^- A book on the culture 



Catalogue of Books. 469 

of woman. Author Kat5 Totsudo. Publisher Komeisha. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Kokumin Sah5 Kyohon. HRf^fifJC>f^. A text book 
on etiquette. Authors C'mura Daijiro and Watanabe 
Shoku. Publisher Kobunsha. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Teiyu Rinri Kwai Koen Shu. TSitSffilf^^- A 
collection of lectures on ethics. Vol. IX. Author Teiyii 
Rinri Kwai. Publisher Dai Nippon Zushokwaisha. Price 
Yen, 0.10. 

Tetsugaku Gairon Koyo. ®$<it|ft#i35- Elements 
of philosophy. Author Kat5 Genchi. Publisher Toyosha. 
Price Yen, 0.75. 

Kyoiku no Jissai ni Oyo shitaru Shinrigaku. %L^ 0^ 
fTRfUMRffl LIZh iOai^- Psychology as adapted to 
practical education- Author Tominaga Iwataro. Publisher 
Kinshodo. Price Yen, 0.45. 

Meiji Shakd Reishiki. ^^JpSt^JlSA' Modern Social 
etiquette. Author Yamada Bimyo. Publisher Aoki Su- 
zando. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Jissen Rinri Kogi. Sf Ift Ift" ?-l p)I IS- Lectures on 
practical ethics. Author Murakami Tatsugoro. Publisher 
Kanasashi. Price Yen, 0.80. 

Shosei Yokun. |K Ifir 1^ |lfi- Precepts on how to get 
on in the world. Author Honda Masujiro. Publisher 
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shinrigaku Shin Kyokwasho. ^(^^ a|^ ff ^ ?4 ^. A 
new text book on psychology. Authors Matsumoto K6- 
jiro and Fukurai Tomokichi. Publisher Fukyusha. Price 
Yen, 0.80. 

Shinrigaku Seigi. it^B^fi!}^- Principles of Psycho- 
logy. Author P'ukurai Tomokichi. Publisher D5bunk\van. 
Price Yen, 1.80. 



470 Catalogue of Books, 

Shimpen Shinrigaku. ^11)681^. A new text book: 
on Psychology. Author Malsumoto Kojiro. Publisher 
Seibido. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Shiayo Dan. ^^^' On self culture. Author Matsu- 
iiuna Kaiseiki. Publisher Keiseisha. Price Yen, c.23. 

Chugaku Kyoiku Motora Shi Rinri Sho. H'^tfcl^TC 
liRI&'S^- A text book on ethics for Middle Schools. 
Author Motora Yujiro. Publisher Seibidd. Price Yen, 
1.20. 

Seiyo Rinrigaku Shi. iSJ^fH^SI^Stl- A history of 
Western ethics. Author Tsunajima Eiichiro. Publisher 
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 1.30. 

Zemma Tetsugaku. ^^ft^^* An essay on philoso- 
phy by a Buddhist. Author Aoyagi Yubi. Publisher 
Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.25 

Ethics. 

Rinri-gaku Teiyo. |||^ M ^ H 3^- A book on ethics. 
Authors Yomezawa Buhei and Tanaka Tatsu. Publisher 
Kofiikwan. Price Yen 0.50. 

Kotoku Yosei. ^@Hl^* Culture of public morals, 
or social ethics. Author Teikoku Kyoiku Kwai. Pub- 
lisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.50. 

T6y5 Rinri Koshi no Gaku-setsu. ]ft^fit9|?LiF©^lft- 
Doctrines of Confucius, as Eastern ethics. Author Matsu- 
mura Seiichi. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0*35. 

Jissen Rinri Nyumon. HBIf&fflAP^- Elementary 
principles of practical ethics. Author Nakajima Ushijiro. 
Publisher Seibidd. Price Yen, O.35. 

Nippon Rinri Ihcn. H 4^^ ft S ^ H- A collection 
t»f Ethical theories in Japan. Author Inouye Tetsujiro. 
Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 1.35. 




Catalogue cf Books, 471 

Nippon Rinri Ihen. 4:ffrSi^fi- Vol. I. A history 
of Japanese ethics (ethical theories held by a school of 
Confucianism called *' Shushi Gaku Ha/*) Author Inouye 
Tetsujiro. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 1.60. 

Nippon Rinri Ihen. Wif^^W^M- Vol. II. A his- 
tory of Japanese ethics. — Ethical theories held by a school 
of Confucianism called Shushi Gaku Ha. Author Inouye 
Tetsujiro. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, i.oo. 

Rinri Ky5kwa-sho. |&Sf5:5|^^. A text book on 
ethics. Authors Watanabe Ryusei and Nakajima Ushi- 
jiro. Publisher Seibido. Price Yen, 0.55. 

Psychology. 

Shinrigaku. ^(^ ^ ^. Psychology. Author Hayami 
Ko. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Education. 

Nippon Gakusei Taiko. Q^^^fM^M- School system 
of Japan, written for Chinese readers. Author Taito D6- 
bunkyoku. Publisher Maruya & Co. Price Yen, 0.08. 

Rekishi Kyoju Ho. MStlk^^-- Method of teaching 
history. Author Saito Hisho. Publisher Kinkodo. Price 
Yen, 0.75, 

Kydiku to Hakubutsugaku. ffc"^* i fff^^^. Education 
and Natural History. Author Oka Saijiro. Publisher Kai- 
seikwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Shogakko Jikken Kwanri Dan. /h$^)if J|^3|^ Expe- 
riences in the management of an elementary school. Author 
Negishi Kwan. Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Shogakko Zugwa Kyoju Ron. /h^a5iaaf«i:«^. 
Method of teaching drawing in elementary schools. Author 
Komuro Shinzo. Publisher Rotsugokwan. Price Yen, 

0.35- 



472 Catalogue of Books. 

Shogakii Kyoju Ho. /h^tfcS^- Method of teach- 
ing an elementar}'^ school. Author Naito Keisuke. Pub- 
lisher Seibidd. Price Yen, 0.75. 

Shogakko ShQshin Kydju Ho. /^ JP «f ME # iK S *- 
Method of teaching ethics in elementary schools. Author 
Sanada Takanori. Publisher Kiftkodo. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shinsen Kyoju Ho. frSliKSj*- Vol. II. Method of 
teaching. Author Yamamoto Sotaro. Publisher Toyosha. 
Price Yen, 0.35. 

Jitchiteki Shogakko Kyoju Ho. J|^W^h*6!^«(Si* 
Vol. I. Practical method of teaching an elementary 
school. Author Yamamatsu Tsiirukichi. Publisher Toyo- 
sha. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Kyoju Saimoku Tekiyo Jid5 Kokugo Tsuzuri-Kata. j^ 

^*fflBiifflaSSlg|g*. Method of teaching children 
how to spell their own language, in accordance with ele- 
mentary school requirements. Author Tsukiniwa Yu. 
Publisher Kinshodo. Price Yen, 0.20. 

T5kyo Koto Shihan Gakk5 Ichiran. XMiiS€$^Sp$|^ 
^~"S- Catalogue of T5kyo Higher Normal School. 
Author Tokyo Koto Shihan Gakko. Publisher Maruja 
& Co. Price Yen 0.35. 

Zoku Gakusei Kun. ^^^p. Precepts for students. 
Author Omachi Keigetsu. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price 
Yen, 0.25. 

Bushid5. i^ijiE- Spirit of Japanese chivalry. Author 
Yamaoka Tesshu. Publisher Koyukwan. , Price Yen, 0.35. 

Kyoiku-j6 no Joshiki. tfcW-h®'^^- Common sense 
in education. Author Yoshimoto Toku. Publisher Nai- 
kwai Shuppan Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Shimpen Shogaku Kyoju Ho. ff|g /h «^ tJc Jf ^. 
Method of teaching an elementar>^ school. Author Azu- 



Catalogue of Books. 473 

ma Motokichi. Publisher Kinshodo. Price Yen, 050. 

Shogakko Kyoju Saimoku. A^^^^%lW^^' Cur- 
riculum of an elementary school. Author Tokyo Fu 
Shihan Gakko. Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 
0.40. 

Shogakko ni okeru Hanashikata no Riron oyobi Jissai. 
/h^«i:*^l?i^L*0a^JSl»R|. Theory and prac- 
tice of speaking in an elementary school. Author Yora 
Kumatard. Publisher Kdfukwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Meiji Sanju-go Nendo Sho Kwanritsu Gakko Nyugaku 
Shiken Mondai Toan Sh5kai. BjJ/S^H+S^lK^'gjt^ 
1&K^UMW^^MM%' A collection of questions and 
answers, with minute notes thereon, given at the entrance 
examinations of the government schools. Authors Eminent 
scholars. Publisher Kanasashi. Price Yen, o 50. 

Kakkwa Jikken Kyoju H5 Kogi. ^T^%mikmi^^ 
^. Ixctures on experimental methods of teaching Author 
Tominaga Iwatard. Publisher Kinshodo. Price Yen 0.78 

Daigaku Sekio kwanken. :^^$(|^^M- A layman's 
view on the university system. Author Takanc Yoshito. 
Publisher Hobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Genkon Kydiku no Riso. Jft4*licW0?iffli- Ideals ot 
education in the present day. Autiior Makiyama Eiji. 
Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Kyoju Yoko oyobi Kyoju Rei. m^^^.^%L^^V 
Principal subjects and examples of teaching in an element- 
ary school. Author Joshi Kot5 Shihan Gakko Fuzoku 
Shogakkd. Publisher Koyukwan. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Shinsen Kyoju Gaku. ^^i|i^^. Vol. III. Method 
of teaching. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Jitsuyo Shogaku Kyoju Ho. %%rV^%M\^. Prac- 
tical method of teaching an elementary school Authors 



474 



Catalogue of Books, 



Yamamoto S6tar5 and Iwanaga Masujir5. Publisher D5- 
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Hakubutsugaku Kyoju oyobi Kenkyu no JumbL fl|4fiy 
*lfeSA0f^:5:?fSii. On the preparation for teaching 
and studying natural science. Authors Yamanouchi Shi- 
geyo and Nohara Moroku. Publisher Toyodo. Price Yen, 
0.50. 

Sanjugonen Do Sho Kwanritsu Gakko Nyu^aku Shiken 

Mondai Shu. il^3£^J$»WiC*«A*l«^i!WJilfe. A 

collection of questions for entrance examinations at govern- 
ment schools in 1901. Publisher Kanasashi. Price Yen, 
0.15. 

Tokyo Yugaku Annai. 4(M.ifil^£^* A guide book 
to school life in T5ky5. Publisher Shiigakudd. Price 
Yen, 0.35. 

Doitsu Hoshu Gakko Seido. MZMIS^WHI^yt.^ Ger- 
man system of supplementary schools. Author Education 
Department. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 1.50. 

Obei Gakko Seikwatsu. Hfe^iPK^fll. On School 
life in Europe, Author Eigo Seinen Sha. Publisher Oka- 
zakiya Shotcn. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Shojo Bunko Gakko no Kokoroe. d^ic^J$9^ttO 
i6t^- ^ guide to school life for girls. Author Shimoda 
Uta Ko. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Katei no Shin Fiami. ^S£03&fM^- New interest in 
home life. Author Sakai Kosen. Publisher Naigwai 
Shuppan Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Koto Shogaku Tankyu Kyoju Ho. jft^ /\^^ y |S^|fe 
JJfi- On the method of single class teaching in higher 
elementary schools. Author Tsuyuguchi Etsujird. Pub- 
lisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, o.io. 

TankyQ Kyoiku Satsuyo. HiglKWaK- Principles 



Catalogue of Books. 475 

of single class education. Author Sasaki Seinoj5. Pub- 
lisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Genkon Kyoju-jo no Gobyu. Jft^tfc^^JiOlSi^. On 
the errors of the method of teaching in the present day. 
Author Tonegawa Yosaku. Publisher Tanuma Shoten. 
Price Yen, 0.15. 

Bungei to Kyoiku. jfcifiSiffc^*. On the relation be- 
tween literary accomplishments and education. Author 
Tsubouchi Yuzo. Publisher Shunyodo. Price Yen, 1. 00. 

Futsu Kyoiku Shikd. ^JfitiWit/M- ^ short history 
of elementary education. Author Iwata Shizuo. Publisher 
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Katei Kyoiku Kodomo no Shitsuke. ^gglficWT'lft© 
LOtt- On the home training of children. Authoi 
Kutsumi Kesson. Publisher Maekawa Buneikaku. Price 
Yen, 0.25. 

Kyomi Ron. H ^ |df- On the principles of interest 
Author Sasakura Shinji. Publisher Fusamb5. Price Yen, 
0.20. 

Shogaku Kakkwa Kyoan Hanrei. /hJ^^f^^^lSfi?*]. 
A collection of specimen lessons to be given in ele- 
mentary schools. Author Yusa Seiho. Publisher Dobun- 
kwan. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Kyoju no Ronriteki Kiso. t5:f?;ttftJffl(Kj^Sg- Logi- 
cal basis for teaching. Authors Suzuki Toraichiro and 
Toniinaga Iwataro. Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.70. 

Kyoiku Mampitsu. j|Jic W ^ ¥• ^ layman's views on 
education. Author Nusahara Tan. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 1.50. 

Shinsen Kydikugaku Koyo. ?lJ?^|icW^IW3c- Princi- 
ples of education. Author Suzuki Koai. Publisher Sugi- 
moto. Price Yen, 0.45. 



4/6 



Catalogue of Books. 



Shogakko Kyoju Kunren Teiyo. /J\j 
Vol. I. On the method of teaching in elementary schools. 
Author Ototake Iwazo. Publisher T5yosha. Price Yen, 

1.20. 

Futsu Kyoikugaku Yogi. ^3ifi$JcW$MIS^- Principles 
of elementary education. Author Nakajima Hanjiro. 
Publisher Kaihatsusha. Price Yen, 0.70. 

Iwate Ken Shihan Gakko Fuzoku Sh5 Gakk5 Kyoju 
Saimoku. Jg-f-)|i61i«S^fi?Pftli/h*«5*fe^«ia. Cur- 
riculum of the Elementary School attached to the Normal 
School in Iwate Prefecture. Author Kydtokwai. Publisher 
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.70. 

Kydiku Shoshi. JUJcW^'bSl- A short history of educa- 
tion. Author Kinkodo. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 
0.50. 

Su no Shinri oyobi Sanjutsu Kyoju Ho. IK[0i&S& 
^tfiDciS'^- O" ^^^ method of teaching the principles 
of mathematics and arithmetic. Author Tomina^ra Iwa- 
taro. Publisher Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.75. 

Kyoiku Ronshu. ^ W |fe ^. A collection of essays 
on education. Author Sone Matsutard. Publisher Kin- 
k5do. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Kyoiku Jutsugo Kai. Ife W ^ ^ jl?- Notes on edu- 
cational technics. Author Hiroshima Hidetaro. Publisher 
Hobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Shimpcn Jitsuyo Ky5ikugaku. %\^%W6(M^^ Prac- 
tical theories on education. Author ICatsumata Teijiro. 
Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.75. 

Sho Giikko Sanjutsu Kvva Ky5ju Saimoku. /h^^Dt 
H5?^^IB@- Curriculum of elementary school arithmetic. 
Author Tokyo Fu Shihan Gakko. Publisher Bungaku- 
sha. Price Yen, 0.35. 



Catalogue of Books. 477 

Jikkcn Shogaku Kyoju Ho. K-S^^'h^lktS/i- Method 
of clcmentaiy school teaching based on experiences. 
Author Sato Zcnjiro. Publisher Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 
0.75. 

. Shogaku Kyoju Ho. /h ^ f5c|5? fi- Method of ele- 
mentary school teaching. Author Odo Eikichi. Publisher 
Sugimoto. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Shogaku Jissaiteki Kyoju Ho. /h ^ Jf |^ ft<J ^ ^ ^i. 
Practical method of teaching in elementary schools. 
Author Murata Uichiro. Publisher T6y5sha. Price Yen, 
0.65. 

Jissaiteki Kyoikugaku. fifB^fitlfic'^i^. Practical thories 
on education. Author Terauchi Ei. Publisher Hobun- 
kwan. Price Yen, i.oo. 

Jinjo Shogaku ni okeru Jikkwa Kyoju Ho Kogt Yoryo. 

m% 'vm-^mih fm ts:e??i mk^w<- lectures on 

the method of teaching practical lessons in elementary 
schools. Author Tanahashi Gentaro. Publisher Ikusei- 
kwai. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Sho Gakkd Shogakunen Jido Kyoiku. A^^^^^^ 
!^ S ^ W- O*^ ^^ method of teaching the first year 
children of elementary schools. Author Suzuki Shinichiro. 
Publisher Kinkodd. Ptice Yen, 0.35. 

Shin Kyoju Ho. ^ficS^- New method of teaching. 
Author Shimbikwan. Publisher Uyehara Shoten. Price 
Yen, 0.32. 

Shinsen Kyoju Gaku. ^^^f^f?^. New method of 
teaching. Author Yamamoto Sotaro. Publisher Toyosha. 
Price Yen, 0.35. 

Shakwaiteki Kyoikugaku. jJ:^ ^jfjc W^- ^^ social 
education. Author Kumagai Goro. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 1.40. 



478 



Catalogue of Books, 



Sliukyo Igwai no Tokuiku. ^4-; Sfc £1 ^ :t fi W- On 
Moral education outside religion. Author Sakuma Hideo. 
Publisher Kaitaku.sha. Price Yen, O.25. 

Joshi Koto Shihan Gakko IchJran. '^-iFi@i^M$i|[^t$ 
^^bi' Catalogue of the Girls' Higher Normal School. 
Author Joshi Koto Shihan Gakk5. Publisher Nakanish:- 
ya Shotcn. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Katei Kyoiku Joshi no Kagami. |^S^ftW^"F0iS- 
A collection of noble examples of women. Author Aoki. 
Tsunesaburo. Publisher Aoki Suzanbo. Price Yen, 
0.15. 

Katei Kyoiku Johan. 'MM.^M'kM,' A collection of 
noble examples of women. Author Taikwa Sanjin. Pub- 
lisher Aoki Suz.uulo. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Shushin Kyoju Satsuyo. {^#$fc}S^|S- Method of 
teaching ethics. Author Sasaki Kichisaburo. Publisher 
Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 1.50. 

Tankyu Shushin Kyoju no Jissai. |||8liE^|J:g0ffgg. 
Practice in teaching ethics according to the single class 
method. Authors Murata Uichiro, Asakura Masayuki 
and Tsuyuguchi Ktsujiro. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 
0.55. 

Shimpen Shushin Kyohon. If? Si Mf :S' tfc ^- (for the 
teachers of higher elementary schools for girls.) A hand 
book on ethics for the use of the teachers of higher 
elementary schools for girls. Author Teikoku Shoseki 
Kabushiki Kwaisha. Publisher Teikoku Shoseki Kwaisha. 
Price Yen, 1.20. 

Sparta no Bushido. ^ ^< ;^ i^ O itt"±il- A description 
of Spartan chivalry. Author Nakanishi Fukumatsu. Pub- 
lisher Kinkcxlo. Price Yen, 0.12. 

Ko]ai,:((> Tokulion. WilnWi^- K^'aders for Japanese 



Catalogue of Books, 479 

classics to be used in elementary schools. Author Fu- 
kyusha. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.87. 

Kokugo Tokuhon. @ ,|g |g 4^. Readers for Japanese 
classics to be used in higher elementary schools. Author 
Fukyusha. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 1.75. 

Kokugo Tokuhon. H |S ^ 4^. Readers for Japanese 
classics to be used in higher elementary schools for girls. 
Author Fukyusha. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 1.70. 

Kokugo Shin Tokuhon. ^VA^Wl^- Readers for 
classics. Authors Shioi Masao and Dmachi Yoshii. 
Publisher FukyQsha. Price Yen, 0.50. 

K5t5 Shogaku Saiho Sho. ig^/h^S)B^*- A book 
on the art of sewing to be used in higher elementary 
schools, — for teachers. Authors Omura Chujiro, Hadano 
Toku and Shibata Suga. Publisher Fukyusha. Price 
Yen, 0.50. 

Shdgaku Reishiki. /h^l$s9^ A book on element- 
ary school etiquette. Author Ito Kiichiro. Publisher 
Shiieisha. Price Yen, o. 10. 

Shogaku Saiho Kyokwasho. /J> ^ ^ H SJi iF4 #. A 
text book on the art of sewing to be used by elementary 
school girls. Author Tozawa Kazu. Publisher Kinkddo. 
Price Yen, 0.60. 

Text books for Elementary Schools. 

Shogaku Saiho Ky5kwa-sho, Kyoin Yo. /J^^^l^ffc 
^^ (jKfiffl)- A text book on sewing for elementary 
schools. Author Tozawa Kazu. Publisher Bungakusha. 
Price Yen, 0.35. 

Jitsugyo Hoshu Tokuhon. 5S||'SIS||;4^. in 6 Vols. 
Readers for supplementary business education. Author 
Bungakusha. Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 1.25. 



480 Catalogue of Books, 

Shajo Tokuhon Hana no Maki. ^}^'kWL^Vi^%' A 
reader for girls. Author Horiuchi Shinsen. Publishers 
Kokkosha. Price Yen, 0.18. 

Joshi Sakubun Kyokwa-sho. ;^iFf^3fcffe^§- Vol. I. 
and Vol. II. Text books on composition. Author Matsu- 
daira Shizuka. Publisher Meiji Shoin. Price Yeii, 0.53. 

Shimi^en Shushin Kyoten Koto Shogaku Joshi Y5. ^ 

mi^^^^m^'V^^I^'^n- 4 Vols. Text books on 
ethics for higher elementary school girls. Author Fukyii- 
sha. Publisher Fukyusha, Price Yen, 0.78. 

Shimpen Shushin Kyoten Jinjo Shogaku Jido Yo. j^ 

«i^;*Jft^«/J>*5itffl. 4 Vols. Text books on 
ethics for elementaiy school children. Author FukyOsha. 
Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0,50. 

Shimpen Shushin Kydten Koto Shogaku Jid5 Y6. ^ 

^i^#|5:*l^^/h*!^tffl. 4 Vols. Text books on 
ethics for higher elementary school children. Author Fu- 
kyusha. Publisher P^ikyiisha. Price Yen, 0.86. 

Shimpen Shushin Kyoten Nikanen Shugyo Koto Sh5- 

gakko. «fmilf;^lfejfti:^^-1ie|liiS^W>J?P«f- 2 Vols. 
Text books on ethics for higher elementary schools of 
two years' course. Author Fukyusha. Publisher Fukyu- 
sha. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Shogaku Kokushi Nikanen Shugyo Kot5 Shogakko 

Yo. A^^m^-:^%^'^n^%'V^m^- Text books on 
the history of Japan for higher elementary schools of two 
years' course. Author P^ukyusha. Publisher Fukyusha. 
Price Yen 0.38. 

Shogaku Kokushi Koto Sh5gakko Jido Yo. /J^^SSll 
]ft^/h^;gl?§£^ffi. 4 Vols. Text books on the history 
of Japan for higher elementary .school children. Author 
P'ukyusha. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.80. 



Catalogiie of Books 481 

Shin Sanjutsu Kyoshi Yo. ^r ^ i<5 % gfl ffl. 4 Vols. 
Text books on arithmetic for elementary school teachers. 
Author Inagaki Sakutaro and Karima Tokutaro. Pub- 
lisher Uyehara Shoten. Price Yen, 1.60. 

Shogaku Shin Sanjutsu. /h^M^^- 5 Vols. Text 
book on arithmetic (by means of an abacus) for higher 
elementary school children. Author Bungakusha. Pub- 
lisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.87. 

Slmgaku Shin Sanjutsu. /b^ff^^. 2 Vols. Text 
books on arithmetic (by means of an abacus) for element- 
ary school children. Author Bungakusha. Publi.sher Bun- 
gakusha. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Shogaku Shin Sanjutsu. A^^^%\%%' 4 Vols. Text 
books on arithmetic (by means of an abacus) for higher 
elementary school teachers. Author Bungakusha. Pub- 
lisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 1.80. 

Sh5gaku Shin Sanjutsu. /h^j^^ifi. A text book 
on arithmetic (by means of an abacu.s) for elementary 
school teachers. Author Bungakusha. Publisher Bun- 
gakusha. Price Yen, 040. 

Shdgaku Shin Rekishi. /h^frSit- 2 Vols. Text 
books on history for elementary school teachers adapted 
for two years' course. Author Bung.ikusha. Publisher 
Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.80. 

Sh5gaku Shin Sanjutsu. /j>$j^r^$fi- 4 Vols. Text 
books on arithmetic for elementary sc'.ool children. Author 
Bungakusha. Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.58. 

Shogaku Shin Sanjutsu. /b^J^^^fi. A text book on 
arithmetic for elementary schools. Author Bungakusha. 
Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Jitsugyo Hoshu Tokuhon. %%%^Wl^' Ii^ 2 
Vols. Readers for supplementary business education 



482 



Catalogue of Books, 



Author Jitsugyo Kyoiku Kenk\'u Kwai. Publisher Kin- 
sh5do. Price Yen, o 50. 

Jitsugyo Hoshu Toknhon. ^>ifl8S9[4>^* A reader 
for supplementary business education. Author Jitsugyo 
Kyoiku Kenkyu Kwai. Publisher Kinshodo. Price 
Yen, 0.28. 

Shogaku Tsuzurikata Shinsho. /h$M3&0flllr* I*^ 3 
Yols. New method of spelli ig for elementar>'' 
schools. Author Gen-bun Itchi Kenkyu Kwai. Pub- 
lisher Mcguroshoten. Price Yen, 0.42. 

K5to Shogaku Sanjutsu Toshiki. iSi^'h$j|Lt(9^5^. 
In 4 Vols. Key to the arithmetic problems for 
higher elementary schools. Author Gakkai Shinshin 
Sha. Publisher Shueido. Price Yen, 0.28. 

Shintei Shogaku Sanjutsu Sho. 3^^/h$|j[$i9^- In 2 
Vols. Text books on arithmetic for higher elemen* 
tary school children. Author Kinkodo. Publisher Kin- 
kodo. Price Yen, 0.80. 

Shintei Sh5gaku Sanjutsu Sho. j^^/b^HtfiUF. In 
4 Vols. Text books on arithmetic for higher elementary 
school teachers. Author Kinkodo. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, I 80. 

Shintei Shogagu Sanjutsu Sho. ^^/h^li^tl^llr* In 
4 Vols. Text books on arithmetic for elementary school 
children. Author Kinkodo. Publisher Kinkodo. Price 
Yen, .63. 

Shintei Shogaku Sanjutsu Sho. If^^'^^litMfF- I*^ 
4 Vols. Text books on arithmetic for elementary 
school teachers. Author Kinkodo. Publisher Kinkodd. 
Price Yen, 1.40. 

Shogakk6 Kyoja Yo Siih5 Sho. /h^fil!*i:gffllfttt 
In 2 Vols. Text books on sewing for elementary 



Catalogue of Books. 483 

schools. Authors Moriyi Sada and Yoshida Ham. 
Publisher Hobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.85. 

Jinjo Sh5gaku Saiho Sho. ^^J'V^WSt^- A text 
book on sewing for elementary school teachers. Authors 
Omura Chujiro, Hadano Toku and Shibata Suga. Pub- 
lisher Fukyiisha. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Nogy5 Kydkwasho. J|Slll^f4^ I" 4 Vols. Text books 
on agriculture for higher elementary schools. Author Ikeda 
Korechika. Publisher Fukyijsha. Price Yen, 0.94. 

Kokugo Tokuhon. ^JS^4^. In 5 Vols. Readers 
for girl's high schools. Authors Kuroda Sadaji, Hase- 
gawa Otokichi and Sakata Chin. Publisher Bungakusha. 
Price Yen, 2.98. 

Kokugo Kyokwasho. SBpficf^tf • I*^ ^ Vols. Text 
books on the Japanese language. Author Bungakusha. 
Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.97. 

Shoto Nogyo Kyokwasho. ^I?^||^f1-af- I»^ 4 
Vols. Text books on agriculture for higher elementary 
schools. Author Ikeda Tomochika. Publisher FukyQ- 
sha. Price Yen, 0.97. 

Jinjo Shogaku Saiho Kyotei. ^S/h^lSi^ticS. A 
text book on sewing for elementary school teachers. 
Authors Nishijima Tomiyoshi, and Yoshimura Tsuru 
Publisher Koyukwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Nogakko Kambun Tokuhon. JS$SE^XoS4^- I»^ 2 
Vols. Readers on Chinese classics for elementary agri- 
cultural schools. Author Uchibori Korebumi. Publisher 
Koyukwan. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Katei Hoshu Kokumin Tokuhon. ^li'SfifJ^EH^C. 
In 2 Vols. Readers to be used at home for school 
children, as supplementary lessons. Author Kokumin 
Kyokwai. Publisher Kobundd. Price Yen, 0.33.. 



484 Catalogue of Books. 

Hoshu Ky5iku Jitsugy5 Tokuhon. IfiS^cWJIIiat*. 
A reader for business education as supplementary les- 
sons. Author D5bunkwan. Publisher Dobunkwan. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Jitsugyd Hoshu Tokuhon. Sflllfi^3l4^- ^ reader 
for business education as supplementary lessons. Author 
Kawashima Shoichiro. Publisher Matsumura Sanshodo. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Katei Hoshu Jitsugyd Tokuhon. ^Iilfi^]|l|l9|4:. 
In 4 Vols. Readers for business education to be used 
at home as supplementary lessons. Author Kokumin 
Kyokwai. Publisher Koburido. Price Yen, 0.60. 

literature. 

Rongwa Zekku. |j^0|S^. Short Chinese poems on 
the art of drawing. Author Usui Ryushi. Publisher 
Keigyosha. Price Yen, 0.18. 

Izayoi Nikki Niwa no Oshie Genkai. +a^1^ H §dSi| 
O^L-^'^M- Notes on the Izayoi Nikki, an old 
Japanese book. Author Sekine Masanao. Publisher 
Rokugokwan. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Bungei Sosho Hokushu Ko Ha-uta Hyoshaku. ;X|K 
^ttr-ibiHi^JSB^^^W- Notes on popular songs. Authors 
fltsuki Joden, and Sassa Masaichi. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 0.15. 

Haiku Sen. flf^il. 2 vols. A selection of short 
poems. Author Naito Meisetsu. Publisher Naigwai 
Shuppan Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Haiku Shinchu. #fiji^rtt- Notes on short poems. 
Author Sato Koryoku. Publisher Shinseisha. Price 
Yen, 0.20. 



Catalogue of Books. 485 

Haikai Hyaku-wa. II^I^WIS ^ collection of stories 
on short poems. Author Seirenan. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 0.35. 

Shintai Nippon Bungaku Shi. frfilH^X^Sll- A 
history of Japanese literature. Author Shioyi Masao, 
and Takahashi Tatsuo. Publisher Fukyusha. Price 
Yen, 0.65. 

Nippon Bungakusha Nempyo. H 4^ 3!t ^ :^* ^ ^• 
Chronology of men of letters in Japan. Author Aka- 
bori Matajiro. Publisher Dai Nippon Zusho Kwaisha. 
Price Yen, 0.70. 

Ninj5 no K5ken. AfllC^M*- A book on humanity. 
Author Okada Zuiun. Publisher Bungaku D5shik\val. 
Price Yen, o 30. 

Hompo Bungaku Shi Kogi. 4^ ^ jS^ $ {tl fl| il- 
Lectures on the history of Japanese literature. Author 
Sugi Binsuke. Publisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price 
Yen, 0.55. 

Honcho Meika Bunsho. i^^^%%^^ 2 vols. A 
collection of master pieces of Japanese men of letters. 
Author Kobunsha. Publisher Kobunsha. Price Yen, .40. 

Heiji Monogatari Kogi. ^Jpl&IS^^- 2 vols. 
Lectures on the Heiji Monogatari, an old Japanese his- 
torical book. Author Imaizumi Sadasuke. Publisher 
Seishido. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Chogonka. ^ tR ^- A poem. Author Owada 
Tateki. Publisher Tokio Shuppansha. Price Yen, 0.18. 

Chdgonka. J^tR^- A poem. Author Tachibana 
Chikage. Publisher Kobayashi Shimbei. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Chikuhakuen Shu. li'ffigl^. 2 vols. A collection 
of poems. Author Sasaki Nobutsuna. Publisher Haku- 
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35. 



486 Catalogue of Books. 

Kuroda Kiyotsuna Sensci Ryuen Kashu. l^fflfltiM^ 
^i^SliS^^- ^ collection of Kurcxla Ktyotsuna's poems. 
Author Kikuchi Takenori. Publisher Uyekara Shoten. 
Price Yen, 0.95. 

Riso no Seito. SiffilOlfcll. A book on an ideal 
political party Author Shodo Kydshi. Publisher Bun- 
^aku Doshikvvai. Price Yen, .30. 

Ryokuin Kanwa. W^W^- Quiet talks in a green 
shade, a literary writing. Author Nabeta Hydson. 
Publisher Naigwai Shuppan Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Kvvatsu Scishin. SfMijtfl^ Living spirit, a literary 
writing. Author Suzuki Yoshitaro. Publisher Bungaku 
Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Kan Buntcn. iE^jfc^- Grammar of Chinese classics. 
Author Kojima Kentaro. Publisher Fuzanjbd. Price 
Yen, 0.70. 

Kaga no Chiyo. JtlfiCD^i^. On Kaga no Chiyo, 
an eminent poetess. Author Nakagawa Kiyohide. Pub- 
lisher Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Sliintai Shi Shu Tanin Ichi Matsu. iKftSl^^il^S~* 
.^. A collection of new style poems. Author Tsutsuki 
•Soji. Publisher Ilobunkwan. Price Yen, O.25. 

Renai no Seishin. ^'^©MiP^ Spirit of love, a 
literary writing. Author Cho Renkwaft. Publisher Bui>- 
gaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Rcikwa Nekkwa. V^)<M^\^' Vol. I., and Vol. II. 
Cold fire and hot flower. Author It5 Gingetsu. Pub- 
lisher Naigwai Shuppan Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Gcn-bun Itchi Tsuzoku Kojiki. ■^^— SciSfS'&^lil. 
The Kojiki, an ancient history of Japan, in the present 
colloquial style. Author Inouye Toraokichi. Publisher 
Kinkodo. Price Yen. o 50. 



Catalogue of Books. 487 

Nonki Bunshu. #M3SC^- ^ collection of optimistic 
literary writings. Author Nakagawa Kiyohide. Pub- 
lisher Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Bungaku Kizui Dan. ;^$$$^- On literary mira- 
cles. Author Hirano Shiyo. Publisher Daigakukwan. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Byron, Bunkai no Ma}>5. ^>f w >';JC^^Bi3E- On 
Byron as a great Satanic king in the literary world. 
Author Kimura Yotard. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price 
Yen, 0.40. 

Ninin Bikuni Monogatari, K5t5 Katei Tokuhon. HA 
Vc'&JtW^W^Wff-' A Story of two Buddhist nuns. 
Authors Oda Tokuno and Hobiki Shiisui. Publisher 
Bungaku DoshikwaL Price Yen, 0.20. 

Kota Enrei Bunshu. i^^SftM^^- A collection of 
literar>' writings for girls. Author Otsuki Ryu. Pub- 
lisher Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Kokin Wakashu Hyoshaku. l&^IH^m^lp. Vol. 
II. Notes on the Kokin Wakashu, a collection of 
poems old and new. Author Kancho Moto-omi. Pub- 
lisher Meiji Shoin. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Kokushi, Natsu no Maki. H»$H^^- ^ collection 
of poems on Summer. Author Kokushi Kwai. Pub- 
lisher Metj! Shoin. Price Yen, 0.12. 

Zatsuhai no Shiori. Jf^f^CD^ A book of miscellaneous 
short poems. Author Nagai Kinsho. Publisher Haku- 
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Kan-e Sakushi Ho. tB!^f^i1#^. Methods of making 
Chinese poems. Author Sato Kwan. Publisher Sei- 
zando. Price Yen, .25. 

Sorinshi Seochu. ^^-i^^^- A selection of and 
notes on Chikamatsu's (also called Sorinshi) works. 



488 Catalogue of Books, 

Author Aiba Koson. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price 
Yen, i.cx). 

Kyotai ku no Shiori. ^:^^(Z)5g. A book on 
humorous poetry. Author Nagai Kinsho. Publisher 
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Bungei Sasho Kien Roku. XiSll»*l«3^- A re- 
cord of aspirations, a literary writing. Author Tobari 
Shinishird. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Kyoshin Dan. jffii£2»|lE. A talk on pure hearts, a 
literary writing. Author Kawamura Hachiro. Publisher 
Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Shundai Zatsuwa Chushaku. ^ftlflMKf^* Notes 
on the Shundai Zatsuwa, a book written by Dazai, an 
eminent author in the Tokugawa age. Authors Shiroyi 
Jusho and Seki Giichiro. Publisher Seishido. Price 
Yen, 0.65. 

Josei Seibatsu. ^^ftfjEi^. An attack on womanhood. 

Author Jokakushi. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 
0.20. 

Joshi Kambun Tokuhon. iK.l'^^WL^' ^^ 3 Vols. 
Readers in Chinese classics for girl's. Author Namma 
Koki. Publisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.95. 

Jinsei no Hatsu Tabi. A^C'feljWc- The first journey 
in human hfc. Author Otsuki Jozan. Publisher Bun- 
gaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Shimp.i Waka Taiyo. ^ i!S iP ^ :;fc 3?. General 
principles of poetry of the new school. Author Yoshano 
Tekkan. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

ChQto Shinsen Bumpan. H^^jlflll^fc^- A collection 
of model writings for secondary schools. Author Tanaka 
Tsunenori. Publisher Kinodd. Price Yen, O.45. 

Shimbun Kisha no Junen Kan. iKHllfi^CD+^ri3- 



Catalogue of Books. 489 

TTen years' experiences of a journalist. Author Hirata 
Hisashi. Publisher Minyusha. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Shimpa Waka Jiten. iRjRlDS^fHI- A dictionary of 
poetical terms for the new school of poets. Author Nip- 
pon Shin Shi Gakkwai. Publisher Shinseisha. Price 
Yen, .30. 

Eigwa Monogatari Shdkai. ^I^J^^^jJ?. Vol. IX. 
Notes on the Eigwa Monogatari, an old literary book. 
Author Wada Hidematsu and Sato Kyu. Publisher 
Meiji Shoin. Price Yen, 0.45. 

Hyoshu Josan Ki. ^IKlRSfcli- A collection of Ta- 
kekoshi s writings. Author Takekoshi Yosaburo. Pub- 
lisher Kaitakusha. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Seiro Shu. ^MSk- A collection of Tokutomi Ken- 
jiro. Publisher Minyiisha. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Seikosha no Kugaku. fi5c ^J :i{CDf!? ^. The hard- 
ships endured by successful men. Author Kugaku Jushi. 
Publisher Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.12. 

Haijin Issa. ^A"-"^* A book on Issa the poet. 
Author Masaoka Shiki. Publisher Matsumura Sanshodo. 
Price Yen, o 20. 

Shintai Nippon Bungaku Shi. ff^U^^^^it. A 
hi.story of Japanese literature. Author Dkai Shingo. 
Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, o 50. 

Chugaku Kambun Tokuhon. ^\^^^%W(1^' ^^ 5 
Vols. Readers in Chinese classics for middle schools. 
Author Miyamoto Masatsura. Publisher Bungakusha. 
Prke Yen, 1.50. 

Shinsen Kambun Mondo. ^|p^ jfiCPQ^ Questions and 
answers on the Chinese classics. Author Ota Saijiro. 
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Renai no Bungo. |ftS&0X^. Great men of letters 




490 Catalogue of Books, 

on love. Author Kawakami Gazan. Publisher Bungal-*^ 
Doshikwai. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Dassai Sho-okii Haiwa. ^fSI^M'ttS^- A collect ic::==>^ 
of talks on poetry. Author Masaoka Shiki. Publish. 1^'^^ 
Kobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Fuyukodachi. ^;tclC- Winter trees. Author Hak ^ ^" 
bunk wan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Fujin no Joryoku. jffAOW^J- The power ^^^ 

woman's feelings. Author Kawakami Gazan. Publish— ■^^^'' 
Bungaku Doshikwai. Price Yen, O.30. 

Kokka Kohon. ^.%ii1l4^. A book on Japane ^^^e 
poetry. . Authors Asai and Muramatsu. Publisher Koi 
kwan. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Kokushi, Aki no Maki. Hi^llt^?)^. A collection "^^ 

poems on Autumn. Author Kokushi Kwai. PublislL ^^^^ 
Meiji Shoin. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Shusei Hekigetsu. J^ M ?ii H • Stars and the moo^ "•'• 
Author Hakubunkwan. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Pri "^ ^ 
Yen, 0.20. 

Jakusha no Rinju. Si*©R8|§. The death bed "^'^ 

the weak. Author Bonsui Gyoro. Publisher Bunga 
Doshikwai. Price Yen, o 30. 

. Shimogarc. ^|i*. The Icncliness of winter. Auth 
Ikuseikwai. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Tokoku ZcnshG. j^^^^. A complete collect] 
of Tokoku's writings. Author Hoshino Shinnosulc:::^^ 
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 1.35. 

Shiki Zuihitsu. ^j^BS^. Shiki's writings. Auth 
Masaoka Shiki. Publisher Kobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.5, 

Shintai Shikka Sakulio. ^fl^i^J^f^fi. Method 
making poems according to the new style. Author Y 
mada Bimyo. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.5 




Catalogue of Books, 491 

Seiken Bunko. ^ipf^SCfi^- I>^ 4 Vols. Sciken's writ- 
ings. Author Kameya Seiken. Publisher Sakakibara 
Bunseidd. Price Yen, i.oo. 

Hishi Kwatsushi Roku. ^fll^Sfll^- Historical writ- 
ings. Author Ogata Ryusui. Publisher Kobundo Sho- 
ten. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Dai San Meiji Saienshu. %'^^^'^^%, A collec- 
tion of writings of eminent women of the present day. 
Author Joshi no Tomo Kisha. Publisher Toyosha. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Sokk}o Shijin. fiP^il^A A book on poets. Author 
Mori Rintar5. Publisher Shunyddo. Price Yen, 1.20. 

Fukken Zassan. ^^|fl|K. A collection of Fukken's 
writings. Author Otsuki Bungen. Publisher Kobundo. 
Price Yen, 1.60. 

Bungei Sosho Kyoka Kogai. X«m» ff.it «6ll£. A 
book on humorous poetry. Author Kwan Inakichi. Pub- 
lisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Jiji Shu Hyosoku Hen Shisei Renju. 3)fi^^>^^ 
HSf'SfJ^- A book on Chinese poetry. Author Major 
Gen. Fukushima. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 
2.50. 

Shum-pu Shu-u Roku. ^ J9L ^ ffi I9i* Matsumoto 
Kumpei's writings. Author Matsumoto Kumpei. Pub- 
lisher Kobundo. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Eibungaku Shi. ^5C<Pft,. In 3 Vols. A history of 
English literature. Author Tsubouchi Yiazo. Publisher 
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 1.80. 

Novels. 

Hanakashimi. ii ^i ;i^ "f" ^ A novel. Author 

Publisher Bunkindo. Price Yen, 0.30* 



49- Catalogue of Books, 

Tokiwa Gozen. '^^9i^' The story of Tokiwa Go- 
zen. Author Omachi Keigetsu. Publisher Kokkosha. 
Price Yen, 0.13. 

Jigoku no Hana. ^^0^ A flower in hell, a novel. 
Author Nagai Kafu. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.45. 

Onna no Mi, K5un, Shakwai Shijin. :^0#<fSJ8l:# 

^K A novel. Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price 

Yen, 0.30. 

Kataki-uchi Chuko no N^mida. iSdtJ&^CDK. A 
story of revenge. Author Kanda Hakusan. Publisher 
Miyoshiya. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Tanehiko Tampen Kessaku Shu. StjItSSICfllf^^^- 
A collection of Tanehiko's shorter master — pieces. 
Author Kod5 Tokuchi. Publisher Hakubunkvvan. Price 
Yen, 0.60. 

Datsuei Hei, Okura Daijin. fSt^^k'XM'h^^' A novel. 
Author Publisher Kinkod5. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Murasame Nikki, Shi mo no Yo, Wataboshi. ;^^ H 
la IR f4: IS "If ^r Novels. Author Publisher Kin- 
kodo. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Umi no lioken Kidan. itf^^l^-^ISt- A story of 
adventure on the sea. Author Shibata Ryusei. Publisher 
Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Yanagita Kannin-bukuro. flillH^,^^^. The story of 
Yanagita's patience. Author Momokawa Minoru. Pub- 
lisher Miyoshiya. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Fujita Toko. HBaSiffl- A life of Fujita Toko. 
Author Kud5 Kagefumi. Publisher Kokkosha. Pricp 
Yen, 0.19. 

Araigami. i) ?> W ^. Washed hair, — a novel. 
Author Tobari Chitsufu. Publislier Humyukwan. Price 
Yen, 0.40. 



Catalogue of Books, 493 

Abe no Seimei. ^\vi^^' A life of Abe no Seiniei. 
Author Momokawa Minoru. Publisher Miyoshiya. Price 
Yen, 0.40. 

Seineft Hitsudoku Kokoku no Hikari. W^il^^0IM9 
(r)jt' n^e glory of the Mikado's E^mpire. Author Shi- 
garakt Sueno. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shinkon. ffJiS. A new marriage. Author Emi Sui- 
in. Publisher Bunrokudo. Price Yen, 0.38. 

jaen Shihei no Monogatari. %W^%^W^ The 
story of a ten yen note. Author Yoshida Ikujiro. Pub- 
lisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shizuka Gozen. |^t3P|(f- A life of Shizuka Gozen. 
Author Kokubu Saito. Publisher Kokkosha. Price Yen, 
0.13. 

Shu Fuyo. ^ ^ ^. The sorrowing lotus, — a novel. 
Author Tokuda Shusei. Publisher Seishindo. Price 
Yen, 0.30. 

Zengaku Muichibutsu Shijgyo. W¥'M"^'fe1if1f- A 
training in the way of Zen in absolute jx>verty. Author 
Moriwaki Seiko. Publisher Daigakukwaft. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Shtnzan Sanrd Senjitsu Shilgyo. 9?llj#|ljll|^iftf- 
A training in the ascetic life in the deep recesses of a 
mountain. Author Kawakita Hotsumei. Pubhsher l)ai- 
gakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Sengoku Iwa. =f- ^ J^. A novel. Author Yone- 
mftsu. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Ujo Mujo. >fif1J|J(Rlff- Much love no love, — a novel. 
Author Dsawa Tensen. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price 
Yen, 0.40. 

Roban Sdsho. %^%M' A collection of Roban's 
novels. Author Koda Roban. Publisher Hakubunkwan. 
Price Yen, 2.50. 



494 Catalogue of Books, 

Hakumci no Uranii. JH^^v A novel. Author Su- 
zuki Aki. Publisher Shinseisha. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Ui Tsutome. ^0£ ft. The first service, — a novel. 
Author Kaiga Hentetsu. Publisher Naigwai Shuppan 
Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Dokufu. ^J$ The woman poisoner. Author Mura- 
kami Namiroku. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 
0.40. 

Takcda Ilishi. ]KHi|. A novel. Author Ihara 
Seiseien. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Kanayama Kidan Danzaburo Mujina. ^lU^S'SfefflH 
g|i|g.. A novel. Author Yomeisha Tori. Publisher 
Sanshindo. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Hokushin Jiken Nippon no Hatakaze, Taku no Maki. 
A history of the Japan China War, — the battle at Taku. 
Author Moribayashi Kokuen. Publisher Tamura Shige- 
tnro. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Sono Enishi. ^-Oi^UL- A novel. Author Suzuki 
Aki. Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Zoku Kuchil Tai Higyotei. WC^^%1iiXi^' A 
great balloon. Author Oshikawa Shunro. Publisher 
Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Tsuri Doraku. $*|JMI||. The pleasure of angling, — a 
novel. Author Murayi Gensai. Publisher Shunyodo. 
Price Yen, 0.50. 

Uta Makura. 9 f^tt- A novel. Author Takeda 
Gyotenshi. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Ura Omote. 9 ^^ %X- Author Miyake Seiken. 
Publisher Seishindo. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Onna (jakushi. "^^SP- A woman Musician, — a 
novel. Author Horiuchi Shinsen. Publisher Kokkosha. 
I'rice Yen, 0.35. 



Catalogue of Books, 495 

Kurahashi Kozo. j^ ^ ^ |K The life of Kurahasht 
Kozo. Author Murakami Namiroku. Publisher Aoki 
Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Ankoku, Boshi ga FuchL Bt5^I*iFA>iS A novel. 
Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Yamanaka Heikuro. llj+^.^fi|J The life of Yama- 
naka Heikuro. Author Fukuchi Dchi. Publisher Haku- 
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Kokkei Rakugo Shu. W^%^^ A collection of 
witty stories. Author Aoki Tsunesaburo. Publisher 
Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Kokkei Hyaku Showa. ^M^%% A collection of 
witty stories. Author Kubo Tenzui. Publisher Seikoku- 
kwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Kokkei Sandai Banashi. }#|SHM3S A collection of 
witty stories. Author Aoki Tsunesaburo. Publisher 
Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Koi Nyobo. )S(^M An endearing wife, — a novel. 
Author 0^x\ Fiiyo. Publisher Aoki Siizando. Price 
Yen, 0.40. 

Koi Mujo. jHlllilli? Love's vicissitudes, — a novel. Author 
Oguri Fuyo. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Gosoji Ushiwakamaru. W^'i'^^'Kk The story of 
Young Ushiwakamaru. Author HogyQsha Torin. Pub- 
lisher Kinodo. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Hokushin Jiken Nippon no Hatakaze, Tenshin no 

Maki. *8|*#H*0jKft,^#0« A history of 
the Japan China War, — the Battle at Tientsin. Author 
Moribayashi Kokuen. Publisher Tamura Shigetaro. Price 
Yen, 0.30. 

Sayo Chidori. j\^Mr^% A novel. Author Takeda 
Gyotenshi. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40. 



4S)^ Catalogue of Hooks, 

Saigyo Hoshi. |$tf ^ttP The story of Saigyo the 
Friar. Author Tanabe Nankaku. Publisher Sanshindo. 
Price Yen, 0.20. 

Kyoiku Shosfetsu. ittW^Mft A" educational novel. 
Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Kizoku no Koi. ;^j^® JH A nobleman's love. Author 
Ikuda Kiian. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.28. 

Yushi. tif ^ A vagabond, — a novel. Author Takasu 
Baikei. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.18. 

Yugaku Shosei. j||$^^ Students away from home, 
— a novel. Author Inouye An. Publisher Daigakukwan. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Meiryu Tonchi Dan. ^WMi^Vk The quick wit of 
eminent persons. Author Suto Aiji. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 0.18. 

Shakwai Hyakumenso. ftt^5®tt A hundred social 
characters, — a novel. Author Uchida Roan. Publisher 
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.55. 

Shaka Hasso Yamato Bunko. !ppj8BA^fl^5tJ$ 2 

Vols. A collection of the national dramas. Author 

Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Shinshutsu Kibotsu. JM'tfJjS,}^. 2 Vols. A novel. 
Author Kawakami Bizan. Publisher Aoki Suzando. 
Price Yen, 0.40. 

Shuchu no Hana. iS'^'^E ^ flower in the midst of 
sake, — a novel. Author Yanagawa Shumyo. Publisher 
Shinseisha. Price Yen, 0.18. 

Shinju Kurabc. jfrff ( ^ '^ A novel. Author Oguri 
Fuyo. Publisher Shunyodo. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Shin Gakushi. ^^i A new graduate of the 
University, — a novel. Author Kosugi Tengwai. Pub- 
lisher Shunyodo. Price Yen, 0.50. 



Catalocrtic af Books, 497 

Hi-no-de Jima, Asahi no Maki. H0ttli^, HJH©^ 
Vol. I. A novel. Author Murayi Gensai. Publisher 
Shuny6d5. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Himitsu no Shisha. ^^CD^^ A secret mes- 
senger, — a novel. Author Emi Suiin. Publisher Aoki 
Suzando. Price Yen, 0,40. 

Momoiro Ginu. J> V K^ h ^ fi Pink clothes, — a 
novel. Author Yamada Bimyo. Publisher Aoki Suzando. 
Price Yen, 0.40. 

Sekai Daiichi Monogatari. 1fi:^^^f|t The greatest 
things of the world. Author Murakami Dakuro. Pub- 
lisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, o 25. 

Zetto Kidan. I&i^-^M A story of a distant island. 
Author Sakurai Oson. Publisher Hakubunkvvan. Price 
Yen, 0.30. 

Seikyo, Tsubaki, Takara no Yama, Namigashira. f^ 

It. *», * CD OJ, at *> L ^ Short Talcs. Author 

Publisher Kink5do. Price Yen, .035. 

Hachimanza. AJf&M, A novel. Authors Namiroku 
and Shuho. Publisher Suzando. Price Yen, 040. 

Nikuyoku no Tengoku. ^ 1^ CD ^ ffl A novel. 
Author Kogetsu Saijin. Publisher K5bundo. Price Yen, 
0.25. 

Makutsu no Tokyo. K^O^jft Tokyo, the devil's 
den. Author Kawakami Gazan. Publisher Kobundo. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Kantan Gaeshi. . ttliff iS Vol. II. A novel. Author 
an anonymous writer. Publisher Kinshindo. Price Yen, 
0.25. 

G5t6 Shikivan. 5S18Elt1^ A robber Captain, — a 
noyel. Author Ibara Seiseien. Publisher Kinshindo. Price 
Yen, 0.30. 



49^ Catalogue of Books, 

Kon Noren. Jlti" ^ 9E A blue curtain, — a novel. 
Author Yamagishi Kayo. Publisher Shunyodo. Price 
Yen, 0.40. 

Jogakusei Katagi. ;^$^$L^ School girls' charact- 
er, — a novel. Author Ikeda Kinsui. Publisher Daigaku- 
kwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Meryu Oryu. ft^iliStl Male dragon female dragon, 
— a novel. Author Yakkonosuke. Publisher Aoki Su- 
zando. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Shishio. IBP^IE A novel. Author Yakkonosuke. 
Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Enyukwai. 19 ji£ ^ A garden party. Author 

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Hito Oni. A^ A Satanic man, — a novel. Author 
Yamada Bimyo. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 
0.40. 

Hi-no-dc Jima, Asahi no Maki. H 0^^189©^ 
Vol. II. A novel. Author Murayi Gensai. Publisher 
Shunyodo. Price Yen, 0.40. 

T5sei High Collar Kishitsu. ^tfr -** ^ ^'5 ^:S The 
high collar party of the present day, — a novel. Author 
Hananomoto Shian. Publisher Bunrokubo. Price Yen, 
0.25. 

Onna no Giri. ic^^^ Woman's justice, — a novel. 
Author Matsui Shoyo. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price 
Yen, 0.40. 

Wakaki Tsuma. ^ |f ^ 2 Vols. A young wife. 
Author Kikuchi Yuho. Publisher Shunyod5. Price Yen, 

0.35. 

Umewaka Shinchu. ^^it^'t' A novel. Author Take- 
da Gyotenshi. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Ai to Kokoro. ^ i, ^ij Love and mind, — a novel. 



Catalogue of Hooks. 499 

Author Tozawa Masayasu. Publisher Hakubunkwan. 
Price Yen, 0.35. 

Sankoro. HtSBft Author Murata Matsuo. Publisher 
Sh-inyddo. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Shin Seiyu Ki. Jflt IS JUIE A novel. Author Koda 
Re ban. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Hito no Tsumi. A0|^ Man's sin, — a novel. Author 
Tajfuchi Kyojiro. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.30. 



Chuto Kyoiku Bankoku Rekishi Mondo. Ff» ^ ffe ^ 
1$ @i fi £ ffl ^ Questions and answers on universal 
history prepared for secondary schools. Author Pub- 
lisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.30. 
« Nippon Rekishi Monogatari. H;|^Kjt^ A history of 
Japan. Author Publisher Kink5d5. Price Yen, 0.08. 

Jukensha Yo Nippon Shi. ^JgR^ffl U:^Sl A history 
of Japan for examinations. Authors F'ujioka Tsuguhei, 
Yauchi Wataru and Ogawa Ginjiro. Publisher Sugimoto. 
Price Yen, 0.17. 

Nippon Bummei Shiryaku. U^jSCBBSlllft A history 
of the civilization of Japan. Author Mozume Takami. 
Publisher Dai Nippon Zusho Kwaisha. Price Yen, 2.00. 

Nippon Bummei Shi. U;^X^St A history of the 
civilization of Japan. Author Mori Kokudo. Publisher 
Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.70. 

Gazoku Benran Nippon Jibutsu Kigen. iiflfS{£5|{ H 4^ 
^^ttilS The origin of things Japanese. Author. Kane- 
ko Shin. Publisher Aoki Suzandd. Price Yen, 0.55. 

Nippon Koko Gaku. ^ i^^-^ ^ Archaeology of 
Japan. Author Yagi Sdzaburo. Publisher Kobayashi 
Shimbei. Price Yen, 1.50. 



500 Catalogue of Books. 

T5yo Rekishi. :^ # M £ A history of the East. 
Author Koda Naritomo. Publisher Hakubunkwan.j^ Price 
Yen, 0.35. 

Toy 5 Shi. ;^ ^ ^ A history of the East. Author 
Akizuki Tanetsugu. Publisher Uchida Rokakuho. Price 
Yen, 0.70. 

Toyo Shi Kogi. $i^£p1|^ Lectures on'the history 
of the East. Authors Nakayama Kyushiro, Akizuki Tane- 
tsugu and Takakuwa Komakichi. Publisher Yoshikawa 
Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Shinsen Toyo Rekishi Mondo. fj ^^ f¥ H it ffl ^ 
Questions and answers on the history of the East. 
Author Matsubara Iwagoro. Publisher Hakubunkwan. 
Price Yen, 0.30. 

Jukensha Yo Toy 5 Shi. ^W&Y^'^^^ A history 
of the East for examinations. Authors Yauchi Wataru, 
Ogavva Ginjiro, and Fujioka Tsuguhei. Publisher Sugi- 
moto. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Chuto Nippon Rekishi. ff'^H^CJgai A history of 
Japan for secondary' school. Author Numada Yorisukc. 
Publisher Shoeido. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Chuto Kokushi. ff* ^ H St A history of Japan for 
secondary schools. Author Shigeta Teiichi. Publisher 
Fukyijsha. Price Yen, 0.75. 

Seiyo Shi. M fi^ Jt A history of the West. Auth(»r 
Publisher Fusambd. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Kokushi Kogi. ^fllpH^ Lectures on the history of 
Japan. Authors Kida Sadakichi etc. Publisher Yoshi- 
kawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, i.oo. 

Koko Benran. #-^ig^ Archaeology of Japan. Author 
Yagi Sdzaburo. Publisher Kobayashi Shimbei. Price Yen, 
1.50. 



1^ 



Catalogue of Books. 501 

Kokiishi Sho. S £ ^ Vol. II. A short history of 
Japan. Author Publisher Kobunsha. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Seiyd Rekishi Bcngai. |§ f^ ^ Jt IM itf A history of 
the West. Author Fujisawa Naoe. Publisher Yoshikawa 
Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Seiyo Shi Kogi. S^£fll^ Lectures on the history 
of the West. Authors Kc:da Naritomo and Sakamoto 
Kenichi. Publisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 
0.70. 

Seiyo Rekishi Sankosho. Igi^MSllil^^ ^ reference 
book to the history of the West. Author Handa Asaji- 
ro. Publisher Hoeikwan. Price Yen, 1.60. 

Jukensha Yo Seiyo Shi. 5^]^-;?ifflffi^gl A history 
of the West for examinations. Authors Ogawa Genjiro, 
Yauchi Wataru and Fujioka Tsuguhci. Publisher Sugir 
moto. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Nippon Sh5gy5 Shiko. l3>4^^|^St)W A history of 
Japanese commerce. Author Miyata Sennen. Publisher 
Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.85. 

Nippon Rekishi. H ;^ S St I" 2 Vols. A history 
of Japan in colloquial style. Author Publisher Fusambo. 
Price Yen, 0.40. 

T5yo Rekishi. [^ j^ K St A history of the East in 
colloquial style. Author Publisher P'usambo. Price Yen, 
0.20. 

Chuto Kyoiku Toyo Shiryaku. ^'^%M%'^^^% A 
history of the East for secondary schools. Author ltd 
Oshiro. Publisher F*usambo. Price Yen, 073. 

Chuto Kokushi Ryaku. ff»^Sjt§ In 2 Vols. A 
history of Japan for secondary schools. Autlior Shigcta 
Teiichi. Publisher Fukyilsha. Price Yen, 1.30. 

Bukkyd Rekishi Mondo. i$ ^ S {tl ^ ^ Questions 



502 Catalogue of Books, 

and answers on the history of Buddhism. Author Naga- 
yi Ryujun. Publisher Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.36. 

Joshi Nippon Sho Rekishi. "^^H^^/hMA^ ^ 
history of Japan for girls. Author Shimoda Uta. Pub- 
lisher Matsumura Sanshodd. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shinsen Seiyo Rekishi Mondd. ^€l5^S£^^1§r 
Questions and answers on the history of the West. 
Author Hasegawa Seiya. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price 
Yen, 0.20. 

Bankoku Kobo Shi. S ffl ft t A A history of the 
rise and fall of nations. Author Matsumura Kaiseki. 
Publisher Keiseisha. Price Yen, 1.50. 

Shimpcn Nippon Rekishi Kydkwasho. fffifitJ^^S^ 
^^# In 2 Vols. A text book on the history of Japan. 
Author Honda Asajiro. Publisher Uchida Rokakuho. 
Price Yen,. 1.05. 

Nagasaki Sambyaku-nen Kan. ^IftHlSf^K Three 
hundred years of Nagasaki. Author Fukuchi Genichiro. 
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.45. 

Shinsen Nippon Teikoku Shi. i&f^H^^liJSit A 
histoiy of Japan. Author Honda Asajiro. Publisher 
Hdeikwan. Price Yen, 0.65. 

Seiyo Ryakushi. 15 ^ § £ A history of the West. 
Author Mitsukuri Gempachi and Minekichi Yonezo. Pub- 
lisher Mcguro Jinshichi. Price Yen, 0.80. 

Chuto Toyo Rekishi. ff'^jR^KIt A history of the 
East for secondary schools. Author Ito Saneyoshi. Pub- 
lisher P\ikyusha. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Rekishi Kyohon. M ^ fS: 4^ A text book on the 
history of foreign nations. Authors Fujioka Tsucruhei 
and Makiyama Eiji. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 
0.65. 



Catalogue of Books, 503 

Rekishi kyohon. fi£$ji:4^ In 3 Vols. A text book 
on the history of Japan. Authors Fujioka Tsujihei and 
Makiyama Eiji. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.130 

Biography. 

Haijin Shiki. <# A "IF JS ^ '^^^ ^f Shiki the poet. 
Author Shiraishi Nanchiku. Publisher Rokugokwan. Price 
Yen, 0.40. 

Hakushi Kiko Dan. flldt^^Sli Anecdotes of Haku- 
shi's (Professors) and their ways. Author Tenraishi. Pub- 
lisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25 

Nippon Goshd no Kafu. H;4w^]^0^JSL Homes of 
the wealthy merchants in Japan. Author Ujo Sanshi Pub- 
lisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen 0.25. 

Shisei Chodatsu Shuso Kwaidan. yi^^WkVi^W^ 
A record of heroic acts. Author Hayata Genz5 Pub- 
lisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Shakaniuni Den. J^^i^Jgf^ Biography of Buddha. 
Author Inouye Tetsujiro. Publisher Bummeido. Price 
Yen, 0.80. 

Eiyuno Henei. "^^(DYx^ Reminiscences of great men. 
Author Otsuki Hisa. Publisher Bungaku Ddshikwai. Price 
Yen, 0.20. 

Nippon Bukkyo Jiini ketsu Den-ron. H4^fl^jJ5^+Zl^ 
{|i|§| Lives of the twelve great Buddhists of Japan. Author 
Nakamura Teiryo. Publisher Bungaku Doshikwai. Price 
Yen, 0.30. 

Honda Heihachi. J^^^A A life of Honda Heihachi. 
Author Sasakawa Tanero. Publisher Kokkosha. Price 
Yen, 0.19. 

Tosei Jimbutsu Hyo. '^^A^W Vol. i. Criticism 



504 Catalogue of Boohs. 

on the characters of the present day. Author Ishikawa 
Hanzan. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Tokugawa no Komei. ^ji|CD7L^ The Komei (one 
of the greatest counsellors in China) of Tokugawa. Au- 
thor Ko Hidesuke. Publisher Kokkosha. Price Yen, 0.13. 

Chdmin Sensei. ^feK^^ A life of Nakae Tokusuke, 
the most famous atheist of Japan. Author Kotoku Shusui. 
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Chinzei Hachiro. ^|§A^ A life of Minamoto Tame- 
tomo, the greatest archer of Japan. Author Kokubu Saito. 
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, CX15. 

Dishi Yoshio. iO^^M A life of Oishi Yoshio, the 
Captain of the 47 Ronin. Author Osawa' Tensen. Pub- 
lisher Komeisha. Price Yen, 0.12. 

C5tsuki Bansui. '^i^^i^ A life of Otsuki Bansui. 
Author Otsuki Joden. Publisher Hakubunkan. Price Yen, 

0.13. 

Yoshitsune Ki Kogi. i|^|E'^$| Vol. i. Lectures 
on the life of Minamoto Yoshitsune. Authors Maizumi 
Sadasuke and Kurata Kumihide. Publisher Seishidd. Price 
Yen, 0.40. 

Dai Nippon Meika Zensho. %^i^^%^% Vol. 3 
and Vol. 4. A complete history of the Japanese great 
men, — the artists. Author Kokkosha. Publisher Sei- 
zando. Price Yen, i.oo. 

Daijin no Shosei Jidai. ::fcgZ)^^^f^ Lives of the 
Ministers of State when they were students. Author Boku- 
tei Inshi. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Uyesugi Kenshin. Ji^,^ff A life of Uyesugi Kenshin, 
one of the greatest strategists of Japan. Author Miyoshi 
Butsugwai. Publisher Kokkosha. Price Yen, 0.19. 

Yamanaka Shikanosuke. llj4'Jffi#Sl8& A life of Yama- 



Catalogue of Rooks, 505 

naka Shikanosukc, one of the greatest strategists of Japan. 
Author Omachi Kcigetsu. Publisher Kokkosha. Price 
Yen, 0.19. 

Gendai Hyaku Jing5. 5|,it"|?JA^ Vol. 3. A hundred 
great men of the present age. Authors Taguchi Kikutei 
and Kokubu Sait5. Publisher Shinseisha. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Gendai Hyaku Jingo. iEi^l^A^ Vol. 4. A hundred 
great men of the present age. Authors Kokubu Saito 
and Aoyagi Yubi. Publisher Shinseisha. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Meiji Fugo ChifG Jidai. Wi^%%^%mX The con- 
dition of the times when our millionaires made their for- 
tune. Author Bokutei Inshi. Publisher Daigakukwan. 
Price Yen, o 25. 

Sagano no Tsuyu. ^@l iWt Sf J^ IK ^ ^^^^ ^^^p on 
Sagano. Author Tanimori. Publisher Seizando. Price 
Yen, 0.40. 

Meiji Kokumin Kikan. RBfSS3Elfei£ Lives of Ex- 
emplary characters of the Meiji P>a. Author Naimusod. 
Publisher Kokkosha. Price 2.00. 

Meishi no Kyodai. :^-±:05i ^ The brothers of the 
eminent people. Author Iwasaki Sodo. Publisher Dai- 
gakukwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Meiji Jimbutsu no Shoso Jidai. 9}{^A«l^0^i^5H:B#R 
The youth of the great men of the present day. Author 
Bokutei Inshi. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Jimbutsu Tampyd. A%MI¥ Short criticism on the 
characters of the present day. Author Matsumura Kai- 
seki. Publisher Keiseisha. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shingcn Nikki. ^7CH|2. In 6 Vols. Shingen's diary. 
Authors Tsuboyi Kuinaz5 and Kusaka Kwan. Publisher 
Yoshikawa Kwan. Price Yen, 3.20. 

Riku kai Gun Jushi Taisho. Piff^!f +|g:fc{|^ Lives 



5o6 Catalogue of Books, 

of the fourteen Marshals and Admirals. Author Tenraishi. 
Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Rikushdzan. ^^lL| A life of Rikushozan, a Chinese 
scholar. Author Tatebe Songo. Publisher Tetsugaku- 
shoin. Price Yen. 0.55. 

Ogon Sekai. 35(^18:^ The world of money, — hVes 
of the millionaires. Authors Amuddjin. Publisher Shun- 
yddo. Price, Yen, 0.30. 

Akao Gishi Jitsudan. ^HUdtJf^ A true account 
of the 47 Ronin. Author Shinobu Joken. Publisher Ko- 
bundo. Price Yen, 0.55. 

Hanawa Hokiichi. Jjiif5^Ll"~* A life of Hanawa Ho- 

kiichi, a learned blind man. Author Publisher Kin- 

kodo. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Hakushi Kugaku Dan. Rli^^SS An account of 

hard experiences of Hakushi (Professor) in their student 

lifj. Author Bokutei Inshi. Publisher Daigakukwan. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Kakinomoto Hitomaro oyobi sono Jidai. >f$4^AlSS 

-Jl-B$i^ Kakinomoto Hitomaro, a great poet, and his age. 

Author Tsukagoshi Yoshitaro. Publisher Minyusha. Price 
Yen, 0.30. 

Hirosaki Joshu, Etchu no Kami, Tsugaru Nobumasa 

Ko. ^l^miM^'^WW^WSk A life of Tsugaru Nobu- 
masa, Lord of Hirosaki. Author Sotozaki Satoru. Pub- 
lisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.80. 

Scik5 Hiketsu Fugo no Omokage. ^ ^ % ^ ^ ^ 
0®!^ Secret of success, lives and reminiscences of the 

millionaires. Author Kuwatani Kokudo. Publisher Jitsu- 
gyo no Nihon Sha, Price Yen, 0.50. 

Kokumin to Jimbutsu. SRiA^ A nation and her 

great men. Author Watanabe Tamezo. Publislier Min- 
yusha. Price Yen 0.20. 



Catalogue of Books, 507 

Tekketsu Saisho Goroku. |8jfil$4BlS^ A record of 
Bismarck's words. Author Murakami Dakuro. Publisher 
Kokkosha. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Koshi, Moshi, Junshi, Jimbutsu Yosei Dan. ^L~F'i£T* 
W"fA^^)SHS How did the great philosophers of China 
build their disciples' character. Author Kimura Yotaro. 
Piblisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shokai no Kiketsu. ^^CD-^fJI Lives of the great 
men in the business world. Publisher Jitsugyo no Nihon 
Sha. Price Yen, 0.70. 

Shokumin Iseki. Jfi K jj^ SS Stories of great success 
in colonization. Author Hisamatsu Giten. Publisher Kei- 
seisha. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Bijitsu Gwaka Retsuden. I^^K^^iJiH Lives of the 

great artists. Author Publisher Kobundo. Price 

Yen, 2.50. 

Sekai Juni Joketsu. it^f-t'll-^fjl Lives of the twelve 
great women in the world. Author Iwasaki Sodo. Pub- 
lisher Kobundo. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Law. 

Roku Dai Hoten Kyokwasho. i^X^^'ftiVs'^ I" 2 
Vols. Text books on the Six great Codes. Author Goto 
Homma. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 1.50. 

Kaisei Nippon Roppo Kogi. KjE II * a^ fi pH H 
lectures on the Six Codes of Japan. Author Hoten Ken- 
kyu Kwai. Publisher Shugakudo. Price Yen, 2.50. 

Nippon Kemi>o. H^$^ The Constitution of Japan. 
Author Publisher Takigawa Price Yen, 005. 

Nippon Mimpo. U$&^ic The Civil Code of Japan. 
Author Publidier Takigawa. Price Yen, 0.16. 



5o8 Catalogue of Books, 

Nippon Keih5. H 4^ ?f!l ^ The Criminal Code of 
Japan. Author Publisher Takigawa. Price Yen, 0.06. 

Nippon Shoho. \^i^'^^ The Commercial Code of 
Japan. Author Publisher Takigawa. Price Yen, 0.12. 

Nippon Ropp5 Zensho. H;4^7^^^# A complete 
collection of the Six Codes of Japan. Author Pub- 
lisher Takigawa. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Nippon Keisatsu Kydhan. 451 If S? Ik <6 A text 
book on the Police Administration of Japan. Author 
Takashima Tamejird. - Publisher Kyukokaku. Price 
Yen, 0.50. 

Horitsu Jisho. fi#|H^# In 10 Vols. A dictionary 
of legal terms. Author Ume Kenjiro. Publisher Mei- 
hodo. Price Yen, 1. 00. 

Hosei Kyokwasho. f£ $J $JC ^ ft A text book on 
laws and institutions. Author Mizobuchi Takao. Pub- 
lisher Bungakusha. Price Yen, 0.65. 

Ilosci Kydkwasho. ;f£$i||Jt^ft A textbook on laws 
and institutions. Author Wadagaki Kenzo. Publisher 
Buni^akusha. Price Yen, 0.65. 

H6s6 Kiji Tckiyo Ruisan.. ^WI£V!S3&^it A col- 
lection of law cases. Author Hosdkwai. Publisher Yu- 
hikaku. Price Yen, i.oo. 

Shuchin Kaisei Ropp5 Zensho. %^BfcjE7^^^ft 
A pocket collection of the revised Six Codes. Author 
Chugwai Shuppan Sha. Publisher Meihodo. Price Yen, 
0.40. 

Daishinin Hanrei Kciji Yoshi Ruishu. li^'Ul^^^^J^n^ 
5f H'Mife A collection of the verdicts given by the Court 
of Cassation in criminal cases. Author Daishinin. Pub- 
lisher Yuhikaku. Price Yen, i.io. 

Kciho Kakuron. ^\^^^ Notes on the articles of 



Catalogue of Books. 509 

the Criminal Law. Author Ohata Den. Publisher Saibi- 
kwan. Price Yen, 1.50. 

Keiji Soshoho. ^j^l^f^^i The Law of Criminal 

Procedure. Author Publisher Takigawa. Price Yen, 

0.07. 

Kydkwa Tekiyd Genko Nogyo H5ki. tfe3p4ii|fflJ|,^f 
J&$^% ^ collection of the present laws and regu- 
lations on agriculture. Author Publisher Kobunsha. 

Price Yen, 0.45. 

Keiyaku Shosho Sakusei Tetsuzuki. Wf^W^^^^^ 
The method of drawing contracts and bonds. Author 
Tsuda Fusanosuke, Publisher Takigawa. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Kokken. ^^ National laws. Author Jdgukyokwai. 
Publisher K5meisha. Price Yen, 0.12. 

Kokusai Koho. H^5^fi International law. Author 
Akiyama Masunosuke. Publisher Meihodo. Price Yen, 
1.85. 

Gonin Gumi Seido. 5 A iffl. ^J fit The institution of 
" Gonin Gumi," company of five people. Author Hozumi 
Chincho. Publisher Yuhikaku. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Minji Keiji Saiban Shoriho Daizen. ^%W^WAM 
5f*J^^^ A collection of successful civil and criminal 
actions. Author Goto Homma. Publisher Aoki Suzando. 
Price Yen, 0.60. 

Gijiho Zensho. ^^f^^^ A collection of the laws 
on debates. Author Tokyo Horonsha. Publisher Aoki 
Suzando. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Gy5seih6 Ronk5. ^ti^ficlfelB Lectures on the ad- 
ministrative laws. Author Oka Minoru. Publisher Yu- 
hikaku. Price Yen, 2.50. 

Bunkwan K5t5 Shinken, Hanji Kenji loyo Bengoshi 
Shiken Kyudaisha Toan Shu. Xl^iiS^^l^t»]V*RVS 






5 lo Catalogue of Books. 

%Wm:W:M^%^^%% A collection of the exami- 

nation papers of the successful candidates for higher civil 
officials, judges, procurators and lawyers. Author Ya- 
inada Tomitaro. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 

0.35. 

Ginko Hoki Shoshiki Hanketsu Rei. 9l{fj£i%#5^^ 
J^piJ A collection of the verdicts on the forms of laws 
and regulations concerning banking business. Authors 
Oyama Goro aud Kato Takeo. Publisher Hakubunkwan. 
Price Yen, 0.60. 

Gyosei Saibansho Ron. tf^ftft^lfit Lectures on 
the law of the administration of justice. Anther Koba- 
yashi Kwairo. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 
0.50. 

Mimpo Kogi. Kf^^jMl Lectures on the Civil Law. 
Author Ozawa Masamoto. Publisher Shugakudo. Price 
Yen, 1.50. 

Kaisei Mimpo Gikai. BJCjER^HIW Lectures on the 
revised Civil Code. Authors Hatoyama Kazuo, Miwa 
Tomiju and Oku Keiji. Publisher Sakakibara Tomo- 
kichi. Price Yen, 090. 

Minji Soshoho. E^^i^fi The I^w of Civil Pro- 
cedure. Author Publisher Takigawa. Price Yen, 

o. 10. 

Minji Soshoho Scikai. R^lfS^tijEUI Notes on t!ie 
Liw of Civil Procedure. Author Imamura Nobuyuki. 
Publisher Yuhikaku. Price Yen, i.oo. 

Jitsurei Sansho Minji Soshoho Seikai. 904^^1%^ 
5(rg£ficJEM Notes on the I^w of Civil Procedure, with 
reference to real cases. Authors Hatoyama Kazuo and 
Miwa Toniijn. Publisher Sakakibara Tomokichi. Price 
Yen, 040. 



Catalogtu of Books, 511 

Jinja Horei. jji^li:;^^ The Law and Regulations 
about Shinto Shrines. Author Kuniagai Kotaro. Pub- 
lisher Saibikwan. Price Yen, 1.50. 

Kaisei Shugiin Giin Senkyoho Shakugi. SSClE^^I^^ 
AiS^^i^^il Notes on the revised Law of Election of 
the Members of the House of Commons. Author Hayashida 
Kametard. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.80. 

Kaisei Sh5h5 Shoshiki Daizen. gfciElfifS#^:fc* 
A complete collection of the forms as contained in the 
revised Commercial Code. Author Goto Momma. Pub- 
lisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Horei Daizen. Ji'^^k^ A collection of laws and 
regulations. Author Kida Kichitard. Publisher Shubun- 
kwan. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Keimu Kyokwasho. ff^ffcf^flr A text book on 
police service. Author Tokyo Hdronsha. Publisher 
Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.70. 

Gembun Itchi H5sei Taii. %%-^'^\ii%%% A 
book on laws and institutions in colloquial style. Author 
Publisher Fusambo. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Shinkyu Taisho Keiho Shuron. Srg|*SB^^1ll& 
A book on the Criminal Code, with references to the old 

and the revised laws. Author Yamaguchi. Publisher 
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.80. 

Tegata Yoron. ^?^15|& Lectures on the Law of 

Commercial Notes. Author Yabe Ren. Publisher Yuhi- 
kaku. Price Yen, 1.50. 

Shinrmho Shakugi. ^W^^Wi Notes on the Forest 

Law. Author Shibata Eikichi. Publisher Anayama To- 
kutaro. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Horitsu Keizai Jiten. \^^W^'^% A dictionary of 
law and political economy. Author Tanabe Kinya. 
Publisher Hobunkwan. Price Yen, i.oo. 



5 1 2 Catalogue of Books, 

Social Sciences. 

(Including Politics, Political Economy, Sociology etc.) 

l\\shi Hattachi Ron. 9l^|i^^|^ A book on the 
growth and development of cities. Author Sugiyama 
Shigeyoshi. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Keizai Scisaku. ^^@i^ Economic policy. Author 
Kancko Kentaro. Publisher Okura Shoten. Price Yen, 
2.00. 

Gyoseihd Kakuron. >if@C^&lll Lectures on the 
administrative laws. Author Ohara Shinzo. Publisher 
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Kinken Chochiku no Shiori. fttStHfll© Lk b A 
guide to frugality and savings. Author Konishi Kotaro. 
Publisher Minyusha. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Shisei Ron. if] j^lf^ A book on the municipal ad- 
ministration. Author Abe Isoo. Publisher Hakubun- 
kwan. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Shakwai Mondai. jfi^^!^ A book on social pro- 
blems. Author Ohara Shoichi. ^Publisher Shueisha. Price 
Yen, 0.50. 

Seiji Gaku oyobi Hikaku Kempd Ron. ftJp^&Jt|jf 
i^ififclft Politics and comparative constitutions. Authors 
Takata Sanae and Yoshida Minosuke. Publisher Haku- 
bunkwan. Price Yen, 2.75. 

Trust Ron. h ;7 -^ h gft A book on trust. Author 
Togo Masatakc. Publisher JMinyusha. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Kwanshoku Yokai. *g%^J4? Notes on the Govern- 
ment offices and services. Author Wada Hidematsu. 
Publisher Meiji Shoin. Price Yen, i.oo. 

Bushido Kinken Hyakuwa. jK±iii!l^'g'^ A col- 
lections of examples of frugality as observed anion'^ 



Catalogue of Books. 5 1 3 

Bushi. Author Ugashi Osho. Publisher Aoki Suzando. 
Price Yen, 0.50. 

Zaisei Gaku. Mt ilfc ^ A book on financial admi- 
nistration. Author Shimomura Ko. Publisher Meihodo. 
Price Yen, 2.20. 

Shakwai to Seiji. jRt '^ £ j^ Vu Society and politics. 
Authors Shimmi Kichiji and Shibayama Washio. Pub- 
lisher Meiji Shoin. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Sekai Kokusei Yoran. ifir^^^lcfS A table of the 

comparative forces of the nations. Author Publisher 

Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Hoppo Shina. ^~)i^^% North China. Author Furu- 
sawa Koichi and Inaba Iwakichi. Publisher Maruya & 
Go. Price Yen, o 60. 

Beikoku Shoko Taisei Ron. :)|v^]^X::k^u& A book 
on An:erican commerje and industry. Author Saito Shu- 
ichiro. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Tokyo Fuzoku Shi. :ftj^jafS3l Vol II. A history 
of the customs and manners of T5ky5. Author Hirade 
Sojird. Publisher Fusambd. Price Yen, 0.75. 

Oshu Kwahei Shi. WM^^^ A history of Euro- 
pean money. Author Shinobu Jumpei. Publisher Haku- 
bunkwan. Price Yen, i.oo. 

Keizai Kyokwasho. IS S|p ft 3^ $ A text book on 
political economy. Author Mochiji Rokusabur5. Pub- 
lisher Fusambd. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Keizai Kyokwasho. IS ]!l^ $C ^ ^ A text book on 
political economy. Author Wadagaki Kenzo. Publisher 
Bimgakusha. Price Yen, 0.75. 

Keizaijo no Osaka iffi8^_t;^:fcK Osaka, as econo- 
mically considered. Author Kozaka Scitaro. Publisher 
Minyusha. Price Yen, 9.15. 



514 



Catalogue of Books, 



Keizai Gaku Tsuron. iK9l9^3filll Principles of poli- 
tical economy. Author Yaita Kwan. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Prince Yen, 1.20. 

Chuto Kyoiku Keizai Ronko. 4*^|lWS2ff1lkil A 
book on political economy for secondary schools. Author 
Niita Masutaro. Publisher Mizuno. Price Yen, 0.75. 

Keizai Gaku Tsuron. jR jH^jfilll Principles of politi- 
cal economy. Author Ninomiya Motonari. Publisher 
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.75. 

Kokuhd Gaku. H ^ j^ Vol. II. A book on the 
laws of States. Author Ariga Nagao. Publisher Haku- 
bunkwan. Price Yen, 1.25. 

Zaisei Gaku. Stft^ A book on finance adminis- 
tration. Author Wadagaki Kenzo. Publisher Kinkodd. 
Price Yen, 1.30. 

Zaisei to Kinyu. gti^ £ '^it Financial administration 
and circulation of money. Author Tajiri Inajiro. Pub- 
lisher Ddbunkwan. Price Yen, 2.00. 

Shashi Bokoku Ron. ^^CHlH Luxury, as a cause 
of national ruin. Author Terauchi Junjird. Publisher 
Kokkosha. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Shakwai Gaku S:itsuyo. ii: ^ ^ 4ft S ^ book on 
Sociology. Authors Nakajima Rikizo and Toloki Watani. 
Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.70. 

Shakwai Gaku K5gi. it^Jj^i^ j| Lectures on socio* 
logy. Author Kendo. Publisher Bungaku Doshikwai. 
Price Yen, 0.50. 

Shokokai no Shichiju Nichi. lfi|X!S'04;+ U Seventy 
days in the commercial and industrial world. Author 
Okamoto Yonezo. Publisher Tanuma Shoten. Price Yen, 
0.50. 

Shogyo Keizai Yogi. '^mSJlpKII A book on 



CatrJogue of Books. 5 1 5 

tomniiercial economy. Author Ano Tsurusaburo. Pub- 
lisher Kobunsha. >Price Yen, 075. 

Shin Shakwai. tI^T It ^ A book on socialism, — ^an 
allegory. Author Yano Fumio. Publisher Dai Nippon 
Zusho Kwaisha. Price Yen, 0.45. 

Shakwai Keizai Gaku. Xt^lKff ^ A book on politi- 
cal economy. Author Kanayi Nobu. Publisher Kink5do. 
Price Yen, 2.30. 

Ginko oyobi Gwaikoku Kawase Ron. ^tf^l^HSS 
^tft A book on banking and foreign exchange. Author 
Tashiro Jun. Publisher Jitsugyd no Nippon Sha. Price 
Yen, 0.90. 

Gyoseiho Hanron. ItKC^'iRlfif General principles of 
administrative laws. Author Dhara Shinzd. Publisher 
Hakubunkwari. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Senji KokUsai Koho. |B| ^ H Rt &f£ International 
law in the time of War. Author Takahashi Sakue. 
Publisher Tetsugaku Shoin. Price Yen, 1.35. '^ 

Oeography and teaveLs. 

Izu Dshima Kwazan. 'fi^Siife^i'Cllj The volcano in 
Dshlma, In the province of Izu. Author Chlgaku Kyo- 
Icwai. Publisher Keigydsha. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Hachien Kyoko. A HI jjft ^f A journey with eight 
yen. Author Aoyagi Yiibi. Publisher Shihscisha. Price 
Yen, 0.15. 

Nippon Chiri. H ;4^ Sfe 3 A geography of Japan. 
Author Teikoku Chijgakukwai. Publisher Shubunkwan. 
Price Yen, 0.20. 

Nippon Chiri Seisetsu. H ^^^JlllSMIft A geography 
of Japan, Author Odauchi Michitoshi and Yoshida Rai- 
kichi. Publisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.85. 



• .« 



5 1 6 Catalogue of Books. 

Hompo Chiri Kogi. :4:^USiilllfl Lectures on the 
geography of Japan. Author Kida Sadakichi. Publisher 
Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Boken Ryokd Jutsu W Kt 1ft ff 4R How to take an 
adventurous journey. Author Murakami Dakuro. Pub- 
Usher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Chiri Gaku Shdhin. flfea^/hS A book on geogra- 
phy. Author Yazu Masanaga. Publisher Minyusha. Price 
Yen, 0.35. 

Chibun Gaku Kogi. flfeX^^H Lectures on physical 
geography. Author Uyeda Manjiro. Publisher Yoshi- 
kawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Chugaku Chibun Kydkwasho. ff^SUX^fc^H-ff A 
text book on physical geography for middle schools. 
Author Sato Den. Publisher Sugimoto. Prfce Yen, 0.75. 

Ryoko Dan. H^i^^ Talks on a journey. Author 
Kojima Usui. Publisher Naigwai Shuppan Kyokwai. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Kamakura Talk wan. Mlj^^^K The sights of Kama- 
kura. Author Sato Zenjiro. Publisher Murata Shigetaro. 
Price Yen, 0.38. 

Gwaikoku Chiri Kogi. ^ H ^ SI ^ f| Lectures on 
the geography of foreign lands. Authors Wada Kanae 
etc. Publisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.80. 

Gwaikoku Shin Chiri. ^S^^^SI ^ "cw geography 
of foreign lands. Author Iwata Juzo. Publisher Uchida 
Rokakuho. Price Yen, 0.80. 

Gwaikoku Sho Chiri. ^ H ^J"" Mb SI A. geography of 

foreign lands. Author Publisher Tanuma Shoten. Price 

Yen, 0.50. 

Gakusei to Ryoko. ^t^ £ jfetf Students and travelling. 
Author Publisher Shinseisha. Prfce Yen, o.io. 



Catalogue of Books. 517 

kankoku Annai. |$ H 1^ ft ^ guide of Korea. 
Author Kazuki Gentard. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price 
Yen, 1.50. 

Europe. (|lc H C^ Author Ikebe Gish5. Publisher 
Kink5do. Price Yen, 1.80. 

Rentan Yakan Ensoku. ^|tlMfl¥lfflilit£ Travelling at 
night, as a method of cultivating one's courage. Author 
Hayata Gendo. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Tsuzoku Chibun Goku K5wa. )ifSflfeX*3IS Lec- 
tures on physical geography. Author Akiyama Tetsutaro. 
Publisher Kaihatsusha. Price Yen, 0.16. 

Vladivostok Anfiai. {ffij^l^ft A guide to Vladivostok. 
Author Tsunoda Buj5. Publisher Tokyodo. Price Yen, 

0.45. 

Nojuku Ryokd, ff |g JScIff Camping out Author 
Tekkyakushi. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Kurume Annai. ^ 3 ^ |{| ft A guide to Kurume. 
Author Asano Yokichi. Publisher Shueisha. Price Yen. 

0.35. 

Koto Chiri Gaku K5gi. ifiS^^9^^|| Lectures on 

geography. Author Nagata Kensuke. Publisher Maruya, 

& Co. Price Yen, i.oo. 

Asakusa K5en. ^ ^ & BB Asakusa Park. Author 
Nishimura Tatsuo. Publisher Toky5 Shuppansha. Price 
o.io. 

Shokyd Meiku Yuran Annai. j»«^EI»J|^ft A 
guide to sight seers. Author Katayama Tomohiko. Pub- 
lishe Okura Shdten. Price Yen, 0.55. 

Meiseki Juhshaku Ki. ^ {§1 ^ ifi |E An account of 
a journey to famous places. Author Nippon Rekishi Chiri 
Kenkyu Kwai. Publisher Yoshikawa Uanshichi. Price 
Yen, 0.35. 



5 1 8 Catalogue cf Rooks. 

Meish5 Kiji. ^ JH IE ^ A description the illustripus 
sights. Author-- — ^Publisher Kinlcodo. Price Yea, 0.12. 

Shinonoi Sen Ryoko Annai. ^^|KI£>iTl| j^ A guicje 
to the Shinonoi Une of railway. Author Hanai Bunshd. 
Publisher Uyehara Shoten. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Mampitsu kiko Shitawarabi. ft^K^f Lf^to S^i^ A 
book of travels. Author Owada Tateki. Publisher Kin- 
kocK.-ArPriee Yen, 0.50. 

Kidan Bimbo Ryoko. i^^lt^KEif A popr journey^ 
Author Tekkyakushi. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 
0.25. 

Sekai Tanken. ^^^^ A bck)k of adventures. 
Author Shimizu Kanaemon. Publisher Buinmeidd. Price 
Yen, 0.40. ^: 

Beikoku Hawai Toko Mondo. i(iW^'^W^S^W^ A 
to America and Hawaii. Author Yanaagishi Kan. Pub- 
lisher Hobunkvvan. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Chiri kyohon. Jfi 8| ffc ;$: A text book on the ge- 
ography of Japan. Author Tatsumoto Tozo. Publisher 
Fukyiisha. Price Yen, 0.60. 

ChQtG Chiri Kyokwasho. ^^^Wk^H I" 4 Vols. 
Text books on geography for middle schools etc. Author 
Tatsumoto Tozo. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 2.05. 

Chuto Shin Chiri. 4* ^ ^ flfe S A text book on 
geography for middle schools etc., — of Japan. Author 
Noguchi Yasuoki. Publisher Seibido. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Chuto Shin Chiri. ^f^^T^MfeS A text book on geo- 
gra[)hy for middle schools etc.,— of foreign laixis. Author 
Noguchi Yasuoki. Publisher Seibido. Price Yen, 0.70. 

CluKo Shin Chiri. ^fl^f^iffiJ-l A text book on ge- 
ography for middle schools etc. Author Shiga Jijlo. 
Publisher Fusambo. Price Yen, 0.70. 



Catalogue qf Books - 5 19 

Chibun Kyohon. Ml3lCft^ A text book on physical 
geography.. Author Yokoyama Matajird. Publisher Fu- 
kyusha. Price Yeri, 0.55. 

Taiwan Shi. ^ ^ ^ A description of Formosa. 
Author Ino Yoshimori. Publisher Bungakusha. Price 
Yen, 3.20. 

Chiri Kyokwasho. ^3||jl:^^ In 4 Vols. Text books 

on geography. Author Publisher Bungakusha. Price 

Yen, 1. 12. 

Chibun Gaku Mopdo. fill 3t * P? ^ A book on 
physical geography, in the form of questions and answers. 
Author Publisher Aoki Suzaiido. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Gwaikoku Chiri Kyokwasho. 51-SSMKSIfc3^# A 
text book on the geography of foreign land?. Author 
Ihara Gi. Publisher Shunyodd. Price Yen, 0.70. 

Gembun Itchi Nippon Chiri. a X^^'^ II ;*^ Mi!?i A 
geography of Japan in colloquial style. Author Pub- 
lisher Fusambo. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Kyonii no Ryoko. ||.^0]S6^f An interesting journey. 
Author Taniguchi Masanori. Publisher Hayashi Seirindo. 
Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shinshiki Nippon Chiri. ISi^^^^M A geography 
of Japan. Author Aoki Tsiinesaburo. Publisher Aoki 
Suzandd. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Genbun Itchi Bankoku Chiri. "^^ — SS^^HfifeJi A 

universal geography in colloquial style. Author 

Publisher Fusambo. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Natural Sdenees. 

(Including Botany, Zoology, Physics, Chemistry, 
Mineralogy, and Geology, continued.) 

Hotaru no HanasHi. ||(Z>iS An account of fire-flies. 



5 20 Catalogue of Books, 

Author Watase Shozaburo. Publisher Kaiseikwan. ' Price 
Yen, 0.35. 

Doshokubutsu to Rekishi. 56 ^ 41/ £ S jtl Animals 

and plants, and history. Author Publisher Kinkodo. 

Price Yen, 0.18. 

Kani Ddbutsu Gaku K5gi. |||^8il^$iP|| Lectures 
on zoology. Author Oka Asajiro. Publisher Kaiseikwan. 
Price Yen, 0.35. 

Kwagaku Kogi Jikkensho. f{l$^$|XJ|St^ Lectures 
and experiments in Chemistry. Author Kametaka Toku- 
hei. Publisher Kaiseikwan. Price Yen, 1.50. 

Kyokwa Y6 Jikken Kwagaku. jftSH-fflSfSStft^A 
text book on experimental chemistry. Author Yamamoto 
Keitaro. Publisher Fukyiisha. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Sht>kubutsu no Keitai. ^^Ol^Wi Shapes of plants. 
Author Malsumura Ninz5. Publisher Dai Nippon Zusho 
Kwaisha. Price Yen, 0.95. 

Jinrui Dan. A^Wi Talks on human races. Author 
Tsuboyi Sh5gor5. Publisher Kaiseikwan. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Shokubutsu Kai no Dan. ^^^(D^ Talks on Botany. 
Author Miyoshi Gaku. Publisher Kaiseikwan. Price Yen, 
0.40. 

Shintei Butsuri Gaku. iSf^%^3|$ ^ *^ook on physics. 
Author Sugano Kaika. Publisher Kobunsha. Price Yen, 
0.85. 

Seis5 Gaku Seigi. {^ifl^t^H Principles of phrenolo- 
gy. Author Seki Ryushi. Publisher Kobayashi Shimbei. 
Price Yen, 2.00. 

Seiso Gaku Taii. tt^B^iife^ A book on phrenology. 
Author Nishina Karoku. Publisher Kobayashi Shimbei. 
Price Yen, 0.35. 

Nippon Sorui Meii. g ^H^^& Names of Japanese 



Catalogue of Books. 521 

sea weeds. Author Okamura Kintaro. Publisher Kei- 
gyosha. Price Yen, 1.50. 

Nippon Kais5 Zusetsu. B;4^f9HIHI% Figures with 
explanations of Japanese sea weeds. Author Okamura 
Kintaro. Publisher Keigy5sha. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Nippon Y5shi Shokubutsu Zufu. H:4:^{fij£%^i!^ 
Figures of Japanese plants of sheep tooth species. Author 
Makino Tomitaro. Publisher Keigyosha. Price Yen, 0.30, 

Ddbutsu Saishu Hozon Ho. W6iWlk%1^^ Method 
of the collection and preservation of animals. Author 
Takeda Ushinosuke. Publisher Seibidd. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Dobutsu Gaku Chu Kydkwasho. 'WW^^^I^t^^ ^ 
text book on zoology for middle schools etc. Author 
Terasaki Tomekichi. Publisher Keigydsha. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Chishitsu Gaku KokL ^ft$^f| Lectures on geolo- 
gy. Author Rekishi oyobi Chiri Koshukwai. Publisher 
Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Rikwa Hyohon Seisaku H5. W^^if^WL^"^ Method 

of making specimens for natural science. Author 

Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Rikwa Kyokwasho. SI ^ tt ^ llr ^ ^^^^ book on 

natural science. Author Publisher Teikoku Shose- 

ki Kwaisha. Price Yen, 0.85. 

Rikwa Shiryo. S^ftl^* Materials for natural science. 
Author Akiyama Tetsutaro. Publisher Tanuma Shoten. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Rikwagaku Koshiki. Sffc^^^ Formulae of physics 
and chemistry. Author Kondo Juro. Publisher Kanasa- 
shi. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Rikwa Kyojuho Kogi Yoryd. a5H-|kgji|5ffi 
Method of teaching natural science. Author Tanahashi 
Gentard. Publisher Hoeikwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 



522 Qttahgne <f B^s, 

Shun Ka Shu To Rikwa Tebikigusa. ^'SM^WI^ 
:^^\^ A guide to natural science for spring, summer, 
autumn and winter. . Author Kimura Shoshu. Publisher 
Hakubqnkwan. Price Yen, 0.38. 

Rikwa Kyoju Yo Dobutsu Zu. aflilt!Sfflll4di! 
Figures of animals for the use of teaching natural science. 
Author Yazawa Yonesaburd. Publisher Kinshddo. Price 
Yen, 1.50. 

Chuta Kydiku Kwagaku Mondo. *t*9lJi:Wft9^n^ 
Questions ai)f} answers on chemistry for middle schools 

etc. Author Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 

0.20. ... 

Kaiso Gaku Hanron. JKH4^2H«lll ^ book on Sea 
weeds. Author Okamura Kintaro. Publisher Keigyosha. 
Price Yen, 2.35. 

Yakuyo Shokubutsu Jikken Benran. DiffitttiFltMt 
1£ M( ^ guide to experiments with medical plants. 
Author Ichimura To. Publisher Keigyosha. Price 
Yen, 0.60. 

Chuto Kyoiku Butsurigaku Mondo. ^^HCfi^M!^ 
ffl^ Questions and answers on phy6ic$ for middle 

schools etc. Author Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price 

Yen, 0.30. 

Kobutsukai Chu Kydkwasho. WlO^^lik^'tt A 
text book on minerals for middle schools etc. Au- 
thor Terasaki Tomekichi. Publisher Keigydsha. Price 
Yen, 0.35. 

Chuto Kyoiku Kobutsu Kai Kydkwasho. ^^HSCffWi 
^^fSl^^ A text book on minerals for middle schools 
etc. Authors Takimoto Toz5 and Matsuno Jutaro. 
Publisher Tanuma Shoten. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Konchu Bunrui Ho. g^Ji^Hj^ Classification of 



Catalogue of Books. 523 

crawling insects. Author Sasaki Chujiro. Publisher Kci- 

gyosha. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Saikin Jiki Gagu. ^WSllMJ^ The latest teaching 

on magnetism. Author Ichikawa Rintard. Publisher 
Sanseido. Price Yen, 0.45. 

Kioku-jutsu Oyo Butsuri Juken Sank5sho. lEt^til?^ 
ffl^SI$S?t^^^ ^ reference book for examination 
in physics, for memorizing. Author Onda Shigenobu, 
Publisher Kanahara Torasaku. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Shokubutsu Saishu Ho. fit '^ ^ ^ ?i Method of 
collecting plants. Authors Kurimoto Einojo and Naka- 
nishiki Hirotsugu. Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Fuji San Shokubutsu Mokuroku. ^dTlljfili'^B^ A 

list of plants on Mount Fuji. Author Umemura Jintaro. 
Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Jitsuyd Shokubutsu Byori Gaku. fffflfil^^a^ A 
book on diseases of plants. Authors Miyabe Kingo and 
Ideta Shin. Publisher Shdkwabo. Price Yen, 1.70. 

Kiseichu Gaku. ^^^$ A book on parasitic insects. 

Author Ikoma T5taro. Publisher Anayama Tokutard. 
Price Yen, 0.40. 

Shinsen Nippon Shokubutsu Zusetsu. tS'HK H4^tiiL^IS 

ift Vol. VI. Figures with explanations of Japanese 

plants — annuals. Author Makino Tomitaro. Publisher 
Keigyosha. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Shinsen Nippon Shokubutsu Zusetsu. ^m H 4^>fj£% 
H^ Figures with explanations of Japanese plants — 
6ndogamous species. Authors Matsumura Ninzo and Mi- 
yoshi Gaku. Publisher Keigyosha. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Joshi Rikwa Shintei Kobutsu oyobi Kwagaku. ^-p 
a^ffSliJ^Sft* A book on mineralogy and 
chemistry, for girls. Author Harada Choniatsu. Pub- 
lisher Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 0.55. 



$24 Catal<^ni ef Bodks. 

Shogaku Shin Rikwa. /h#ljVf9ff Natural Btfenoe 

for elementary schools. Author — «— Publisher Bungiaku- 
sha. Price Yen, 0.89. 

Shtnsen Butsuri Mondo. 3|fdl4lfSIPI^ QueidoiiB 
and answers on physics. Author Okano Eitaro. Pub- 
lisher Bunyodo. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Seibutsu Kai no Genshd, Dobutsu. ^%|^;Sl%||^> W 
tfg Phenomena of the biological worM, — anlmak. 
Author Ando Isajiro. Publisher UychatU Shoten. Price 
Yen, 0.70. 

Seibutsu Kai no Gensho, Shokubutsu. ^^%^^Jf^%,^ 
tfg Phenomena of the biological world, -plants. Author 
Ando Isajiro. Publisher Uyehara Shoten. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Jogakko Yo Seibutsu Gaku. :^iPftffl^l||^ Bio- 
logy for girls' schools. Authors Sasaki Toyosaburo and 
Mizoguchi Shikajiro. Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0,60. 

Shizenkai no Gensho. 9^^;2lS^ Phenomena of 
Nature. Author Misawa Rikitaro. Publisher Uyehara 
Shdten. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Dobutsu Kai no Seizon Ky5s6. 5ft^$0£#JSI^ 
^ Struggle for existence in the animal kingdom. 
Author Shiono Susumu. Publisher Tanuma Shoten. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Chuto Butsuri Gaku. ^^^S^^ Physics for middle 
schools etc. Author Sud5 Denjiro. Publisher Seibidd. 
Price Yen, i.oo. 

Churui Hatsuiku Hy5. iiUftW^ A table of the 
growth of insects. Author Sasaki Chujiro. Publisher 
Keigyosha. Price Yen, o.io. 

Muki Kwagaku Mondai Sh5kai. JK^ft#ni|IHt||| 
A Key to the questions on inorganic chemistiy. Author 
Yukawa Iwao. Publislier Aokl Suzando. Price Yefi, 0.4a. 




Catalogue cf Books. S^S 

Umi no Dobutsu Kai. ^ CD Hi ^ ^ The animal 
kingdom of the sea. Author Akiyama Benzo. Pub- 
lisher Kobayashi Shimbei. Price Yen, o.JO. 

Kobutsu Kai Kyokwasho. 0||ij||tfc3^flr A text 
book on the mineral kingdom. Authors Yamada Kuni- 
hiko and Ishigami Magozd. Publisher Bungakusha. 
Prk3e Yen, 0.65. 

Kobutsu Kai. |K%^Jf A book on the mineral king- 
Uom. Author Hirose Soho. Publisher Hoeikwan. 
Price Yen, a40. 

Kinsei Butsuri Gagu Kyokwasho. jl£1H:4feSi9^iic|lllr 
A text book on modern physics. Author Nakamura 
Solji. Publisher Fuaambo. Price Yen, i.oo. 

Shinsen Nippon Shokubutsu Zusetsu. 0fSIS4^'HI^ 
HIK Figures of Japanese plants with explanations. 
Authors Matsumnra Ninzo and Miyoshi Gaku. Publisher 
Keigyosha. Price Yen, 3.00. 

Shinsen Nippon Shokubutsu Zusetsu. jlfSB^f^M^' 
Mil Figures of Japanese plants with explanations. 
Author Matsuo Tomitaro. Publisher Keigyosha. Price 
Yen, 3,0Q. 

Chuto I^obutau Kyokwasho. ^^%^tW^1lk A text 
book on zoology for middle schools etc. Author Omori 
Chitoze, Publi3hcr Fukyusha. Price Yen, 075. 

Chuta Kobutsu Kydkwasho. ^^Wfihi%l^^ A text 
book on mineralogy for middle schools etc. Author 
ShimiuM S^netaka. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Rikwa Kyohon. ^^fS:^ A text book on natural 
Jicience>'^-^n physics. Authors Nezu Fukuya and Tsu- 
kuyi Tokujiro. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Chugaku Kobutsu Kai Kyokwasho. 4* $ ^ ^ ^ IS^ 
5^11 A text book on the mineral kinddom for middle 



526 Catalogue of Books. 

schools etc. Author Yokoyama Matajiro. Publisher 
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Temmon Kovva. ^X^SS Lectures on astronomy. 
Author Yokoyama Matajiro. Publisher Hakubunkwan. 
Price Yen, i.io. 

Jinshu Shi. A iffi ^ A book on human races. 
Author Torii Ryuzo. Publisher Kobayashi Shimbei. 
Price Yen, 0.50. 

Chugaku Shokubutsu Kyokwasho. H'^jfL'^fiC^Ar 
A text book on botany for middle schools. Author 
Miyoshi .Gaku. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.75. 

Shokubutsu Seitai Bikwan. >fil ^ ^ 1^ HJR The 
beauty of living plants. Author Miyoshi Gaku. Pub- 
lisher Fusamb5. Price Yen, 0,90. 

Mathematics. 

ChOgakko Sugaku Kyokwasho, Sanjutsu no Bu. 4*^ 
WLWM^W^^^W^kUM Text books on arithmetic for 
middle schools. In 2 Vols. Author Terada Ju and Yoshi- 
da Kokuro. Publisher Fuzambo. Price Yen, i.io. 

K5t6 Jogakko Daisu Kydkwasho. ^^-^^^tSL^WS^ 
J^^ A Text book on algebra for girls' high schools. 
Author Okamoto Kotaro. Publisher Bungakusha. Price 
Yen, 0.40. 

Daisu Gaku Kyokwasho. f^jK$$(c3^lir In 2 Vols. 
Text books on algebra. Author Sawada Goichi. Publisher 
Fuzambo- Price Yen, i.io. 

Maiji Haita Sanjutsu Kyoan. H^Kg^fl?^^ Me- 
thod of teaching arithmetic, in one hour lessons. Authors 
Kondo Kuichiro etc. Publisher Dobunkwan. Price 
Yen, 0.30. 



CatalPgtie of Books. 527 

Shot5 Sanjutsu Kyokwasho. ^^^fl9Dc3p|^ A text 
book on elementary arithmetic. Authors Komatsuzaki 
Ryotaro etc. Publisher Sugimoto. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Sanjutsu Kyokwasho. ^^fjt^$ Ii^ 2 Vols. Text 
books on arithmetic. Author Sawada Goichi Publisher 
Fuzambo. Price Yen, i.io. 

Joshi Kikagaku Kyokwasho. ic^MW^ifc^ff A 
Text book on geometry for girls. Authors Hasegawa 
Kazuoki etc. Publisher Tanuma Shoten.Price Yen, 0.60. 

Daisu Gaku Kyokwasho. RjK^fic^^ I^ 2 Vols. 
Text books on algebra. Author Takahashi Toyo. Pub- 
ILsher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 1.60. 

Heimen Kikagaku Kydkwasho. ^^®^M«^tSl^lJ A 
text book on plain geometry. Author Takahashi Toyo. 
Publisher FukyQsha. Price Yen 0.80. 

Chugaku Sankakuh5. •^'^H^^i Trigonometry for 
middle schools. Author lijima Masanosuke. Publisher 
Fuzambd. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Daisu Mondai Kaito Jizai. IttferaHM^gffi How 
to solve algebraical problems. Author Nippon Chu5 Gaku- 
sha. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Prise Yen, 0.40. 

Sanjutsu Kyokwasho. ^^i^jft^ff In 2 Vols. Text 
books on arithmetic. Authors Takahashi Toyoo etc. Pub- 
lisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 1.50. 

Chuta Kyokwa Sanjutsu Sho. }^^^l^%1f^^ In 2 
Vols. Text books on arithmetic for middle schools etc. 
Author Sakai Saho. Publisher Ikueisha. Price Yen, 1.20. 

Shogakko Sanjutsu Kyoju Ho. /h * t? ^ ^ |fe g j* 
Method of teaching arithmetic in elementary schools. 
Author Sunazaki Tokuzo. Publisher Toyosha. Price 
Yen, 0.60. 

Kika Mondai Kaita Jizai. JKHW^JS^Stt How to 



528 Catalogue qf Baahs. 

solve geometrical problems. Author Nippon Chuo Gaku- 
sha. Publisher Keigyosha. Price You, 0,40. 

Shot5 Kikagaku Kyokwasho, Heimen no Bu. 409|^Ji| 
f^^|JC)^^^|5;2llB A text book on plain geometry. 
Author Shirai Denzaburo. Publisher Keigyosha. Price 
Yen, 0.75. 

Chuto Teido Shinaen Sanjutau Mondat. H*9@[ttW€l 
H^WMISI ^ collection of arithmetical questions for mid- 
die schools etc. Author Miyata Tonosuke, Publiaher 
Sanseido. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shinsen Shdgyo Sanjutsu. Wi^MMM^ ^ book on 
commercial arithmetic. Author Okada Ichtji. Publisher 
Kobunsha. Price Yen, 0.55. 

Shinsen Suri Mondo. jRSIKSHIS' A book on ma- 
thematical theories in the form of questions and answers. 

Author Okano Eitard. Publisher Uosumi Shot<n. Price 
Yen, 0.15. 

Sugaku Rironteki Mondai T5an. fti[93llfit6^P|J6^i^ 
A collection of answers to theoretical problems in mathe- 
matics. Author Nippon Chuo Gakusha. Publisher Aoki 
Suzando Price Yen, 0.40. 

Tamazan Kairyo An. S^JI^Sft^^ A proposed plan 

of reform in the use of the abacus. Author Inouye En- 
ryo. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Rittai Kikagaku Kyokwasho. j):||flM9i^ll# ^ 

text book on solid geometr>\ Author Takahashi Toyoo. 
Publif^her Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.55. 

Oyo Kika Gwahd Kaisetsu. MMIk^^^fH^ £^* 
planations of applied geometrical figures. Author Nobara 
Kyuichi. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen. 0.20. 

Oyo Kika Gwah5. ffiffiMMHj^ A book on applied 
geometrical figures. Author Nohara Kyuichi. Publisher 
FukySsha. Price Yen, 0.35. 



Cdtahgui ef Bodks, $39 

Shoto Bibun Sekibun Gaku. i|n9fti;#)8H^9 A text 
book on differential calculus and integral calculus. Author 
Fujita Sotojiro etc. PuUisher Kanasashi* Price Yen, 
0.70. 

Sankakuho Kyokwasho. HA^HIlff^ A text book 
on trigonometry. Author Endo Matazo. Publisher Ko- 
fukwan. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Medicine. 

Haikekkaku Hetol Shin Ryoho Ron. AlftSi^^ \^/^ 
ISiMikWi An essay on the new Hetol cure of consump- 
tion. Author Nagaoka Tenz5. Publisher Kanaharu Tora- 
saku. Price Yen, 1.35. 

Gakko Okyu Chiryd Ho. ^I^t^"^^^^ A book 
on "first help" in schools. Author Uyeno Tatsumi. 
Publisher Toyosha. Price Yeu, 0.20. 

Tsuzoku Kambyd Gaku. ^^^^$ A book on com- 
mon sick nurseing Author Oka Ryutaro. Publisher 
Nankodo. Price Yen, 0.60 

Gekwa Shujutsu Zufu. ^3^^|||ilBI8[ Figures of sur- 
gical operations. Author Narimiya Reiichi. Publisher 
Nankoda Price Yen, 6.00. 

Gekwa Soron Chukwan. ^ ff-lt Ifr 'f*^^ A book on 
surgery, Vol, 3. Author Katsura Hidema. Publisher 
Kanahara Torasaku. Price Yen, 1.55. 

1^'utsu Kaigyo Shiken Mondo Sosho. |§||||Rj||lt||m 
i$tft^ A collection of questions and anewers on medi- 
cine for examinations for government license for physicians 
Author Shuto Kwan. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price. 
Yen, 0.9a 

Shindan Shorei. ^Wff M A ooilecttpn of phyisician'^ 



ejo Catalogtu of Books, 

certificates. Author Shimada Shosaku. Publisher Naii- 
kodo. Price Yen, 170. 

Baidoku Chiryo Shinron. j<|#}|S||fr|fir A book on 
the cure of syphih's. Author Nakamura Juji. Publisher 
Nankodo. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Saishin Nippon Yakkyoku Ho Zenshu. ^^^i^%W^ 
cfc^lfe A complete collection of the laws of medicine. 
Authors Onda Shigenobu. Publisher Nankodd Price 
Yen, 0.(30, 

Kohyo By5 Shinron. W^^^^ A book on fox 
possession. Author Kadowaki Maeda. Publisher Haku- 
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Sankwa Seigi. ^f^MII Vol. 3. A book on mid- 
y^'ifery. Author Sakuki Junjiro. Publisher Nankodo. Price 
Yen 1.30. 

Tsuzoku I-Ch5 Byo Yojo Ho. jifSHft^H^^ 
Common cures for stomach and bowel complaints. Author 
Yamamoto Goro. Publisher H5bunkwan. Price Yen. 0.50. 
Nippon Kentai Shoni no Hatsuiku Ron. Q4^{l£t&/h 
%C/)^W3& A book on the growth and development of 
Japanese children of normal health. Author Mishima 

Tsuryo Publisher Dai Nippon Zusho Kwaisha. Price 
Yen 0.70. 

Nippon Yakkyoku H5 Biko. \M^%W)i^^ Notes 

on the Japanese law of medicine. Authors litaka Yoshi- 

yasu, Aoki Junz5 and Okonogi Shinrokufo. Publisher 
Asakaya. Price Yen 1.70. 

Nippon Yakkyoku Ho Chukai. H*|j|^:fr^M Notes 
^n the Japanese iaw of medicines. Author Yamashita 
Juuichiro. Publisher Nankodo. Price Yen, 3.60. 

Tsuzoku Eisei Komon. jiifStSf^^K Simple advice 
on hygiene. Autlior Tokyo Yakugaku Kyokwai. Pub- 
Usher Shugakudo. Price .Yen, 0.95. 



Cataiog}i€ of Books, 531 

Onna Isha. "^ ^ ^ A woman physician. Author 
Shukin Joshi. Publisher Seikdkwan. Price Yen 0.30. 

Katei Eisei Shinsho. W^W^1S[^^ A book on home 
hygiene. Author Okabc Seinosuke. PubHshcr Scishid5. 
Price Yen, 0.45. 

Kaisui yoku. fH^^ A book on Sea bathing Author 
Uchida Kotar5. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Naikwa Shindansho. ft|^^!^]|f A book on the in- 
ternal treatment of diseases. Author Terao Kunihei. 
Publisher Nankddo. Price Yen, 2.30. 

Rinsho Juken Biko Naikwa Zensho. fiRHi'3'iii(i#ft 
^ ^ ^r A book on internal diseases for clinical Ex- 
amination. Author Kawauchi Tatsuwaka. Publisher Nan- 
kodo. Price Yen 1.70. 

Malaria Shinsatsu. JfitflJMSSffift A book on Malaria. 
Author Tsutsuki Jinnosuke. Publisher Kanahara Tora- 
saku. Price Yen, 1.20. 

Shuchin Gekwa Iten. %^^^^% Vol. II. A 
pocket book on surgery. Authors Tamura Koken and 
Oka Ryutaro. Publisher Nankodo. Price Yen, 1.35. 

Kyokusho Kaibo Gaku Kohon. ^^MftlJ-^^I^C A 
text book on partial anatomy. Author Narasaka Gen- 
ichiro. Publisher Handaya. Price Yen, i.io. 

Kioku Kyoko Kingaku Benran. %V^W^%^^^ A 
book on sinews. Author Chikusa Sataro. Publisher 
Handaya. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Kinsei Naikwa Zensho. j£ifi:|^fl-^# A book on 
the modern treatment of internal diseases. Author Hashi- 
moto Sessai. Publisher Nankodo. Price Yen, 3.00. 

Meika Shoho. ^*^%')^ A collection of rcnowed 
doctors' prescriptions. Author Murayama Kumaji. Price 
Yen, 0.45. 



532 Catalogue of Books, 

Shusei Yakubutsu Gaku. ||j£||i<^i^ Vol. V. A 
book on the science of medicine. Author Ise Jojord. 
Publisher Nankddo. Price Yen, 0.90. 

Shokumotsu Isan. ^^^^ A classified collection of 
foods. Author Sagami Kasaku. Publisher Maruya & Co. 
Price Yen, i.oo. 

Eisei Koryo. flS^mi Vol. IV. A book on 
hygiene. Author Tsuboyi Jiro. Publisher Kinshodd. 
Price Yen, 0.90. 

Eisei Biy5 Jutsu. Itl^SI^^ Facial Embellishment 
by hygienic methods. Authors Kawase Genkurd and 
Kawase Fumiko. Publisher Dai Nippon Zusho Kwaisha. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Shinan Enkei Shishiryoku Hy5. m^^f^U.WL')}^ 
A new table of marks for the examination of the sight. 
Author Shin Yoshinao. Publisher Asakaya. Price Yen, 
0.20. 

Byori Soron Kogi. ^SlSH^pH^ Lectures on the 
principles of diseases. Author Yamazume Katsusaburd. 
Publisher Handaya. Price Yen, 1.50. 

Byoteki Sairyo Kwansatsu Ho Jisshii. ^69;^)|^SK^ 
]^ H ® Practice in the method of observing morbid 
materials. Author Yamazume Katsusaburd. Publisher 
Handaya. Price Yen, 2.00. 

Seirigaku Kogi. ^a^^lH Vol. III. and Vol. IV 
Lectures on physiology. Author Miyairi Keinosuke. 
Publisher Handaya. Price Yen, 2.2G. 

Seishin-by5 Gaku. ^ jji^ ^ $ A book on mental 
diseases. Author Kadowaki Maeda. Publisher Hakubun- 
kwan. Price Yen, 2.00. 

Chugaku Seiri Eisei Kyokwasho. ^$^3%^tic|f 
^ A text book on physiology and hygiene for middle 



Catalogue of Books. 533 

^Schools. Author Kamimura Kenryo. Publishtr Fukyu- 
Ssha. Price Yen, 0.65. 

Kaibd Byosha Clio. fBSlHS^W A sketch book of 
anatomy. Author Ishikawa Kichoku. Publisher Tohodo, 
Trice Yen, 1,00 

Futsu Anshin Gaku. ^i£^^$ A book on com- 
mon shampooing and acupuncture. Author Okiimura 
Sansaku. Publisher Seishido. Price Yen, 1.20. 

Sanzcn Sango no Kokoroe. Mt^M'&.Qii^^ Care to 
be taken before and after parturition. Author Seki To- 
jiro. Fubhslier Kobundo. Price Yen, 0.40. 

TsQzoku Eisei Me no Hanashi. ii^ffi^aaoti?! L 
A common talk on the eye. Author Ogawa Kenzaburo. 
Publisher Plakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.18. 

Shinzo Byo Ron. jf>|K^ift A book on heart disease. 
Author Okamoto Toshiyuki. Publisher Nankodo. Price 
Yen, 1.50. 

Chugaku Seiri Ky6kwasho. ^^^m.16M^ A text 
book on physiology for middle schools. Author Tsuboyi 
Jiro. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.70. 

Commercial books. 

Obei Shogyo Jissei. BfC^-lSUffj^ The real state of 
commerce in Europe and America. Author Moriyama 
Moritsugu. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0,50. 

Kojin Eigyo oyobi Kessha Eigyo. fflAfi^SiK6tfi 
^ Business carried on by individuls and companies. 
Author Publisher Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Saishin Shogyo Y5k6. gfflSIISiH The latest 
method of mercantile business. Author Tsuchiya Cho- 
kichi. Publisher Jitsugyo no Nihon Sha. Price Yen, 

o.;s. 






534 Catalog^ue of Books. 

Shogyo Annai. |$ Hl^ ^ A guide to mercantile 
business. Author Banto Rikuzo. Publisher Shubunkwan. 
Price Yen, 0.35. 

Shogy5 Kyokvvasho. ]fi$ ^ fS: ^^ ^ A text book on 
mercantile business. Author Mizushima Tetsuya. Pub- 
lisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 1. 15. 

Ginko Shinron, Gwaikoku Kawase. jR ^T K 1^ W ^ 
@jS^ a book on banking business, including an arti- 
cle on foreign exchange. Author Noguchi Koki. Pub- 
lisher flakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Shogy5 Kihan. MMWlVi In 3 Vols. Text book 
of mercantile business. Author Terada Yukichi. Publisher 
P'ukyusha. Price Yen, 1.85. 

Shogyo Sakubun. ]]S H f1^ 3t A book on business 
letter writing. Author Shogyo Gakkwai. Publisher Ko- 
bundo. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shdhin oyobi Shogyo Chi. "^ pp jS 1$ H ifi A book 
about mercantile articles and places. Author Shogyo Sekai 
Sha. Publisher Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Rokoku oyobi Siberia Shoky5 Chosa Hokoku. fgggj^ 

?gJ:I:?»Jil5lS^HPSfll^ A report on the mercantile con- 
(lition of Russia and Siberia. Author Ndshomusho. Pub- 
lisher Anayama Tokutaro. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Baibai oyobi Toki. j^^SfitS Bargaining and specula- 
tion. Author Shogyo Sekai Sha. Publisher Dobunkwan. 
Price Yen, 0.20. 

Nippon Torihikisho Ron. H^^lR^l^lft A book on 
exchanges in Japan. Author Aoki Genzaburo. Pub- 
lisher Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.45. 

Nippon Fui;5 no Kakcn. Wif^^CD^M Household 
laws of the Japanese millionaires. Author Bokutei Inshi 
Puljlishcr Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.30. 



I 



CatalogHi €f Books. 535 

Beikoku Tojiki Sh6gy5 ni Kwansuru Hokoku :)|tSP^ 

^8?5'ffi|U'IIBf^fil^ A report on the potteries of 
America. Author Noshdmusho. Publisher Anayama 
Tokutaro. Price Yen, 0.12. 

Toshin Tetsudo Fukin Shokyo Shisatsu Hokoku. ]ftfi| 
*K>tBf>£^%^^^^ A report on mercantile con- 
ditions in the vicinity of the East China Railway. Author 
Noshomusho. Publisher Anayama Tokutaro. Price Yen, 
0.25. 

K6t5 Jogakko Yo Kakei Boki. i^^ic^^fffllSStfJS 
Id The rules of domestic bookkeeping for girls' high 
schools. Author Sakuma Buntaro. Publisher Bungakusha. 
Price Yen, 0.35. 

Manshu ni okeru Yunyu Mcmpu Rui ni Kwansuru 

Hokoku. mm'~mi hmxwm%\yM-^ h%'^ Are- 

port on imported cotton cloth in Manchuria. Author No- 
sliomusho. Publisher Anayama Tokutard. Price Yen, o. 1 2. 

Ginko Riyo Ho. ^fff'Jffl^ How to make use of 
a bank. Author Suda Mairoku. Publisher Kdkkosha. 
Price Yen, 0.40. 

Gink5 Boki Gaku. ® >(f ?S l£ ^ A book on bank 
bookkeeping. Author Nakamura Sahei. Publisher Ko- 
kkosha. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Hosha Kydiku Shdgyo Nyumon. %^%M%^Xn 
Vol. I. A text book on mercantile business. Author Hama- 
da Shird. ' Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.18. 

Nippon Shog)'5 Tokuhon. H * ^ H IK 4c Vol. III. 

A reader on commercial business. Author ' Publisher 

Dobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Shogyd Boki Reidai Kaishiki. ^%mLmm^ A 
key to the exercises in bookkeeping. Author Ikeda Gen. 
Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.40. 




536 



Catalogue of Books, 



Shogyo Boki Reidai. %%WitM^ A collection of 
exercises in commercial bookkeeping. Author Ikeda Gen. 
Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Shogyo Boki Kyokwasho. ^HftSBIfeSH'^ A text 
book on commercial bookkeeping. Author Sano 2^nsaku. 
Publisher Dobunkvvan. Price Yen, 1.60. 

Chuto Kyoiku Shogyd Gaku Mondo. ^^ftCM^"^^ 
^^ A collection of questions and answers on commercial 

business. Author Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price 

Yen, 0.30. 



Shogyd Kwaigisho Ho oyobi Fuzoku Hoki. 
^fiARfSS^^ffi. Law of Chambers of Commerce and 
Dependent Regulations. Author Noshomusho. Publisher 
Anayama Tokutaro. Price Yen, 0.08. 

Shinkoku ni okeru Boseki Gy5 no Gaikyo. fl|Bl|(I 
^Mhl^Wk^W^ A report of the condtion of spin- 
ning industries in China. Author Noshomushd. Pnblisher 
Anayama Tokutaro. Price Yen, 0.12. 

Ginko Boki Reidai. ^\^%%tWk A collection of 
exercises in bank bookecping. Author Nishikawa Masiaji. 
Publisher Kobayashi Shimbei. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Shogyo Sakubun. "^Hf^;^ A book on commercial 
letter writing. Author Shogyo Sekai Sha. Publisher Do- 
bunk wan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Jissen Kakei Boki. %WL%Vi%^ Practical domestic 
bookkeeping Author Nohara Tetsuho. Publisher Jitsu- 
gyo no Nihon Sha. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shogyd Tokuhon. "^^^I^^ Vol. I. A reader on 
commercial business. Author Amagi Yasumasa." Pub- 
lisher Ilakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.15. 



Catalogue of Books, 537 

Agriculture. 

Bonsai Shitate Hih5. ^ ii >fi: jt 12 ?i The art of 
growing plants in pots. Author Nakajima Nobuyoshi. 
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Oyo Tetetsu Gaku. W^%W^ A book on the 
horse shoe. Author Kishimoto Tatsuji. Publisher Ana- 
yama Tokutaro. Price Yen, 0.90. 

Yosan oyobi Seishi Ron. §l58SS4i^|fif A book on 
silk worm feeding and silk manufacture. Author Inouye 
Seiga. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.35. 

S5ju Saibai Zensho. ^^W^^% A book on the 
cultivation of the mulberry tree. Author Ikeda Eitaro, 
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 1.25. 

Ndgyo Hyakkwa. JH^lSf^^ A book on agriculture. 
Author Watanabe Taro. Publisher Ejima Kintaro. 
Price Yen, 0.50. 

Sambyo Ron. £^||^ A book on silkworm diseases. 
Author Iwabuchi Helsuke. Publisher Hakubunkwan. 
Price Yen, 0.30. 

Hata Saku Kakushin Ron. jllfflf^j^fflfir A book on 
reforms to be introduced in the cultivation of vegetable 
gardens. Author Maeda Katsushiro. Publisher Waseda 
N5en. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Nippon Hiry5 Seibun Ichiran. H*jElSl-)fS;^-^ A 
table of the constituents of Japanese manure. Author 
Mori Yataro. Publisher Keigyosha. Price Yen, o.io. 

Nippon Yuy5 Shinrin Jumoku Zu. P ^^^^fflHtW^TfC 
m 60 sheets. Figures of the trees in the forests of Japan. 
Author Dai Nippon Sanrin Kwai. Publisher Kobayashi 
Shimbei. Price Yen, 4.00. 
. Nippon Suisan Dobutsu Gaku. B;4^7jCj£5&^l^ A 



53^ Catalogue of Books. 

book on Japanese marine animals. Author Fujita Tsune- 
nobu. Publisher Shokvvabd. Price Yen, 2.30. 

Nippon Jumoku Gaichu Hen. R4w|)^^W^1il A 
book on the harmful insects on trees. Author Sasaki 
Chujiro. Publisher Keigyosha. Price Yen, 2.50. 

Nippon Inasaku Gaichu Zu. Q 4Cfgf^|^AiS Figures 
of harmful insects on rice plants. Author Hanyu Michiya. 
Publisher Keigyosha. Price Yen, 0.55* 

Komono Bonsai Jikken Shu. /h(K!fft^l|||||fc Ex- 
pcriments made on small plants in pots. Author Shun- 
kien Shujin. Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Juyo Nosakubutsu Gaichu Zu. £3^Ji|1t^4ll9AH 
Figures of the chief harmful insects on agricultural 
plants Author Hanyu Michiya. Publisher Keig)rosha. 
Pries Yen, 0.40. 

Gaichu Kujo Yoran. ^W^WWU How to get rid 
of harmful insects. Author Ndmukyoku. Publisher Kei- 
gyosha. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Kan Kitsu Ringo Nashi Rui Kwajitsu Choz5 H5. j^" 
mf(^^nM^%^WL^ How to preserve fruits such as 
oranges, apples, pears etc. Author Kajuenshu. Publisher 
Waseda N5en. Price Yen, 0.06. 

Soba Gaku. ;|gjl§^ A book on the physiognomy of 
horses. Author Ema Kusaburo. Publisher Anayama 
Tokutaro. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Nogakko Kokugo Tokuhon. Ji^^H 1^014^ In 3 
Vols. Readers for agricultural schools. Authors Taka- 
hashi Teizo and Suzuki Choko. Publisher Uyebara 
Shoten. Price Yen, 1.15. 

Noka no Shiori. J^^CD^ A guide to farmers. Author 
Inouye Kamegord. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Saikin Yosan Ron. ^MMMMi The latest method 



Catalogue of Books. 539 

of feeding silkworms. Authors Suda Kinnosuke and 
Taniura Kanezo. Publisher Shokvvabo. Price Yen, 1.50. 

Shuchin Sanshi Hoten. ^i^'MM^^ A pocket 
book on silk. Authors Matsunaga Gosaku and Imanishi 
Naojir5. Publisher Meibundd. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Santai Seiri Kyokwasho. MVf^^MI&W^ A text 
book on the physiology of silkworms. Author Kojima 
Michiharu. Publisher Kobunsha. Price Yen, 0.55. 

Santai Kaibo Ron. TSSItMWSi A book on the 
anatomy of silkworms. Author Matsushita Kenzaburd. 
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Jitsuyo Shinrin Gaku. SJfl^^^ Vol. II. Prac- 
tical forestry. Author Honda Sciroku. Publisher \Va- 
seda Noen. Price Yen, 0.75. 

Jitsuyo Doj5 Gaku. Hffli^^ A book on soils. 
Authors Sakai Hdnosuke and Rusaba Eiki. Publisher 
Shokwabo. Price Yen, 0.80. 

Shoto Nogyo Kwa Kyoju Ho. *J^Jg||^t5:J§^ 
Method of teaching elementary agriculture. Authors Yo- 
koi Jikei and Kozuki Kiroku. Publisher Kaihatsusha. 
Price Yen, 0.75. 

Hir>'0 Gaku. Qfi)|^|^ A book on manure. Author Nishi- 
mura Torazd. Publisher Maruya & Co. Price Yen, 1.60. 

Kachiku Kisei Dobutsu Gaku. ^"^^^^Wl^^ 
Vol. I. A book on the parasitic animals on cattle. Author 
Uno lyehara. Publisher Nankddo. Price Yen, 1.35. 

Aki Tabako Kosaku Ho. Hk^^Ll^^lk A book on 
the cultivation of autumn tobacco. Author Kubota 
Ryoon. Publisher Anayama Tokutaro. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Sangyo Keizai Ron. H^lffi^lfe A book on the 
economy of the silk worm industry. Author Tokuda 
Saneya. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30. 



540 Catalogue of Books. 

Shiitake oyobi Shotake Yosei Ho. |iiF&%JFfl£^ 
A book on the cultivation of various kinds of mush- 
rooms. Author Fujiwara Kwanju. Publisher Waseda 
Noen. Price Yen, 0.08. 

Shoto Suisan Gaku. ^^iJliM^ ^^ elenientary 
book on marine products. Author Banto Rikuzo. Pub- 
lisher Shubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Architecture, Mechanics, Brick-making, etc 

Rengwa Ydsetsu. ^%^Wt A book on the brick. 
Author Moroi Tsunehei. Publisher Hakubunkwan. 
Price Yen, 040. 

Tetsudo Tsuron. fli ^ S |fi^ A book on railways. 
Author Mogi Hideo. Publisher Ddbunkwan. Price 
Yen, 0.80. 

Kyoryo Kdshiki. 4S%&^ Bridge Formulas. 
Author Kanai Hikosaburd. Publisher Kenchiku Shorin, 
Price Yen, 0.60. 

Yurui Kogyo Bunseki. iA^XH^^ A book on 
the technical analysis of oils. Author Yano Kogakushi. 
Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Doryoku Hassei oyobi Bumpai. BI^|^^j^^BS A 
book on the production and distribution of momentum. 
Author Machida Do, Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price 
Yen, I. GO. 

Tsuzoku Kaoku Kairyo Kenchiku Ho. jfif&StcMQSC 
^ ^ IS f£ A book on improved methods of building 
houses. Author Inouye Shigejiro. Publisher Hakubun- 
kwan. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Kwappan no Maki. flflK;2l/S A book on the print- 
ing business. Author Ishii Kendo. Publisher Hakubun- 
kwan. Price Yen, 0.15. 



% 



CatalogU£ of Books. 541 

Kogyo Bunseki Ho. Xl^^tff^ A book on technical 
analysis. Author Koyama Sai. Publisher Nankodd. Price 
Yen, 1.30 

Eisei K^aku. fK ^ X ^ A book on technical hy- 
giene. Author Onuma Bunsai. Publisher Shobido. Price 
Yen, 1.20. 

D5ro Gaku Ippan. i^^f^-^^ A book on road 
making. Author Kinushima Hachiro. Publisher Haku- 
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Doboku Kogaku, Zairyo oyobi Kozo Hen. dt^X^ 
^Mi^'&^^M A book on building and construction. 
Author Ando Hiroyuki Publisher Okura Shoten. Price 
Yen, 1.75. 

Jitchi Oyo Doboku Sokuryo H5. 1|filia8ffl±*iMtt 
j^ Practical method of survey for building and con- 
struction. Author Ito Juro. Publisher Seishido. Price 
Yen, 0.85. 

Chikko. 9k f& ^^1* ^' A book on harbour con- 
struction. Author Hiroi Isamu. Publisher Maruya & 
Co. Price Yen, i.oo. 

Denki Kogaku Ippan. %,M,JLfft -^^ A book on 
dectrkal mecfaanics. Author Dshima Tatsunosuke. Pub- 
lisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.65. 

Kasoi Kogi Y5ran. jif jllX^£9t A book on river 
works. Author Kamei Shigemaro. Publisher Kenchiku 
Shoin. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Zosen Gaku. ^)|B'4^ A book on shipbuilding. Au- 
tiior Ydkota Seinea. Publisher Okura Shoten. Prk:e 
Yen, 2.00. 

Higo Kinko Roku. W&^XSk A book on the gold 
mines in the province of Higo. Author Nagaya Shigena. 
Publisher Yoshikawa Kdbunkwan. Price Yen, 1.80. 



542 Catalogue of Books. 

Mokkyd Sekkei Benran. TfC^fil^tHSfl A book 
on wooden bridge designs. Author Kanai Hikosaburd. 
Publisher Kenchiku Shoin. Price Yen, 0.80. 

bai Shiji Yushutsu Juyohin Y5ran. |^l9^ffttli£S 
pnfc^ Books on important articles for export — the 
4th series. Author Noshonuisho. PubHsher Anayama 
Tokutard. Price : Rugs Yen, o. 10, Straw work Yen, 0.25, 
Lacquer work Yen, 0.20, Fans Yen, 0.12. 

Language. 

Nippon Bunten Taiko. H >^ ^ Jft :;k iW A Japanese 
grammar. Author Suzuki Chuko. Publisher Kokugo 
Denshujo. Price Yen, 0.20. 

T5bun Ikai. ^ 3fc ^ M ^ book on the Japanese 
language for the Chinese. Author Oya Toru. Publisher 
Maruya & Co. Price Yen, 0.70. 

Chugaku Sakubun Kydkwasho. ^f'^f^jJtffc^^ A 
text book on composition for middle schools. Author 
Horii Hideo. Publisher Meiji Shoin. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Futsu Kyoiku Gembun Itchi. ^MffcW B'^'^Sfc A 
book on the uniformity of the spoken and written langu- 
ages. Author Fujii Kingo. Publisher Kokugokwan. Price 
Yen, 0.40. 

Kokugo Ho Ichiran. ®IS}i— ^ A Japanese gram- 
mar. Author Kvvazoku Jogakko. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 0.16. 

Sakubun Gosendai. #3tS^® 5,000 exercises in 
composition. Author Kida Kichitaro. Publisher Shubun- 
kwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Sliinsen Joryu Bumpan. ffii"^$(ti$S A book on 
compositim for girls. Author Hattori Kenji. Publisher 
Sjishindo. Price Yen, 0.60. 



^ 



Catalogue of Books. 543 

Nippon Bunten. H 4^3fiC:ft In 3 Vols. A Japanese 
grammar. Author Sassa Masaichi. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 0.60. 

Nippon Bumpd Ron. B 4^ 3fiC ^ tft A book on 
Japanese grammar. Author Yamada Takao. Publisher 
Hdbunkwan. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Gazoku Tashd Wakan no Bunten. ^%^W!A^1t 
^fc^ A comparative grammar of Japanese, classical as 
well as colloquial, and Chinese. Author It5 Sakon. Pub- 
lisher Kanasashi. Price Yen, 0.80. 

Gunjin Ky5iku Sakubun Kyotei. ¥A|5:^f^X|5:S 
A book on composition for the education of soldiers. 
Author Tomoda Gik5. Publisher Koyukwan. Price Yen, 
0.25. 

Hyoshaku Joshi Bumpan. I^P^iFjJC^ A book on 
composition with notes, for girls. Author Suzuki Aki. 
Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Guntai Shokan Bumpan. %W^%%^ A collection 
of letters for soldiers. Authors Anzai Kanae and Shino- 
niiya Kensho. Publisher Toyosha. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Joshi Kokugo Tokuhon. ic-FS^0l4^ In 10 Vols. 
Readers for girls. Author Makiyama Eiji. Publisher Fu- 
kyusha. Price Yen, 2.60. 

Shinsen Kokubun Mondo. i&f Sl H 3Jt ffl ^ A book 

on the Japanese language in questions and answers. 

Author Takano Isao. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price 
Yen, 0.20. 

Kokubunten Kyokwasho. S^Jftfic^flr A text book 
on Japanese grammar. Authors Koyama Samoji etc. 
Publisher Matsumura Sanshodo. Price Yen, 2.00. 

Kokugo Tegami no Bun. H^#j^C?)3fiC Letter writ- 
ing. Author Miyamoto Isao. Publisher Shdyodo. Price 
Yen, 0.16. 




544 OUisdogue ^ B^oks, 

Shukuga Shosai Bumpan. JKlV%li^jAC4fi A collection 
of letters of congratulation, and Condolence. AitUior 
Tsuda Fusanosuke. Publisher Kobayashi ShimbeL Price 
Yen, a25. 

Chuto Kyoiku Jitsuyo Nippon Bunten. 't'^JlfcWfflH 
H4^3fiC:ft A Japanese grammar ibr middle schools etc. 
Author Shinna Kinkitsu. Publisher Keigyosha. Price 
Yen, a6o. 

Bunkan Chikusa no Nishiki. ^Iffi^Ott A collec- 
tion of model compositions. Author Nakaniura. Shuko. 
Publisher Maekawa Buneikaku. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Shdgaku Kyoiku Kensho Rombun Shu. /l^^J|fcWlS1l[ 
l^^tlH A collection of compositions for elementary school 

children. Author Publisher Kink5do. Price Yen, 

0.60. 

Gunjin Seinen T5ron Eneetsu Gosendai. 9^AW^M 
IftSliftS'f'® 5,000 subjects of debates and speeches 
for young soldiers. Author Ohata Yutaka. Publisher 
Kyiikokatsu. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Gembun Itchi Sakuho Shinan, :t!fc-|i:f^j*ISSi A 
guide to composition in the Gembun Itchi style. Author 
Sugimoto Muko. Publisher Takigawa. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Bunsho Koshusho. 3fiC$^8)Br A book on conq>o9- 
tion witli exercises. Aulhor Hattori Kenji. Publisher Sei- 
shindo. Price Yen, 0.70. 

Kokubunten Koiion. 01 ^ jb ^ 4^ A text book on 
Japanese grammar. Author Kubota Ryogo. Publisher 
Kobunsha. Price Yen, 0.75. 

Kokugo Kambun Kanazukai Ho. H^flliiS^ll^ 
A book on the rules for the use of Kana in Japanese 
aiKi Chiitese. Autlior Dmiya Hyoma. Publisher Kokko- 
sha. Price Yen, 0.18. 



catalogue cf Books. 545 

Kokuji Kairyo Ronsan. H^eSt^H^ll A collection 
of articles on the reform of Japanese characters. Author 
Horie Hideo. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Kokugo no Shiori. H|g © j^ A guide to the Japa- 
nese language. Author Iniaizumi Kuntaro. Publisher 
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Kokugo Shin Bunten. Bi^|fi3fiC:ft A Japanese gram- 
mar. Authors Omachi Yoshiki and Takahashi Tatsuo. 
Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, i.io. 

Kokugo Kanazukai Ichiran. @|IS@^iS'*"IK A book 
on the use of Kana. Author Kwazoku J(^akk5. Pub- 
lisher Kokkosha. Price Yen, 0.12. 

Kokugogaku Shomoku Kaidai. 9l@$#gjl¥M Notes 
on the titles of books for the study of the Japanese 
language. Author Tokyo Teikoku Daigaku. Publisher 
Yoshikawa Hanshichi. Price Yen, 2.50, 

Kokugogaku Kenkyu Shi. H^^0f^St A history 
of the study of the Japanese language. Author Hanaoka 
Yasumi. Publisher Meiji Sh5iu. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shogaku Kokugokwa Kyoju Shishin. /h^H^^tit^ 
iBff A guide to the method of teaching tlie Japanese 
language in elementary schools. Authors Saito Kumeji 
and Yashiro Kumataro. Publisher Ikueisha. Price Yen, 
0.50. 

Kokugo Kyoju Satsuyd, HlSlkSHlJ A book on 
methods of teaching Japanese. Author Sasaki Kichisabu- 
ro. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 1.80. 

Kaisetsu Gengogaku. jftlft^^Jp A book on philolo- 
gy. Author Nozaki Shigetard. Publisher Hobunkwan, 
Price Yen, 0.80. 

Shogakko Sanko Yo Kentei Juken Y5, Kokugo no 
Shiori. %nt^1SLikn^^%^m%mkZ% A guide to 



546 Catalogue of Books. 

the study of Japanese for schools and for license exami- 
nations. Author Ito Sakon. Publisher Kaihatsusha. Price 
Yen, 0.30. 

Joshi Kokugo Tokuhon Bik5. icTH^H4^1i# A 
reference book for girls' readers. Author Noda Takisa- 
buro. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Shogaku Kokugo Tokuhon Sank5 Yo, Futsugo Sh5- 

kai. /h#a^g|*##ffl«PJi^^JI? Notes on the 
words in common use, a companion book to elementary 
readers. Author Koga Senzaburd. Publisher Meguro 
Shoten. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Chuto Kyoiku Sakubun Ho. +^|fcWf^3fc^ A 
book on composition for middle schools etc. Author 
Sato Kwan. Publisher Seizando. Price Yen, 0^5. 

Kontai Bunsho Kwappo. ^^%%W&^ A book on 
composition. Author Nina Saburd. Publisher Seishindd. 
Price Yen, 0.60. 

Seinen Gakusei Kijibun Mohan. W^$^ISi9^^^ 
A book on the composition of narrative style. Author 
Ohata Yutaka. Publisher Kyukokaku. Price Yen 0.40. 

Cliugaku Kiji Bumpan. ^f^li^^^ A book on the 
composition of narrative style for middle schools. Author 
Kataoka Tetsu. Publisher Shiibunkwan. Price Yen 0.30. 

Danshi Shdgaku Shokan Bun. JJ^/h^^ffijfc Letter 
writing for elementary schools. Author Ishikawa Seisoku. 
Publisher Toy5sha. Price Yen. 0.20. 

Shintai Hanashi kata to Tsuzuri kata. ^ ^ '^~)i £ O 
\* ^"jj Rules for speaking and spelling in the new style. 
Author Publi-sher. Shueisha Price Yen, 0.15. 

Shintai Tsuzuri Kata. j^g§0 \* b^ Rules for spelling 

in the new style. Author Publisher Shueisha. Price 

Yen, 0.15. 




Catalogue of Books. 547 

Shinan Shogaku Kokugo Tsuziiri Kata Kyoju Ho. ^ 
%VW^%%Wi%LWk Method of teaching spelling in 
elementary schools according to the new method. Authors 
Uyeda Mannen and Hisa Yujird. Publisher Rokugdkwan. 
Price Yen 0.45. 

Joshi Kokubunten. ^^SJt:ft I»^ 3 Vols. A Japa- 
nese grammar for girls. Authors Koyama Samoji and 
Kojima Masakichi. Publisher Fukyusha. Price Yen, 0.78. 

Shin Biji Gaku. ^^^^t A book on rhetoric. Au- 
thor Shimamura Takitard. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price 
Yen, 1.30. 

Jinj5 Shogakkd Yo Hyojungo Tegami. ^'^/h^Kffl 
@ i|^ III 7 IK Letter writing in the standard letters of 
elementary schools. Author Misonobu Kintaro. Publisher 
Tokyo Shuppan Sha. Price Yen, o.io. 

Fine Arts. 

Zugwa Kowa. HUr^S? Lectures on drawing. Au- 
thor Shiga Seizan. Publisher Kofukwan. Price Yen, o 60. 

Hakko Gwafu. |3£[^§|f A picture book. Author 
Hakk5sha. Publisher Sh5eid5. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Jitsugyd Kyoiku Risshin Gwa. 3tlll5cWjt#ir 
Sketches of business education. Author Kobayashi Shuko. 
Publisher Shoseido. Okura Kihachiro, Kaivamura Zuiken, 

Kifwkuniya Bunzaemon, Mitsui no Sosen, Zeniya Gohei. 
Price Each Yen, 0.25. 

Yoki Shugwa Ch5. ffl H g ^ W In 2 Vols. Text 
books on mechanical drawing Author Takahashi Masa- 
yoshi. Publisher Kobunsha. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Tanyu Seiko Juni Sho. ^S8ll§tfiB+^^ 12 famous 
views of Seiko drawn by Tanyu. Author Rinsai Eito. 
Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.40. 



54^ * Catalogue of Boohs. 

Zugwa Kyotei. HSffc^ ^^ 6 Vols. Text books on 
drawing. Author Shiga Seizan. Publisher Uyehara Sh5- 
ten. Price Yen, 1.38. 

Gunkan Ehagaki. ^|6Jtti/>^Sf 50 sheets. Picture 

Post Cards of the War ships. Author Publisher 

Kyoekishosha. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Saishiki Renshii Cho. 5^fe||ii§l|ifi In 3 Vols. Exercise 
books in colouring. Author Okakura ShQsui. Publisher 
Uozumi Shoten. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Shashinjutsu Zensho. ^91:^^^ A book on photo- 
graphy. Author Goto Ichird. Publisher Naigwai Shuppan 
Kyokvvai. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Shukusha Shuko Jisshu Dai Sankwan, Bagu Kyushi no 

B'«. m%%-^-\rm^^Mn¥^^^(D% pictures of an- 

cient articles for horses and archery. Author Azuma Ken- 
zaburo. Publisher Toyodd Shiten. Price Yen, 1.70. 



Music and Dancmg. 

Kyoiku Shokwa Haru no Asa. |fcW®^Sf0|H Songs 
on a Spring morning. Author Uji Haruchiyo. Publisher 
Kinkodo. Price Yen. 0.035; 

Hobu. "jj^ A book on dancing. Author Yoshida 
Nobuta. Publisher Kyoekishdsha. Price Yen, 0.45. 

Kairy5 Shinshiki Kembu. K&Sf^SJlft A book on 
sword dancing. Author Kogwai Sanshi. Publisher Jisei- 
do. Price Yen, 0.08. 

Ky5iku Shoka Natsu no Midori. fStWll^KOi^ An 
educational song on *' summer green." Author Uji Haru- 
chiyo. Publisher Kink5do. Price Yen, 0.035. 

Tonka Muteki Kembujutsu. Jif%WMWfk A book 



Catalogue of Books. 549 

on sword dancing, Author Hibino Shokichi. Publisher 
Hakuyusha. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Kyoiku Shoka Aki no Yube. SfeW»©i^l^03^ Songs 
on an autumn evening. Author Uji Haruchiyo. Publisher 
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Kydiku Shoka Fuyu no Shirotae. ffeW^^^^CfiJ^ 
Songs on " winter white." Author Uji Haruchiyo. Pub- 
lisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.035. 

Kokka Shu. H^^ A collection of National songs. 
Author Ongaku Shoin. Publisher Kyoekishosha. Price 
Yen 0.12. 

Satsuma Biwa Uta. ^JSIS^^ A collection of the 
Satsuma Biwa songs. Author Tsunoda Gakushi. Publisher 
Seishindo. Price Yen, 0.18. 

Satsuma Biwa Uta Zenshu. WM^^^M^"^^ A col- 
lection of Satsuma Biwa songs. Author Ogakukwai On- 
gaku Bu. Publisher Sanshindd. Price Yen, 0.12. 

Kingaku Sh5ka. ||!l $ 1^ ^ A collection of school 
songs. Author Jid5 Yugi Kenkyu Kwai. Publisher Shu- 
eisha. Price Yen, 0.035. 

Min Shin Gappu. A book on modern Chinese music. 
W^SI^ Author Takaki Keisui. Publisher Seishindo. 
Price Yen, 0.15. 

Shinshiki Gakuten Kydkwasho. ^^^%%,^~^ A 
text book on music. Author Chikamori Dekiji. Publisher 
Hoeikwan. Price Yen, 0.55. 

Shakuhachi Ryuko Uta. KASfeff 5^1 A collection of 
gongs for the Shakuhachi, — a kind of flute. Author Uye- 
mura Setsu5. Publisher Seishind5. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Kyoiku Sh5ka Junikagetsu. f5:^Pi^+Il^ j^ Songs 
for the twelve months. Author Uji Haruchiyo. Publisher 
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.035. 



5 so Catalogue of Books, 

Jikken Shoka Yugi. HJII^^^iBit A book of songs for 
gymnastics. Author Takahashi Chujiro and Yamada Gcn- 
ichird. Publisher Sakakibara Tomokichi. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Joshi Shoka Shu. ;^^l@<9tl^ Vol. i. A collection 
of songs for girls. Author Yoshida Nobuta. Publisher 
Seibidd. Price Yen, 0.45. 

Jotoku Shdka. ;^^l^^ A collection of songs on 
woman's virtues. Authors Yamada Genichiro etc. Pub- 
lisher Sakakibara Tomokichi. Price Yen, 0.06. 

Jokun Shoka. ;^fl|l@^ A collection of songs on 
woman's ethics. Author Jid5 Yugi Kenkyu Kwai. Pub- 
lisher Shueisha. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Joshi Shdka -Shu. -^^^i^^Slk Vol, I. A collection 
of songs for girls. Author Yoshida Nobuta. Publisher 
Meguro Shoten. Price Yen, 0.45. 

Engeki Jikko. ;2SI JH-f*^ A book on the drama. Author 
Shima Bunjird. Publisher Kanasashi. Price Yen, 0.45. 

Sekai Isshu Shoka. I&l?— jS^9|lt A series of songs 
of travel. Author Iket)e Gisho. Publisher Shueisha. 
Price Yen, 0.06. 

Shogaku Shoka Shu. /h^l^8(ltlfe A collection of 
songs for elementary schools. Author Kita Bunnosuke. 
Publisher Matsumura Sansh5do. Price Yen, 0.08. 

Kokumin Kyoiku Chuyu Shoka. HSI^WJ^^H'SW: 
A collection of educational songs. On 47 Ronin. Price 
Yen, 0.06. On Hotaiko. Price Yen, 0.06. On Nan- 
ko, — father and son. Price Yen, 0.06. On Ushiwaka- 
inaru. Price Yen, 0.06. On Kwankd. Price Yen, 0.06. 
Author Owada Tateki. Publisher Kaiseikwan. 

Kinsei Gakuten Kyokwasho. JEifr^Uffc^^ A 
text book ou music. Author Tamura Torazo. Publisher 
Kaiseikwan. Price Yen, 0.40. 



Catalogue of Books. 551 

Kinko Meijin Daki Shu. i£l&^Atr^lfe A book 
on the game of go, — a kind of chess. Author Kobayashi 
Kentaro. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Lawn Tennis Jutsu. u^xya-^^ A book on 
lawn tennis. Author Takaniizawa Sozo. Publisher 
Ogawa Shoseido. Price Yen, 0.13. 

Wanryoku Yosei Kento Jutsu. IB8:^||fiR^ra* A 
book on the art of boxing. Author Okano Hazan. 
Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Taiso Kydhan Furoku. |9l$itic^RI'^ An appendix 
to the gymnastic book. Author Rikugunsho. Publisher 
Ejima. Price Yen, 0.05. 

Ham Natsu Aki Fuyu Kwacho Shoka. ^SI'^C^^ 
j^CI^I^ A collection of the songs on flowers and birds 
of tlie four seasons. Author Owada Tateki. Publisher 
Kaiseikwan. Priee Yen, 0.06. 

Kyokwa Tekiyo Ydnen Shoka, Shi Hen Jo Kwan. 

Ikf^aiffl^^^i!»:la « Jl^ a collection of songs 
for young people. Series iv : Vol. I. Authors Nassho 
Benjiro etc. Publisher Jujiya. Price Yen, 0.10. 

Haru Natsu Aki Fuyu Sempo Shoka. ^HJUc^Wl^ 
1^ m^ A collection of songs for walks in the four 
seasons. Author Owada Tateki. Publisher Kaiseikwan. 
Price Yen, 0.06. 

Shibai Kairyo. ^ S fifc & A book on theatrical re- 
form. Author Jiji Shimp5 Sha. Publisher Kinkodo. Price 
Yen, 0.15. 

Dai Nippon Shin Gunka. %\Mf>'1S[%^ A collec- 
tion of military songs. Author Nakajima Hcnshusho. 
Publisher Jiseido. Price Yen, 0.12. 

Undokwai no Uta. 3[1K^;5l^ Out-door songs. 
Authors Yamada Zenichiro etc. Publisher Sakakibara 
Bunseido. Price Yen, 0.06. 



552 Catalogue of Books, 

Oames etc. 

Shogaku Yugi Ho Kohen. /h^i^ilj^^tg A book 
on elementary school gymnastics. Author Nakamura 
Gennosuke. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.08. 

Shogaku Yugi Ho Otsuhen. A'^^WM.^ZM A 
book on elementary school gymnastics. Author Iwai Zen- 
ichi. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.06. 

Lawn Tennis. n ^ v yr :s^ ^ Author Tokyo K5t5 
Shikan Gakko Lawn Tennis Bu. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 0.50. 

Yugi Sosho Yachikusa. ?S)tt^tf A^f*^ A book 
on children's gymnastic games. Author Yoshida Nobuta 
etc. Publisher Sakakibara Tomokichi. Price Yen, 0.06. 

Tantei Soh5. 1^^^\ii A book on boating. Author 
Miyauchi Toranosuke. Publisher Keigyosha. Price 
Yen, 0.25. 

Daini Jikken Shin Yugi. %ZL%MW&I6. A book 
on children's gymnastic games. Author Said Fukuo. 
Publisher Hobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.75. 

Daki Sokusei. tT^i^SK A guide to the game of 
go, — a kind of chess. Author Murayama Sen. Pub- 
lisher Aono Tomosaburo. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Kyoikuteki Shitsunai Shin Yugi. fScW^^^^jlSdlt 
A book on indoor gymnastic games. 

Yugiteki Kydju Ho. jSJJfe&^lfcg^ Method of teach- 
ing gymnastic games. Author Sat5 Fukuo. Publisher 
Hobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Yugi no Hoho. ^M*1t:^^ Method of gymnastic 
games. Authors Kusui Shdnosuke and Yabuuchi Chogord. 
Publisher Tanuma Shoten. Price Yen, 0.45. 

Yugi no Jissai. jS J^ j^ KJ A book on gymnastic 



Catalogue of Books, 553 . 

games. Author Yugi Kenkyu Kwai. Publisher Bungaku- 
sha. Price Yen, 0.75. 

Shogaku Tekiyd Yugi Kihan. /h^l^mMiSk^^ A 
book on elementary school gymnastic games. Author 
Nippon Yugi Chosa Kwai. Publisher Sakakibara Tomo- 
kichi. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Jitensha Zensho. Q^i^^tf A book on bicycles. 
Author Matsui Shoyd. Publisher Naigwai Shuppan 
Kydkwai. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Rikujo Taiiku Suiei Jutsu. |^JiSSt^;1C^^ A book 
on swimming. Author Matsumoto Yojiro. Pubiisher 
Hdbunkwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Shogaku Joshi Yugi Ho. /h<!^iicT'j^iffi^ A book 
on gymnastic games for girls. Authors Ito Nari and 
Iwasaki Motoichi. Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Books for children. 

Ijin Sodan. ^A^iiE A book on great men. Author 
Pubiisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.12. 



Ikita Ningyo. ^ ^ 1Z Kl^ Story of a living doll. 
Author Gyotenshi. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Ichiro to Saburo. — fiPSHfiP A story of Ichiro and 
Saburd. Author Arimoto Sosui. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 0.03. 

Ishikiri Jii. ^-ftJJS A story of a stone-cutter. Author 
Ikeba Toen. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Ha no nai Inu. MO^^lXt^i^ A story of a dog with 
no teeth. Author Kusamura Hokusei. Publisher Kinko- 
do. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Haradachi Zukue. \X^1t%iSl A story of an angry 
desk. Author Gyotenshi. Publisher Kinkddo. Price 
Yen, 0.03. 



554 Catalogue of Books. 

Nippon Busho Dan. H 4^ ^ JRF ^ The story of 
great Japanese generals. Author Motoki Sadao. Pub- 
lisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Niwatori to Kitsune. ^ £ 30L A s\.ory of a lien and 
a fox. Author Toen Shujin. Publisher Kinkodo. Price 
Yen, 0.03. 

Nitta Yoshisada. ffH j|^ A story of Nitta Yoshi- 
sada. Author Suzuki Sadajiro. Publisher Kinkddo. Price 
Yen, 0.04. 

Homare no Kintoki. liJtflCD^I^ A story of the 
renowned Kintoki. Author Sessanshi. Publisher Kinko- 
d5. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Yk> no Go-h5bi. >$CD^^^ The story of a stick given 
as a prize. Author Sassa Seisetsu. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 0.05. 

Benkei. ^K A story of Benkei. Author Pub- 
lisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Bett5 Sanemori. JJfl ft" JSf fi A story of Sait5 Sane- 
mori. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Tobi Daimyo. j^^^ A story a Daimyo. nicknamed 

Tobi, {kite). Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price 

Yen, 0.05. 

Torii G5emon. J^/^SS^ffiP^ A story of Torii Go- 
enion. Author Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yer», o 04. 

Tora to Shishi. ^£1(1"? A story of a lion and a 
tiger. Author Publisher Rinkodo. Price Yen, 0.05. 

Tomi-chan no Ryoko. £ ^ 't>^A/0ife>}f A story 
of Master Tomi's journey. Author Noda Takisabura 
Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.05. 

Chugi no Akagaki. &i|C?)^Jg A story of the loyal 
Akagaki. Author Henteku Sanjin. Publisher Jiyudo. 
Price Yen, 0.08. 



Catalogue of Books. 535 

Chinzei Hacliiro. ^ M A ^ A story of Minamoto 

Tametomo also called Chinzei Hachiro. Author 

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Jinchu Kanwa Chishima Tali. W^WiU'fUi'kWi The 

story of Captain Gunji. Author Publisher Kinkodo. 

Price Yen, 0.25. 

Cho no Go-chis5. 8|C?)^H^ A story of a Butterfly. 
Author Gyotenshi. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Ryokd no Maki. j6fe ^f © ^ A story of a journey. 
Author Hanawa Fukuju. Publisher Kink5do. Price Yen, 
0.08. 

Oni Taiji. ^jiSJp A story of the subjugation of de- 
mons. Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Oni Shibata. ^^ffl A story of Shibata Katsuiye 
whose nickname was Oni Shibata. Author Mori Keien. 
Publisher Kinkddd. Price Yen, 0.03. 

0-umaD5-do. is%^ \ \ A story of a horse. Author 
Gyotenshi. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

O-bake no Mori. iS\X,\^Q)^ A story of a haunted 
forest. Author Fukuda Kingetsu. Publisher Kinkddo. 
Price Yen, 0.04. 

Okami to Shonen. j^ i d^^ A story of a wolf and 
a boy. Author Tobari Chikufu. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 0.03. 

Oyayubi Taro. t9l^>Ec3l^ The story of Tom Thumb. 
Author Matsui Shoyo. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 
0.05. 

Kawazu. ^fe J^ A story of a big frog. Author 
Toen Shujin. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Hebi Tar5. :^ tfe >fc @|5 A story of a big serpent. 
Author Fukuda Kingetsu. Publisher Kinkddo. Price 
Yen, 0.03. 



556 Catalogue of Books, 

Oishi Yoshio. ::fc ^ ^ $f A story of Oishi Yoshio. 
Author Okamoto Gwaho. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 
0.06. 

Omura Hyobu-no-Tayu. ::kft:^{S^ti A story of 
General Dmura. Author Asuke Naojird. Publisher Kin- 
kod5. Price Yen, 0.18. 

Kato Kiyomasa. JD ^ fi| jE A story of Kato Kiyo- 
masa. Author Mori Keien. Publisher Kinkodd. Price 
Yen, 0.04. 

Katanii no Yubiwa. i)''tZ^(D^O^b A story of a 
memorial ring. Author Noda Mazuma. Publisher Kin- 
kodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Kudamono no Sumo. ^^ (D f^ ^J A story of 
wrestling among fruits. Author Gydtenshi. Publisher 
Kinkod5. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Karasu no Uranai. ^Q) 1 ^U^^ Story of a fortune 

telling crow. Author Publisher Kinkodd. Price 

Yen, 0.03. 

Dai Kassen. ::fc '^ ?|IJ A story of a great battle. 
Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price 0.03. 

Taiko Hideyoshi. dkf^^^ A story of Toyotomi 
Hideyoshi. Author Okamoto Sanzan. Publisher Kinkddo. 
Price Yen, 0.03. 

Taira no Masakado. 2p ^|$ p^ A story of Taira no 
Masakado. Author Suzunoya Shujin. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 0.035. 

Takara Bukuro. ^ ^ A story of a bag of treasure. 
Author Mori Keien. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.035. 

Takara Choja. f( ^ ^ A story of a millionaire. 
Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.05. 

Tar5 to Karasu. -j^ fi|5 £ ,|^ Taro and the crow. 
Author Suzunoya Shujin. Price Yen, 0.03. 



Catalogue of Books. 557 

Daruma Daishi. j^ HI ::k ^ A story of Daruma, the 
founder of the Zen sect. Author Hentetsu Sanjin. Pub- 
lisher Jiyudo. Price Yen, 0.08. 

Tanuki no Haratsuzumi. SCDIi b O V^ A story of 
a badger, drumming upon its own belly. Author Mori 
Keien. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Neko to Kintard. JfiS^dk® Kintaro and the Cat. 
Author * Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.05. 

Nezumi no Jodo. JiCDiPdb A paradise for mice. Au- 
thor T5en Shujin. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Nadeshiko no Maki. /i -p L w ^ The story of 
a pink. Author Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.08. 

Kuma-tori. J| £ !) A story of a bear hunt. Author 

Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Yamatodake no Mikoto. H;^^^^ A story of Prince 

Yamatodake. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price 

Yen, 0.03. 

Mato no Kiseki. Jftj^CD^l^ A story of miracles in 
the demons' island. Author Oshikawa Shunro. Publisher 
Daigakukwan. Price Yen 0.25. 

Yamaneko Taiji. lU IB ^ ^ A story of a wild cat 
hunting. Author Takara Sanjin. Publisher Jiyudo. Price 
Yen, 0.08. 

Yamanosuke. jljJ^IS A story of Yamanosuke. Author 

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Mame no 0. S0i A story of the King of Beans. 
Author Iwaya Shota. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price 
Yen, 0.07. 

Mah5 Daio. K^i^I The Marvellous King. Author 
Hentetsu S?uijirt. Publisher Jiyudo Price Yen, 0.08. 

Mahdshi. |S^^ The story of a miraculous Buddhst 
priest. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 



SSS Catalogue of Books, 

Matchi-uri no Komusume. "^5^^^CD/hift The story 
of a little match girl. Author Hirao Fuk5. Publisher 
Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Manuke Kozo. ^ )?3itj'/hf^ ^ story of a stupid boy. 
Author Odani Risson. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 
0.03. 

Jugankyo. St Bft M Animal Glasses. Author 

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Ninin Musume. IlAj(& A story of two girls. Author 
Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 



Ninin Hime-gimi. _^ A iS © A story of two young 

princesses. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 

0.03. 

P'utatsume Koz5. H'-J'Q/hf^ The story of a two-eyed 
boy. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, O.03. 

P'u.shigi no Ishi. ^ffi»^CD^ The story of a miraculous 
stone. Author Hirao Fuk5. Publisher Kinkodd. Price 
Yen, 0.04. 

P'ujiwara Kamatari. Ii^ J? M JE, A story of Fujiwara 
Kamatari. Author Sessanshi. Publisher Kinkodo. Price 
Yen, 0.03. 

Buiiibuku Chagama. jJtlS^^ The miraculous tea- 
Iccttic. Author Scnzanjin. Publisher Jiseidd. Price Yen, 
005. 

Bushi no Omokage. i^itOM^ A story of knight- 
hood. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Kaiko no Maki. i)^iy Z0^% A story of silkworms. 
Author Hanawa P\ikuju. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 
0.08. 

Komori Jima. ^W\% ^^^ Island. Author 

Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Ayamc no Maki. i'^&CO^ A story of the sweet 



Catalogue of Books. 5 59 

flag. Author Hanawa Fukuju. Publisher Kinkddo. Price 
Yen, 0.08. 

Sho Eiyu. /J^ :^ ig A story of a little hero. Author 
Mori Keieii. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.08. 

Tengu no HanashL ^^iJCD^ P^airy Story. Author 
Kamiya Nuiban. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Tengu-iwa. ^^JS" The F*airy Rock. Author Mi- 
shima Sosen. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Teikun Goju Dai. Slp|£+M A collection of 
precepts for children. Author Takase Shinkei. Pub- 
lisher Kink5d5. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Aku Genta. MiW^'i^ A Story of Minamoto Yoshi- 

hira, whose nickname was Aku Genta. Author 

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.05. 

Sake-nomi Tar5. iS#>kfi|5 A Story of Taro, the 

drunkard. Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 

0.03. 

Sanada Yukimura. JKQ^;^ A Story of Sanada 
Yukiinura. Author P^ukuda Kingctsu. Publisher Kin- 
kodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Kintaro. ^icfi|5 A Story of Kintaro. Author Sen- 
zanjin. Publisher Jiseido. Price Yen, 0.05. 

Kitsune no Yomeiri. ^O^ A The Story of a P^ox 
wedding. Author Senzanjin. Publisher Jiseido. Price 
Yen, 0.05. 

Yuri Ko. ^b^ A story of Yuri Ko. Author 
Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Mitsu no Nandai. H ^^(DWM A Story of 3 difficult 
problems. Author Iwaya Shoha. Publisher Hakubun- 
kwan. Price Yen, 0.07. 

Mijikai Hanashi. ^l^^ A short story. Author 
Odani Ju. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 



560 Catalogue of Books, 

Shin Oni-ga-Shima. 1§[%i^^% A Story of a demons* 
island. Author Noda Mazuma. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 0.03* 

Shin Urashima. ^ Ijf ^ The Story of Urashima. 
Author Fukuda Kingetsu. Publisher Kinkddo. Price 
Yen, 0.03. 

Sho Gdketsu. /h ^ fH A Story of a little hero. 
Author Suzuki Sadajird. Publisher Kink5d5. Price 
Yen, 0.06. 

Shonen Yobana^hi. ^ ^ >|^ S A story book for 

young people. Author Publisher Kinkodd. Price 

Yen, o.io. 

Shishi Taiji. ifT'^Ji^ A story of a Hon hunting. 
Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Shiro Inu. Q;;^ A story of a white dog. Author 
Publisher Kinkodo, Price Yen, 0.04. 

Shobi Jo. ^^jm A story of a rose girl. Author 
Tobari Shink:hiro. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 
0.03. 

Hito-Kui. A Pft A story a man eater. Author 
Hirako Takurei. Publisher Kinkodo. Prince Yen, 0.03. 

Hibari no Chie. f>ti' 1)0^11 The Wise Lark. Au- 
thor Mori Keien. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Bimbdnin to Kanemochi. ft^AS^^ A stor>' of 
the poor and the rich. Author Tobari Chikufu. Pub- 
lisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Momotard. JIfedkfiP A story of Momotaro. Author 
Senzanjin. Publisher Jiseidd. Price Yen, 0.05. 

Shizugatake Shichihon Yari. ^^^\:^i^^ A story 
of the battle of seven spears at Shizugatake. Author 
Sone Kinsen. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen/ 0.03. 

Suzume no Kataki Uchi. $CD@^ M The sparrow's 



Catalogue of Books, 561 

vengeance. Author Kusamura Hakusei. Publisher Kin- 
kodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Suisen-Hime. 7K jlll JE A stoiy of Suisen-Hime. 
Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Iwashi Uri Yotaro. JSSHI'iyl^SP Yotard, the sardine 
seller. Author Sanreishi. Publisher Kinkodo Price Yen, 
0.03. 

Tozai O-waraigusa. IK 15 ^^ ^ ^ A story book. 
Author Ashiwara Saburd. Publisher Kinkodo. Price 
Yen, 0.04. 

Torakichi no Maki. ^$COi^ A Story of Torakichi. 
Author Hentetsu Sanjin. Publisher Jiyudo. Price Yen, 
0.08. 

Dkami Tar5. J| >b flP A story of Okami Taro. 
Author Nakajima Koto. Publisher Fusambo. Price 
Yen, 0.12. 

Kani no Dai5. ^©J'd A story of the great King of 
crabs. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 003. 

Takegari no Maki. ^f^0^ The story of a mush- 
room collection. Author Hanawa Fukuju. Publisher 
Kink5d6. Price Yen, 0.08. 

Nasu Yoichi. jSTi^^lfl A story of Nasu Yoichi, the 
great archer. Author Shimazaki Shokin. Publisher 
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Kaminari no Heso-Zuka. ffi ©W^ A story of the 
thunder god. Author Karatachinoya. Publisher Kin- 
k6d5. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Mujo no Takara. 1lR.t©5SE The matchless treasure. 
Publisher Kink5d6. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Mushi-tori no Maki. ife £ () CD i& A story of an 
insect collection. Author Hanawa Fukuju. Publisher 
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.08. 



562 Catalogue of Books, 

Kariya no Hachi. ^ ^C?) t^ A story of a bee. 
Author Sessan. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Unagi no Tenjo. Ii05^_h The Ascension of the Eel. 
Author Kamei Shimei. Publishet Kinkodo. Price Yen. 
0.04. 

Ume-ko no Aibyo. t$7C7)^JSi A Story of Umeko's 
favorite cat. Author Ikeda K5ro. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 0.04. 

Furu Tobi. "j&jil A story of an old kite. Author 
Sessan. Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Fushigi no Uo. J^ L c^* © 1& The miraculous fish. 
Author Masamune Hakucho. Publisher Fusambo. Price 
Yen, 0.12. 

Kitsune Jaya. SC ^ M The fox tea house. Author 
Hachiro. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen. 0.03. 

Shojin To to Taijin Koku. /I^Ai^^jkAR The 
Dwarfs* island and the Giants' kingdom. Author Bisan- 
jin. Publisher Kink5d6. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Jindai no Hanashi. flii|>f^(?) Ji ^i L A story of the 
Reign of the Gods. Author Kawai Suinui. Publisher 
Fusambo. Price Yen, 0.12. 

Shonen Tejina. ^^^pq Legerdemain for young 
people. Author Tenichi. Publisher Jiyudo. Price Yen, 0.08. 

Kumo'Jno Kyokunori. 1^ Wc ft fH Circus-riding 
spiders. Author Tamura Naoomi. Publisher Keiseisha. 
Price Yen, 0.03. 

Ninin Shonen. HA^^ A story of two young 
people. Author Hentetsu Sanjin. Publisher Jiyudo. 
Price Yen, 0.08. 

Natto-url no Komusume. ^iO^^O/hil^ The Natto 
seller. Author Tamura Naoomi. Publisher Keiseisha. 
Price Yen, 0.03. 



Catalogue of Books, 563 

Sake no Irozome. 5 tt © fe ^ A story on tem- 
perance. Author Tamura Naoomi. Publisher Kei- 
seisha. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Kamikuzu Hiroi. iSE/SC^ol'* A story of a waste 
paper picker. Author Tamura Naoomi. Publisher Kei- 
seisha. Price Yen, 003. 

Wake Kiyomaro. iD^frlfl^ A story of Wake Kiyo- 
maro. Author Sessanjin. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 
0.04. 

Saru no Hitomane. jftCT) A Jt ^ The Imitative Monkey. 
Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Komatori Soshi. I i £* !) %^ A story book. Author 

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Hitsuji no Akambo. ^CD^^* The Sheep's baby. 
Author Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Ogontd Daio. H ^ j^ ;fc I The Great King of the 

Gold Island. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price 

Yen, 0.03. 

Shojiki Ryoshi. JE i^ IK ^ A story of an honest 
hunter. Author Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.03. 

Nezumi no Baishaku. fiCDjKS^ The Match-making 
Mouse. Author Pubhsher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Momiji. ^^t)* A story of the maple tree. Author 

Publisher Ikuseikwai. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Shokubutsu En. ^4fifS9 A story of a botanical gar- 
den. Auther Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 

O.IO. 

Tokuri Choja. ffifljg:^- The Bottle Millionaire. Au- 
thor Iwaya Shoha. Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 
0.07. 

Hamaguri Hime. li Jt C b j(K A story of Hamaguri 
Hime. Author Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.05. 



564 Catalogue of Books. 

Nikko no Yurei. jfe © SB| S The Nikko ghost. 
Author Tomura Naoomi. Publisher Keiseisha. Price 
Yen, 0.03. 

Nio Sama. tl3E{^ A story of Ni5, a Buddhistic idol. 
Author Reiroshi. Publisher Kink5d5. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Honda Heihachi. 4^^^ A A story of Honda Hei- 
hachi. Author Sasakawa Rimpii. Publisher Kdkkosha. 
Price Yen, 0.19. 

Washi Taiji. ^i^Jp An eagle hunting. Author 

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04. 

Kwatsu Shakwai. ffiSt^ A living society. Author 
Asada Kukwa. Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yen, 0.35. 

Ujigawa Gassen. ^ ^ jl| -g^ 18 A story of the battle 
at the Uji River. Author Inouye Sessan. Publisher Kin- 
kodd. Price Yen, 0.05. 

Fushigi Zukushi. i^ffl»^-0* < L A story book. Author 
Sakata Rikkwa. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.04, 

Kokumin no Kokoroe. ^EQifJ^^ Duties of Citizens. 
Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.18. 

Goro Masamune. BESPjE^ A story of Goro Masa- 
mune, the greatest sword maker of Japan. Author Hen- 
tetsu Sanjin. Publisher Jiyudo. Price Yen, 0.08. 

Sarumen Kwanja. tS |5 ^ :^ A story of Hideyoshi 
when he was Nobunaga's servant, and called Sarumen 
Kwanja. Author Ishikawa Shdkei. Publisher Kinkddo. 
Price Yen, 0.04. 

Kinobori Goro. ;jfC0(i' bJi% A story of Goro the 
tree climber. Author Okamoto Kido. Publisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 0.05. 

Shimbun no Uriko. J^|^0fiT' A story of a news- 
paper seller. Author Tamura Naoomi. Publisher Keisei- 
sha. Price Yen, 0.03. 



Catalogue of Books, 565 

Shishi to Kitsune. J| ^ i Jt A story of a lion and 
a fox. Author Publisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.03. 



Miscellaneous. 

Shimpen Himekagami. iR^C^S)i'&^ S*A A book on 

morals for girls. Author Publisher Kokkosha. Price 

Yen, 0.25. 

Hakon Tokon. ]ft|{|j«^Sll ^ book on naval enterprise. 
Author Kimotsuki Kaneyuki. Publisher Sanseido. Price 
Yen, 0.35. 

Guntai Gakujutsu Kambu Suchi. %W^^%Wlll^^'!^ In 
2 Vols. Books on the education of soldiers. Author Mi- 
yabe Rinjt. Publisher Ejima Kintaro. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Tokyo no Kwako Shdrai. [^M^ii&^Tl?^ The past 
and the future of Tokyo. Author Hosono Itaro. Pub- 
lisher Kinkddo. Price Yen, 0.65. 

Chokin no Susume. Bf ^ CD "f" ^ ft An exhortation 
to saving. Author Kanamori Tsurin. Publisher Bum- 
meido. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Shin Riso. $f iS ^« A new ideal. Author Ogino 
Mannosuke. Publisher Bunrokudo. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Y5hei Hiketsu. ^:^|5^ I" 2 Vols. The secret how 
to keep soldiers. Author Kuratsuji Meishun. Publisher 
Maruya & Co. Price Yen, 0.60. 

Yaso Kirei. ^ ^ J^ ^ In 2 Vols. Books on field 
drill. Author Taga Muneyuki. Publisher Maruya & Co. 
Price Yen, 0.60. 

Nippon R)'ori Ho. H 4^ JR- g }5fe A book on Japa- 
nese cookery. Authors Akabori Mineo and Suzai Konia. 
Publisher Dkura Shoten. Price Yen, 0.45. 

Kaji Teiyo. ^^^H A book on household 



566 Catalogue of Books. 

matters. Authors Gokaii Kikuno and Sakata Shizii! Pub- 
lisher Scibido. Price Yen, 0.55. 

Yoru no Jokai. 1^ ^ ^- The women's world at 
night. Author Toyu Sanshi. Publisher Daigakukwan. 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Sokki Jutsu. ^ Id ^ A book on the art of short 
hand. Author Wakabayashi Kwazo. Publisher Haku- 
bunkwan. Price Yen, 0.40. 

Koi no Kaibo. j|J % ^j An analysis of love. 
Author Ikeda Kinsui. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price 
Yen, 0.20. 

Yijbi Shu. "^^i^ A literary writing. Author Aoyagi 
Yijbi. Publislier Bummeido. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Dotoku Keizai Ron. iM[^jK^I& Ethical economy. 
iVuthor Doi Kamenosuke. Publisher Bungakusha* Price 
Yen, 0.25. 

Josjii I'utsu Siiho .She. A'T^Jfiflp^i-^ A book (»ii 
ordinary female etiquette. Authors Kiuchi Tetsuiio and 
Tanikawa Toku. Publisher Kinshodo. Price Yen, 0,28. 

Shimpen Reishiki. :?^ ^ jffi ^ A book on etiquette. 
Author — — Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, o 40. 

Onshi no Yoko. ^%Q^^% A book for women. 
\.\ulhor Mizude Eizaburo. Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 
0.18. 

Wagci lyc no Ishizuc. ?^ |^ 61 ^^'^^ foundation of 
niy hon\e. Author Uyehara Seiichiro. Publisher Mac- 
.kiiwa Buneikaku. Price Yen, 0.25, 

Danjiki Zcsshoku Jikken Dan. Wi%^%%M^ Kx- 
l)eriments made oji fasting. Author Kawamura Hokumei. 
Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Nagoya tu Isc. ^ 1& M <i ^ ^ Nagoya and Iso. 
Author Publisher Hakubunkwan. Price' Yen, 0.25. 



Catalogue of Books. 567 

Geshukuya. TF ^ M A book on boarding houses. 
Author Hakuganshi. Pubh'shcr Daigakukwan. Price 
Yen, 0.20. 

HimminkutSu. ^ K )^ ^^ description of the poor 
quarters. Author llarada Toen. Publisher Daigaku- 
kwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Wakan Sansai Zue. |D^H:^H'^ ^ collection of 
things Japanese and Chinese. Author Terajima Yoshi- 
yasu. Publisher Asakaya. Price Yen, 10.00. 

Oyomei Jimbutsu Yosei Dan. 3E^91A4^llfi5cl? 
How did Oyomei build his disciples' character. Author 
Kimura Yotaro. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 
0.30. 

Yaso Jimbutsu Yosei Dan. fflijISA^IIfiKII How 
did Jesus build his disciples' character. Author Take- 
uchi Nanzo. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, o 30. 

Shiki Genk(» Hoku. i'^^W^k Words and acts of 
Masaoka Shiki, a jjoet. Author Odani Yasutaro. Pub- 
lisher Kobunkwan. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Hikawa Seiwa. ^ )\\ j^ |5 A collection of Count 
Katsu's talks. Author Yoshimoto Jo. Publisher Yuhi- 
kaku. Price Yen, 0.50. 

2Ien no Jimbutsu Tansei. URSP) K%^iSL Method of 
building character by means of Zen, method of medita- 
tion instituted by the Zen sect. Author Hayakawa 
Gendo. , Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Nippon Rikugun Gunjin Hikkei. \\ii^W%%K^^-^, 
A book for Japanese soldiers. Author Goto Homnia. 
Publisher Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Saikjn Guntai Nyumon. :8j£^|^AP^ A book for 
soldiers. Author Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Ane to Otooto. jbfj £ J^l^ A sister and her younger 



§68 Catalogue of Books, 

brother. Author Yoshikawa Osuke. l^ublisher Kinkodo. 
Price Yen, 0.12. 

Saijo no Hoinbun. $^04^^ Proper duties of a 

wife. Author Publisher Kobundo. Price Yen. 0.30. 

Dokujoshin no Kaibo. ^jfc#&0J'Slfil An analysis of 
a woman reader's mind. Author Ikeda Kinsui. Pub- 
lisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Kwazoku Meikan. $]^^flS A list of the Japanese 

peers. Autlior Publisher Shueisha. Price Yen, 0.50. 

Majutsu. JS$R A book on witchcraft. Author 

Publisher Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.18. 

Komin no Kaken. ^K^D^X Household laws of a 
citizen. Author Tokken Shnjin. Publisher Bungaku Do- 
sbikwai. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Yume Handan. ^^|^ Method of judging matters 
by means of dreams. Author Chidaruma. Pnblisher 
Hakubunkwan. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Seiyo Kesho Ho. 15^{fc|t^ A book on European 
toilet. Author Kinukawa Matsutaro. Publisher Naigwai 
Shuppan Kyokwai. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Onna Gidayii no Rimen. ^||:J5c^0^^ The dark 
side of the women gidayu, — a sort of .story tellers. 
Author Katsuragi Tenkwa. Publisher Daigakukwan. 
Price Yen, 0.20. 

Dai Ni Nichiyo K5dan. fgH H WM^ A collection 

of Tokutomi's articles from his journal. Author Tokutomi 
lichiro. Publisher Minyiisha. Price Yen, 0.20. 

Ratai no Nippon. ^^1^0 H 4^ True condition 
Japan. Author Masaoka Geiyd. Publisher Seishido- 
Price Yen, 0.25. 

Joshin no Kaibo. ^ ifji © |!¥ $4 An analysis 
woman's mind. Author Ikeda Kinsin. Publisher Daig 
kukwan Price Yen, 0.30. 




i 



Catalogue cf Books. 569 

Senchin Banki. ^ ^ ^ -^ A world of wonders. 
Author Seishushi. Publisher Seikdkwaii. Price Yen, 
0.18. 

Nippon Fug5 no Kaken. B^^ifCD^iS House- 
hold laws of the Japanese millionaires. Author Bokutei 
Jushi. Publisher Daigakukwan. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Dai Nippon Teikoku Gunkan Ch5. XiM^'^WMWili 
A list of the Japanese men of war, illustrated. Author 
Publisher Ky5eki Shosha. Price Yen, 1.50. 

Gumba Hoju Ron. "M^^Witlk A book on the 
supply of war-horses. Author Yamanouchi Buntaro. 
Publisher Kinkodd. Price Yenj 0.40. 

Chijto Ky5iku Kaisei Mondo. ff»^&^5^iiScffl^ A 
book on the household rule in form of questions and 

answers for secondary schools. Author Publisher 

Aoki Suzando. Price Yen, 0.30. 

Kappo Kwa Kyoju Yo Sosai Sambyaku Shu. '^1,^14 
tfcSfflJSl^HSM. 300 kinds of dishes,— for the pur- 
pose of teaching cookery in schools. Author Inouye 
Zembei. Publisher Dai Nippon Zusho Kwaisha. Price 
Yen, 0.45. 

Konrei Kagami. j® IB ;b> \^ <^ A book on marriage. 
Author Takei Sekizo. Publisher Tokyodo. Price Yen, 
0.85. 

Jitsuyd Ryori Kyohon. %^P(M%L^ A text book 
on cookery. Author Omura Chujiro. Publisher Swibido. 
Price Yen, 0.50 

Joshi no Shugei. -^^CD^^ Mannal work for Women. 
Author Kaburaki Kane. Publisher Uozumi Shoten. Price 
Yen, 0.25. 

Joshi no Tsutome. ^^0Oifc Woman's duties. 
Author Shimoda Uta. Publisher Seibido. Price Yen, 0.50. 



57^ Catalogue of Books. 

Jokuii no Shiori. ^ill|(?)S Precepts for women. 
Author Miwada Masa. Publisher Okura Shoten. Price 
Yen, 0.45. 

Dokuritsu Seikyd. IB jt fw ^ A collection of Mr. 
Uchimura's writings. Author Uchimura Kanzo. Publisher 
Keiseisha. Price Yen, 0.15. 

Kinshu Tebiki Gusa. ^tS^'91^ ^ XxthzX, on tem- 
perance. Author Oshima Takehiko. Publisher Kyobun- 
kwan. Price Yen, 040. 

Meika Homon Roku. :^^IBM^ Interviews with 
noted characters. Author Ishikawa Keizo. Publisher 
Kinkodo. Price Yen, 0.18. 

Shin Akagetto. J^ift'*^^ The new red blanket, ex- 
periences of an eastern tourist in the west. Author Osada 
Shuto. Publisher Bunrokudo. Price Yen, 0.25. 

Jinsei no Kwairaku. A ^ W "ft ^ The pleasure of 
human life. Author Honda Shinkei. Publisher Kinkddo. 
Price Yen, 0.60. 



List of principal Publishers. 

Dobunkwan, Omotejimbochd, Kanda-ku, T5kyo. 

Maruya & Co., Tori Sanchome, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. 

Toyosha, Kamakuracho, Kanda-ku, Tokyo. 

Shokwabo, Odemmachd Shioch5, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. _ 

Shoeido, Tachibanacho, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. 

Yoshikawa Hanshichi, Minamidemmacho, Nihombashi-ku ^ 

T6ky( 
Kaihatsusha, Ogawa Machi, Kanda-ku, Tokyo. 

Keiseisha, Unemecho, Kyobashi-ku, Tokyo. 

Kaiscikwan, Kobinata Suidocho, Koishikawa-ku, Tokyo. 

Shoseido, Tori Nichome, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. 



Catalogue of Books, 571 

Ikuseikwai, Morikawacho, Ilongo-ku, Tokyo. 
Shueido, Tdrihatagocho, Nihonibashi-ku, Tokyo. 
Hdeikwan, Ogawa Machi, Kaiula-kii, Tokyo. 
Rokugdkwan, T5ri Sanchome, Xihonibashi-ku, Tokyo. 
Meiji Shoin, Nishikicho, Itchdme, Kanda-ku, Tokyo. 
Jujiya, Ginza Sanchome, Kyobashi-kii, Tokyo. 
Maekawa Buncikaku, Hakuyacho, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. 
Kokkosha, Tsukiji, Kyobashi-ku, T6ky5. 
Matsumura Sanshodo, Yumichd, Kyobashi-ku, Tokyo. 
Sanseido, Urajimbdcho, Kanda-ku, Tokyo. 
Seishido, Kajicho, Kanda-ku, T5ky5. 
Ikuseisha, Honkokucho, Nihonibashi-ku, Tokyo. 
Shunyodo, Tori Shichome, Nihonibashi-ku, Tokyo. 
Tetsugaku Shoin, Hongo Rokuchome, Tokyo. 
Fukyusha, Gofukucho, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. 
Okura Shoten, Tori Itchome, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. 
Kanasashi Shoten, Imagawakoji Itchome, Kanda-ku, Tdkyo. 
Dai Nippon Zusho Kwaisha, Ginza Itchome, Kyobashi-ku, 

Tokyo, 
Shobido, Honshirokanecho, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. 
Hakubunkwan, Honcho, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. 
Kinkodo, Honcho. Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. 
Seibido, Tori Sanchome, Nihombashi-ku, T5kyo. 
Meihodd, Urajimbochd, Sanchome, Kanda-ku, T5ky5. 
Yiihikaku, Hitotsubashi Toricho, Kanda-ku, Tokyo. 
Kinshodo, Honkokucho, Sanchgme, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. 
Kofukwan, Urajimbocho, Kanda-ku, Tokyo. 
Seizando, Kajicho, Kanda-ku, Tokyo. 
Bunrokudo, Higashi-nakadori, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. 
K5yiikwan, Surugadai, Kanda-ku, Tokyo. 
Bungakusha, Honcho, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. 
Fusamb5, Urajimbocho, Kanda-ku, Tokyo. 



572 Catalogtie of Books, 

KobayashiShimbei, Tori Nichome, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyd. 
Kyocki Shdsha, Takekawacho, Ky5bashi-ku, Tdkyo. 
Okazakiya Shoten, Kijicho, Kanda-ku, T5ky5. 
Tohodo, Tatsuokacho, Hongo-ku, Tokyo. 
Kobunsha, Bakurocho, Nichome, Nihombashi-ku, T5kyo. 
Rokumeikwan, Honkokucho Nichome, Nihombashi-ku, 

Tokyo. 
Mizuno Shoten, Tori Aburacho, Nihombashi-ku, T5kyo. 
JFIobunkwan, Minami-kogachd, Kanda-ku, Tokyo. 
Ogawa Sh5eid6, Minami-konyachd, Ky5bashi-ku, T5kyo. 
Kinddo, Tori Sanchdme, Nihombashi-ku, Tokyo. 
Jitsugyo no Nihon Sha, Yurakucho, Sanchome, Kojimachi- 

ku, T6ky5. 
Sakakibara Tomokichi, Teppoch5, Nihombashi-ku, T5ky5. 
Nakanishiya Shoten, Omotejimbocho, Kanda-ku, Tokyd. 

PS. — If would be ungrateful ofmenotto mention my 
great indebtedness to my friend Mr. K. Hosokai, without 
whose help this list could not have been compiled. Mr. 
Ilosokai has availed himself very largely of Book Cata- 
logues prepared for the Japanese market by the T5ky6 
Shoseki Sho Kumiai. A. Ll. 



^»»<»- 



INTRODUCTION. 



Aral Hakuseki is representative of th^ best of old Japan. 
He was scholar, poet, historian, economist, moralist and 
statesman. He wrote many books, and left many un» 
published MSS. at his death, among others one called 
" Hyo-chQ-ori-taku-shiba-no-ki. This was written strictly 
for his own family and was left unpublished until a few 
years since, when it was printed for the first time. 

It is an account of his life, and gives a fairly complete 
account of his family, youth, education, early struggles, 
together with his later successes and his labors in the court of 
the Shdgun. It tells its own story with sufficient clearness, 
needing little supplement or introduction, and it has its 
value as giving us perhaps the most vivid picture of old 
Japan obtainable, a picture of the real Japan and not the 
fancied land of travellers and poets and foreigners. It 
would be diflficult, possibly, to match it as a bit of history, 
not necessarily that all its statements are correct, but as 
giving us an insight into the centre of Japanese life and 
power. 

Arai as he tells us, was from an unfortunate family and 
only after much labor and some adventures did he surmount 
his early difficulties. He finally became the official scholar 
to the Shogun himself and made his position one of un- 
rivalled influence. He was the court preacher, if we may 
so use the term, (though of course there was no hint of the 
priest in his position or character), or the philosopher at 
court, and he used his position so that without legal 



i-:th:r!rr h-:- vet btsci-r.e the crcf^xJeirtiaj ad\'iser of the 
f*h%'-r. ar.c tlirr-^h h~ r^I^c ihe empire. 

Tr.T-zt io-ra- a^xear t:- have goveraed hiin, (i) The re- 
f'.rrr^trn 'A abj^es. 2 The re:':nnation of the rites and 
r.jrv-rr.cr.i-j? cf the Shc-j-jr.'? c:urr ar*d- • ;■ The exaltation of 
the .Sh^'r^-jn*.^ jji./;ver. A fe.v reniarks may help to an 
'^nder^tandin;^ of these three depaitinents of his actwity as 
the *tor\' i-j filled with these endeavors. 

The .Shog'jn leya^u had eleven children. The first died 
young. The second was adopted by Hide>'oshi, and is 
said to liave been ruined and niis-erably destroyed after 
Hidevoshi's death. The third was the heir and successor. 
Hidctada. The eighth, tenth and eleventh sons of leyasu 
were made daimyo of Owari, Kii and Mito respectively 
with the provision that should the direct line &il a Shogun 
should be cho.sen from one of these houses. Hidetada was 
succeeded in i6?3 by his son lemitsu, and he by his son 
Ictsuna in 165 i. Ffc left no son and was succeeded in 1 680 
by his brother, Tsunayoshi. He died in 1709 without a 
son to succeed him and was followed by his nephew, L.ord 
Kofu, Icnr>ri, the son of the second son of lemitsu Tsuna- 
shigc. This sixth Shogun died in 1712 leaving a sickly 
infant as heir, Iclsugu, who died in June 1715. With him 
tlu- lin(! of Ilidclada became extinct and the next Shogun 
was from the house nf Kii descended from the tenth son of 
leyasu. It was <luriu^( the brief reigns of the sixth and the 
seveuth Sh<>^;un that Arai Ilakuseki was in public life. 

The lirth Sho«;uu was at once a strict and superstitious 
HuiMliist a .uul a i;nat patron of the Chinese philosophy. 
I le leitured \n\ the />/// (lakn to rt''/7/;;/jc; and priests, and 
greatly stimulated learning throughout the Empire, But in 
his later >'ears at aii\' rate he was far from following the 



bitrodiiction. iii 

precepts of the moralists, and it was his misconduct which 
made necessary the reforms instituted by his successor. 
Tsunaycshi seized maidens who struck his fancy and then 
put them in strict ward during h'fe. He had moreover ten 
boys at the castle and twenty more in a separate yashiki. 
Among them were three daimyo and three relatives of the 
Emperor. They were kept under the strictest rule, and 
permitted no communication with their families. (See Toku- 
gawa Ju-go Daishi vol. 6 pp. 245 f ) 

With personal profligacy naturally was combined admini- 
strative looseness. The finances became involved as 
expenditures greatly exceeded receipts, and as official waste 
and corruptiou were everywhere. The coinage was re- 
peatedly debased, daimyo were moved from fief to fief for 
the sake of extortion, and the taxes were greatly increased. 

The climax was reached when a merciless law was en- 
acted in the name of religion. The Shogun was the 
persecutor of Christians but also in the name of Buddha he 
became the merciless protector of animals. For example, 
the official in charge of the Shogun's kitchen was banished 
to an island because a cat fell in the well, and this not 
because the well was defiled but because the cat died. A 
guard threw a stone at a pigeon on a roof, and in conse- 
quence he and the officers of his company were imprisoned 
at home. A samurai disregarded the eighth day, and 
killed a tsiibamc. He was put to death and a comrade was 
banished. A samurai hatamoto about the same time had 
his allowance reduced one half because he killed a wholly 
unarmed merchant, (Ju-go Dai Shi vol. vi pp. 12 ff".), thus 
showing the values respectively of a bird and a man. 

A tax was levied for the benefit of dogs of three bit on 
each house. Genroku ninth year was a ** dog " year, and 



iv Introdtiction, 

the Shogiin had been born in a " dog " year, and so a priest 
of the Goji-in (Koishikawa) instigated a law which was well 
in accord with the feelings of the Shogun. Outside of 
Kahdabashi a fine temple was built, promising long life if 
pity were had for dogs, and commanding that other animals 
be cared for. But the dog law was especially troublesome. 
If one were found wounded it was to be tenderly cared for 
until officials were called and came to attend to it. When 
dogs were born, the same officials were to be summoned 
that they might right write down the number of pups and 
the color of the hair of each. A vacant nagaya was fitted 
with new mdiis, futon and blankets, and doctors were pro- 
vided. These doctors were to receive the honois given the 
Shdgun's own physician. They went abroad with six atten- 
dants to feel a dog's pulse and administer physic. Much 
expense was incurred, as the streets had to be cleaned for 
the passage of these officials. If one wounded a dog he 
was arrested at once, tied, and put in prison. Hundreds 
were put in prison for killing dogs accidentally, and many 
were beheaded that their heads filled thirty /^n^, casks. 
Here is a specimen of the notices posted in the streets ; — 

" Oboe ! Honjo Aioicho Sanchome, lichibei, apprentice 
of the carpenter 2Senjiro, murderer of a dog, by cutting it! 

The young daughter, Shimo, of the plasterer Kabeye, of 
Honjo, Aioicho Nichome, has informed concerning the 
above and as the facts were as stated she is given fifty, gold 
ryo as reward." 

Ichibei was put to death. (1. c. pp. 124 ff.) 

The Japanese historian sums up the situation thus. " That 
such a deteriorated government did not find anyone to lead a 
rebellion when men's minds were full of it, was owing to the 
transmitted virtue of the ancestors of the Tokuga\va femily." 



Introduction, v 

In part we should say because the fifth Shaguh died and 
was succeeded by the sixth who under the tuition of Arai 
Hakuseki began a reformation without delay. This con^ 
dition of the government must be remembered if we are to 
appreciate the labors Arai undertook. 

The Shogun had a council of state composed ofejders, 
but the fifth Shogun was really governed by a confidential 
servant named Kippu. This man was of the worst reptitat 
tion' and stood between the Shogun and all others, ;• His 
official position was adjutant. He was followed! in the 
following reigns by another adjutant named Zembo. He 
had been the playmate of Lord Kofu and understood him 
perfectly. After I^rd Kofu became Shogun, /icmbo was 
consulted as to everything. He. stood between the Council 
and the Shogun. The Councillors Avere weak men and 
deficient in intelligence and Zembo, so Arai Hakuseki says, 
had trouble in making dear the simplest matters to them. 
The Council met every day but only received the Shogun's 
orders and knew nothing of the affairs of state. They 
feared the Shogun's wisdom, and Zcmbo privately met with 
them, coached them, and prepared tliem for interviews. 
Zcmbo was so constant in attendance tliat he went hbme 
only three or five times a year, and after the infant became 
Shogun he did not go home at all. Arai further says of 
Zembo that he had ** had no time for study but was of very 
fine natural parts. He satisfied everyone and made no errors. 
He was much criticised without reason as carrying on the 
government himself But that was even said of me, though 
I had no {>ower at all, and could only state my views.*' 

But though Arai had no power at all and could only state 
his views, still that was enough. As we may judge from 
Aral's own words above, Zcmbo was his friend, and. none 



vi Introduction. 

could be Arai's friend who did not agree with him. He had 
the intensity of a Puritan. He was a Confucianist of the 
orthodox school of Chuhi, though he tells us that he was 
first interested in philosophy by the Okina Mondo, a book 
written by a Japanese follower of the idealist Wang Show- 
jen, find strenuously sought to carry out the Confucian 
theory in private and public life. He not only studied the 
ancient classics reverently but he adopted them as his rule 
of life, and made them the final authority in matters of law 
and politics. To him, the reformation of the abuses found 
in the government was a sacred trust, and life itself he 
counted not dear compared with the accomplishment of this 
task. Nor did he spare the Shogun himself, but unhesita- 
tingly rebuked him when his conduct failed to conform to 
precept. We can understand Arai*s conduct only as we think 
of him not as the politician, or merely as the states-man, 
but as the moralist whose theories of law and government 
were rendered sacred by the solemn sanctions of religion. 
The same interest led him to seek a reconstruction of the 
rites and ceremonies. It is almost unthinkable, to us, how 
great a place the strict performance of the various rites had 
in the mind of the followers of the Chinese sage. But to 
Arai the correct performance of these many and onerous 
functions, was directly connected with the welfare of the 
state itself, so that a question of precedence, the style of one's 
robes, the fashion of a box used, the precise determination 
of some ancient custom, was worthy the earnest considera- 
tion of a statesman and a scholar. Dead as are these 
questions to us, still in one instance at least Arai argues his 
case so as to make the human interest involved apparent. * 



* pp. 68 ff. below. 103 ^, 



Introduction. vii 

The questions of ceremony when foreign nations were 
concerned assumed a portentous aspect. The debates with 
the Korean embassy and the long struggle on point after 
point of etiquette were really the outward sign ot Aral's 
purpose that the Shogun should be treated as the full equal 
of the Korean king, and that h's subordination to the 
Emperor should in no wise be recognised. Aral would not 
admit by so much as the failure to erase a stroke of a pen 
that his lord was less in position than the king of Korea. * 

This contention it is, perhaps, that has given rise to the 
notion that Aral sought to make the Shogun supreme and 
that he contemplated the dethroning of the Emperon 
Whether there is independent evidence of this I do not 
know, but to an obtuse foreigner the autobiography appears 
to give its weight against such belief. It is true that Aral 
did not believe in the Shinto legends, which he rationalized 
to suit his own fancy, and it is not likely that he had any 
superstitious reverence for the nominal ruler in Kyoto. 
Moreover as a Confucianist he held doubtless that an un- 
worthy Son of Heaven might be dethroned, and that he 
only is true king who proves hk right to rule. 

Aral has been severely criticised, not always it would 
seem with justice. Thus a writer in the Shikai (Meiji 26th 
year 4th month,) says of him, " He was by nature too 
severe. He was too set in his purpose and determined to 
carry out his plans even when shown to be wrong. He was 
narrow minded and very suspicious of others. He really 
reviled Hayashi who was his elder. He was a man who 



* It is to be noted that the title Tai Kun, thought too pretentious foj 
the Shogun by our foreign historians of Japan, was rejected by Arai as 
beneath the Sh5gun's dignity. 



viii Introduction, 

might have fomented rebellion through ambition, had hot 
his idesires been met through his employment by the 
Shogun. As a historian, judged by modem methods, he 
made statements without sufficient proof. His economics 
were too much influenced by his desire to uphold gold. 
His books on philosophy are like mere tables and he cannot 
be taken as a model of virtue." 

Judged by this book, that is far too severe a judgment. 
We should not claim him perhaps as a model of virtue, but, 
by this account of his purposes and deeds we may we think, 
give him a high place among the worthies of old Japan. 
And if we are to judge him by Occidental standards even 
in his own cefitury, it would be far easier to find statesmen 
and philosophers in European Courts who were his inferiors, 
than to find those who surpassed him in righteousness and 
fidelity to principle. 

Nor does he appear narrow minded or bigoted. His in- 
terview with Perc Sidotti and his recommendations to the 
Shogun in behalf of the imprisoned missionary show at 
least an unusual ability to take broad and fair minded views 
of men and things. * 

His editor, the historian Naito Chiso, quotes with ap- 
proval Arai's own words on his retirement from office as 
giving evidence of the man's true spirit, and to us too these 
final words seem the expression of sincerity, and to bear 
the marks of truth. " As you know, by my own exertions 
I rose from an obscure position to a place quite beyond my 
expectations. Such advance is not common. With all 
modesty I may say that, chosen by the Shogun to be his 
teacher, it has been my« duty to study all the affairs of the 

*Sce The Chrysanthemum Vol. ii pp. 390 ff. and Trans. As. Soc. IX 
pt. ii. 



Introduction. ix 

empire. For more than ten years I have scarcely known 
what I have eaten, and I have been ill with anxiety night 
and day, nor have I been my own master. With the 
accession of the young Shogun I was troubled still more, 
and purposed renewed diligence until death. But it was 
not to be ; and all has ended like a dream. So men think 
I was content, but am disconsolate ! Not so ! It is like taking 
off the burden from a feeble horse as he stands laden for a 
long journey. The favors of the present Shogun are double 
those of the fomier. Salary and rank are continued and I 
grow old in peace. But let none think me ungrateful to 
the former Shogun ! But what is so painful as the attempt 
to do what IS beyond one's powers? For the last few years 
I have taken no medicine, enjoy my food, and grow old in 
peace, content to leave the time of death to fate. That 
mind and body for one day may be at rest is the highest 
aim. No pleasui^e excels that. " 
Arai was succeeded in office by his friend Kyuso Muro. * 

N. B.— ^This translation has been prepared for the society under many 
difficulties, and at a distance from the helps essential^to^the^satisfactory 
performance^ of such a task. This disadvantage however has been more 
than overcome by the kindness of ^ ^^* Gubbins Esq., who has laid me 
under great obligations by consenting to read my Ms. critically in 
advance. 

G. W. K. 

Union Theological Seminary, 
700 Park Avenue, 

New York City, U. S. A. 

♦Trans. As. Soc. Vol. XX p. 25. 



i#»«^» 



FOREWORD. 



When men of old had something to say they gave the 
gist of it without unnecessary words. So spoke my 
parents. 

iWhen father was seventy five years old he was at death's 
door with fever, but no one dared give him the medicine the 
doctor prescribed because father had often said :— ** Young 
folks may use all means for recovery when UU but it is 
wrong for aged men not to know their end, and to die 
with labored breath because of drggs. " However, as his 
suffering was frightful, someone put the ginseng in his 
ginger soup and his breath came strong again and he 
recovered. "^ 

Afterwards mother asked him, ** Why did you turn 
away your fece and keep silent ?" And he replied " The 
pain was great, but I had never shown signs of suffering 
and now were folks to see my agony in my face they would 
think me changed ; and as fever causes men to say things 
they do not mean I kept silent." 

From this one may know his usual manner. We scar- 
cely might ask about necessary things, and when he died 
I had many questk)ns still unanswered. In ordinary 

* lie was an officer of asbigni'Hy and Inter an omutiukey and was a 
strong and skillful man. Once when he hod a carbuncle he said he felt 
no pain and so the doctor thought treatment useless but his wife said 
" He never admits feeling pain, but when no one is looking he turns to 
the wall and his face contracts. Their the doctor said, " I can treat him*'. 



(xu) 

matters that is well, but silence as to one's family causes 
grief. Were I to die my son would have such grief, and 
so, having leisure, I write as things occur to me for him 
and not for the public, setting down everj'thing in a bad 
style full of repetitons. 

I write with reverence of the late Shogun. * His 
affairs would be forgotten sadly should I not write, for 
none else knows the facts. And so that my son and 
grandson may not fail in loyalty and filial piety I make 
this record of the late Shogun's extraordinary kindness and 
of our family's laborious rise in rank. 

I took up vny pen this 17th November, 17 16. 
Minamoto Kimiyoshi f Retired sixty years old. 

« BUNSHOIN the 6th Shdgun, lenobuka. 

f Arai is the surname, Hakoseki the nom^e-gHerrtf Minamoto the 
aristocratic family name, and Kimiyoshi the « true '* name. Arai's title 
was Chikugo-na-Kamu 



! 



l.'^ • • *• 



•: •« •'- 



-•\.. 






* 



' »- 






» - 1 



MINUTES OF MEETINGS. 

5. March, igo2. 
" The Autobiography of Arm Hakuseki." 

By kind invitation of H.E. Colonel Buck, a general 
meeting of the Asiatic Society was held at the United 
States Legation on Wednesday, March, 5, at 4 p.m., 
when the reading of the Autobiography of Arai Hakuscki, 
translated by the Rev. G. W. Knox, D.D. was continued 
by the Rev. D. C. Greene, D.D. The Rev. Arthur 
Lloyd, Vice President of the Society, was in the Chair. 
The chairman opened the meeting by thanking Colonel 
Buck for his kindness in inviting the Society to hold a 
meeting in his Legation. U.S. Ministers throughout the 
world were, he said, celebrated for their courtesy and the 
friendly interest they took in literary and scientific insti- 
tutions. 

Dr. Greene, after a brief reference to the early history 
of Arai Hakuseki and his relations to the sixth and seventh 
Shoguns, proceeded to read extracts from the Autobio- 
graphy, confining himself to such passages as dealt with 
the public life of Arai. 

The first Chapter read contained an account of his pro- 
motion to be one of the intimate personal counsellors of 
the Heir Apparent (Dec. 20th, 1704), who had previously 
been a pupil of Arai Hakuseki. The Heir Apparent had 
but recently been adopted by the fifth Shogun. He be- 
came Shogun on February 20th, 1709. 

The fifth Shogun during his later years was an ardent 
Buddhist and was especially active in legislation for the 



a 

protection of the lower animals. These protective mea- 
sures were carried so far as to cause much hardship 
among the people. At the same time the Shogun's ex- 
travagance had led to the debasing of the currency and to 
other hardly less questionable means of replenishing the 
treasury. All this resulted in widespread distress. About 
this time there were severe earthquakes and certain 
strange phenomena, among which the falling of white 
hair is mentioned. These were assumed to portend the 
gravest evils, the result of the misgovernment of the state. 
To avoid the impending calamities, it was of the first 
importance to repeal the obnoxious laws and etiter upon 
the needed reforms. Here the new Shogun was met by 
precedents, amounting to a constitutional provbion, that 
laws left on the statute books by a deceased Shoguh 

should not be changed within three years of his death 

Accordingly it was ruled that officially the Shogun 

not die until the funeral. Hence it was possible by post 

poning that ceremony to gain ample time for the 

urgent matters of reform. These were, therefore, arrang — 

ed for and the necessary laws promulgated in the name^^-^^^ 

of the late ruler. 

Arai sought to reform the currency and the system ot^ 
administration which he represents as being sadly cornipl^'^^^P^ 
and otherwise wasteful. While these reforms were noE'^^^^ ^^ 
all immediately carried into effect, they seem to havc^"*'^^ 
gained the sympathy of the new Sh5gun and the measures 
he recommended were for the most part eventually adopted 

Other chapters treated of efforts made to create estab*- 
lishments for the Princes of the Imperial Blood ; to refori 
the administration of justice, including the wholesale re ^ 
lease of persons thrown into prison on account of th 



of 



m 

harsh laws of the previous Shoguns ; to relieve the people 
who suffered equally from the oppression of local officials 
and the heavy exactions by travelling daimy5 on the 
great post roads ; to improve the system of collecting 
taxes, etc. 

There were many passages illustrating most vividly the 
hardships resulting from the defective conception of justice 
embodied in the laws and customs of the time. In one 
case, a woman whose husband had disappeared found a 
dead body floating in a stream. Not being able to turn 
it over so that she might see the face, she applied to 
the headman of the village for help. It was found to be 
the body of her husband. As it was evident that there 
had been foul play, suspicion fell upon the woman's father 
and brother, who proved to have been the murderers and 
were proceeded against accordingly. Not content with 
this, the officials accused the woman and found her guilty 
of informing against her father and brother, thought her 
information consisted simply in her discovery of the body 
which directed suspicion to her father. She was con- 
demned to servitude and the Minister of Education ap- 
proved the sentence. Arai, while a great reverer of 
precedents when they sustained the decisions of his heal- 
thy common sense, made short work of this misjudgment. 
Possibly his own clear view of right was made still clearer 
by his desire to differ with the Minister of Education for 
whom he lost no opportunity to show his contempt. 

In the case of certain agrarian disturbances, which he 
recorded, the same keen sense of justice led him also to 
hold the scales with what seems to have been an even 
hand. 

One of the Chapters gives an amusing report of the 



11 

protection of tlic lower animals. Tli 
siircs \\i:ro carricil so Tar as to c 
among the pjopln. At the same tim 
travayance li:u1 led to tlie dcijasin^i^ 
Otlier hardly less (iiii;>.tiona1>le nioati- 
treasiuy. All this resulted in widi-'j; 
this time there were severe eailh 
strange phenomena, among whicii 
hair is mentioned. These were a--- 
gravest evils, tlie result of the mis;.' 
To avoid the impending calamit' 
im|X>rlance to repeal the obnoxin^ 
the necdetl reforms. Merc the i; 
precedents, amounting to a ei'r 
laws left on the .-statute bool; 
.should not l»e changed with;- 
Accordingly it was ruled lli ■ 
not die until the funeral, !!■. 
poning tliat ceremony to ;■ 
urgent matters of reform. 
ed for and the necessary 1. 
of the late ruler. 

Arai sought to reform 
administration which he 
and otiierwise wasteful 
all ininicdiatcly carrie'' 
gained the .sympathy 
he recommended were 

Other chapters tre^i 
lishnients for the Pri 
the administratton > 
lease of i 




(l1 KNDARS. 

April i6, igo2. 

keiatic Society was held at 

■ftl. at 4. p.m. on Wednesday, 

, IVcsidcnt of the Society, 

\V. Clement read a paper 

of \vhich the following is 

Ltime. This is true in more 

fst place, they are not in a 

fcisiircly. It may be an exag- 

Bfcverse the Occidental advice, 

an be put off till to to-morrow ; 

fcnty of time for doing things. 

f proverbs relating to this sub- 

iround " {hogaba maware) ; and 

" (5(-//r wa koto wo shisonsuni) 

^R good equivalent of our proverb, 

With an old-fashioned Japanese, 

o'clock may be met at any con- 

I 10 o'clock, because it is troublesome 

and it is, therefore, considered 

\ round numbers, until it is 10 o'clock. 

\ train, he only ejaculates " shikata ga 

bis not," or "there's no use"), and pa- 

Ihe next train, even thought it be half 



lent that in old Japan there was no use 

"Time is money," and especially because 

Vwas despised, and the merchant was the 

four classes of society (soldier, farmer, 



VI 



artisan, merchant). And, if it is true that "procrastina- 
tion is the thief of time," he must have filched cycles or 
centuries out of Old Japan. But Mr. E. H. House has 
suggested that the old practice of the Japanese indicated 
that they regarded punctuality to be the thief of time. 

This propensity to neglect the minutes in reckoning 
probably grew out of the fact that in Old Japan the shor- 
test period of time was equivalcint to two hours. The 
day was divided as follows : — 

Kokonotsudoki (ninth hour), X2 a.m. and p.m. 
YatsU'doki (eighth hour), 2 a.m. and p.m. 
Nanatsu'doki (seventh hour), 4 a.m. and p.m. 
Mutsu-doki (sixth hour), 6 a.m. and p.m. 
Itsutsu'doki (fifth hour), 8 a.m. and p.m. 
Yotsu'doki (fourth hour), 10 a.m. and p.m. 

As an hour of that kind is equal to two hours of our 
kind and clocks had only one hand, the two-** hour hand," 
it is not strange, perhaps, that it is now difficult for some ^^ 
to reckon minutely ! 

In the second place, the Japanese have plenty of time, « -» 
because they have several different ways of reckoning the -^^^ 
days, months, years and other periods. They have both -^^ 
solar and lunar time; Japanese, Chinese and Occidental -C-^^ 
time; two national calendars and several special periods: ^ *• 
so that they have literally "a time for everything"; and 
in some cases, they are very particular to do a certain 
thing ** on time." Of the two Japanese calendars, one 
reckons from the mythological founding of the Japanese 
Empire by Jimmu Tenno in 660 B.C., and is known 
kigeft (period-beginning); and the other is the special-^ 
period called *' Meiji " (Enlightened Rule), which began 
with the accession of the present Emperor Mutsuhito, in 




1867. Thus, to illustrate, I happen to have befofe mc 
an old issue of the Koknmin Shinbun, a daily newspaper 
of Tokyo, and find the following dates: " Meiji, 35th 
year; Kigen, 2,562; Occidental calendar, 1902; Chinese 
calendar, Kocho Era, 27th year, 2rtd month, 7th day, 
Friday. Old Calendar, Ka-no-to — Ushi, * 12th month, 
26th day, Ka-no-to — Tori f Sun rises, 6:39 a.m. Sun sets, 
5:12 p.m. Moon rises, 5:17 a.m. Moon sets, 4.04 p.m. 
High tide, 4:33 a.m. and 4:56 p.m." And then, as if to 
emphasize the contrasts between the old and new in this 
mixture, is added the notice of the following time-saving 
device : " Telephone, Shimbashi (Special), No. 70 (Edi- 
torial) ; Shimbashi, No. 2.850 (Office)." 

In the old style of reckoning, each year was named 
according to the twelve .signs of the Chinese zodiac in 
conjunction with the "ten celestial stems" {jikkan), ob- 
tained by dividing into two parts each of the five elements 
(wood, fire, earth, metal, water). These elements are 
known in Japanese as ki^ hiy tsuchiy kane^ mizu\ and the 
subdivisions are called e (or ye) and to, of which the 
former is said to represent " elder brother " and the latter 
" younger bro.her." But Rein explains ye as representing 
the national state or raw condition, while to represents 
manufactured state or artificial condition. This will be 
made clear by reference to the following tables: — ^ 



I. 


Ne (Rat). 


2. Ushi (Ox). 


3. 


Tor a (Tiger). 


4. U (Hare). 


5. 


Tatsu (Dragon). 


6. Mi (Serpent). 


7- 


Uma (Morse). 


8. Hitsuji (Goat). 


9. 


Sam (Monkey). 


10. Tori (C'xk). 



* See later tables. 

t From MiUsumUf to be friendly. 



• •• 

Vlll 



II. /;/// (Dog). 12. /(Boar). 

1. Ki-no-E (Natural wood). 

2. Ki'iiO'To (Wrought wood). 

3. Hi-no-E (Natural fire). 

4. Hi-no'To (Artificial fire). 

5. Tiichi-nO'E (Natural earth). 

6. Tsiuhi-nO'To (Wrought earth). 

7. Ka-na-E (Raw metal). 

8. Ka-tiO'To (Wrought metal). 

9. MizU'iiO'E (Running water). 
10. Mzu-nO'To (Stagnant water). 

Thus Ka-no-To — Ushi, the year, name just mentioned 
above, means ** Wrought metal Ox"; and the name of 
the day mentioned in the same connection, or Ka-no-To 
— Tori, means '* Wrought metal. Cock.*' 

The lunar year was divided into twelve months of al- 
ternately 29 and 30 days each, and thus contained only 
354 or 355 days; but this discrepancy from the solar 
was made up by adding ** to the 2nd, 5th, 8th, nth, 
13th, i6th and 19th year of every lunar cycle an inter- 
calary month of varying length. This bore in Japan the 
name of uro-tsuki (iiru-zuki) and followed the second 
month of the year, which was then reckoned twice over 
as 7iro-7iigatsUy i.e., ** supernumerary second month." The 
months were named numerically, as follows : — 

Ichigatsu — First Moon. 

Nigatsu — Second Moon. 

Sangatsu — Third Moon. 

Shigatsu — Fourth Moon. 

Gogatsu — Fifth Moon. 

Rokugatsu — Sixth Moon. 

Shichigatsu — Seventh Moon. 



Lx 

Hachigatsu — Eighth Moon. 

Kugatsu — Ninth Moon. 

Jugatsu — Tenth Moon. 

Juichigatsu — Eleventh Moon 

Junigatsu — Twelfth Moon. 
The first month, however, had another very common 
name, Shogatsu (True Moon). All of the months had 
also poetical appellations, of which the following are ex- 
amples : — 

1. Mutsuki (Social month). 

2. Kisaragi (Putting on new clothes). 

3. Yayoi (I-arge growth). 

4. Uzuki (Hare month). 

5. Satsuki (Early moon). 

6. Minazuki (Water-less month)* 

7. Fumizuki (Composition month). 

8. Hatsuki (Leafy month), f 

9. Nagatsuki (Long moon). % 

10. Kaminazuki (God-less month). 

11. Shimotsuki (Frost month). 

12. Shiwasu (Finishing month). 

The gods were supposed during the tenth month to 
have left the other parts of the country and to have 
assembled in " annual conference '* in their " ancestral 
home " of Izumo. And, as the gods had thus neglected 
their usual business of watching over the people, it was 
not considered of any u.se to offer prayers and sacrifices, 
and, therefore, that month was given the special name of 
Kami-na-zukiy or Kami-fiaki-tstiki, " god-less moon. " 



* Scarcity of rain at this time. 

t Or Tsukitni-zuki (Moon viewing month). 

% Or Kikti-zuki (Chrysanthemum month). 



The four seasons of spring, summer, autumn and winter 
were recognized ; and there were also 24 periods of 14 or 
15 days each, which, to a great extent, indicated the 
weather, such as Shokan (Little Cold), Daishd (Great 
Heat), etc., and which the farmer carefully followed in 
planning his labours. The peasantry also observed rather 
scrupulously other special times. " For instance, they 
sow their rice on the eighty-eighth day from the begfin- 
ning of spring, and they plant it out in Nyubai^ the period 
fixed for the early summer. The 210th and 220th days 
from the beginning of spring, and what it called Hassaku, 
that is, the first day of the eighth moon (o.c), are looked 
on as days of special importance to the crops, which are 
certain to be injured if there is a storm, because the rice 
is then in flower. They fall early in September, just in 
the middle of the typhoon season." * 

In old Japan the week was entirely unknown ; and it 
was not until the present era \^Meiji\ that the ichiroku^ 
or holidays on the *' ones " and '* sixes" f of each month, 
were introduced. But that was speedily abandoned for 
the week system, Sunday an official holiday, with names 
adapted from the Occidental names, as follows ; — 

Nichiyobi (Sun-day). 
Getsuyobi (Moon-day). 
Kayobi (Mars-day). 
Suiyobi (Mercury-day). 
Moknyobi (Jupiter-day). 
Kinyobi (Venus-day). 
Doyobi (Saturn-day). 



* Chamberlain*s ** Things Japanese." 

t On the 1st, 6th, nth, i6th, 21st, 26th, [31st]. 



xr 



And Prof. Chamberlain tells of the adoption of even the 
Saturday half-holiday: — " Sunday being in vulgar parlance 
Dontaku, [a corruption of the Dutch Zontag\ Saturday 
is called (in equally vulgar parlance) Handon, that is, 
• half Sunday.' " 

The days of each month were named, not only in 
numerical order, but also according to the sexagenary 
tables mentioned above in connexion with the names of 
the years in " a cycle of Cathay." And the latter names 
were perhaps more important than the numerical ones, 
because according to these special names a day was judged 
to be either lucky or unlucky for particular events. For 
instance, Dr. Griffis informs us in *' The Mikado's Empire," 
that " inany people of the lower classes would not wash 
their head or hair on " the day of the horse," lest their 
hair become red." On the other hand, this " day of the 
horse " is sacred to Inari Sama. It is, moreover, very 
important, when planning for weddings, to avoid certain 
fixed days and to select one from the auspicious days. 

The hours were also named according to the zodiacal 
menagerie, in the following way :- — 

I. Hour of the Rat, ii. p.m. — i a.m. 

Ox, 1-3 a.m. 

Tiger, 3-5 a.m. 

Hare, 5-7 a.m. 

Dragon, 7-9 a.m. 

Serpent, 9- 11 a.m. 

Horse, 11 a,m. — i p.m. 
Goat, 1-3 p.m. 
Monkey, 3-5 p.m. 
Cock, 3-7 p.m. 

Dog, 7-9 P-m- 
Boar, 9-n p.m. 



^* 


ii 






3. 


,) 






Ar 


» 






5- 


» 






6. 


T» 






7- 
8. 


n 






fj 






9. 


9» 






10. 


ty 






II. 


ff 






12. 


»i 







xu 



The hour of the ox, by-the-way, being the time of 
second sleep, was sacred to women crossed in love, for 
taking vengeance upon a straw image of the recreant 
lover at the shrine of Fudo. 

The gchsekku, or five festivals, were also carefully ob- 
served. They fell on the first (or, as some say, seventh) 
day of the first month, the third day of the third month, 
the fifth day of the fifth month, the seventh day of the 
iseventh month, and ninth day of the ninth month. They 
have various names, of which the most general are those 
which call them by the names of the months, such as 
Shogatsu no Sekku (** First Moon's Festival*'), etc. But 
these names are not so commonly used as those which 
more particularly describe the nature of the festival. For 
instance, the festival of the third month is well known as 
Jovii-nO' Sekku (Girls' Festivals), or Hina-niaisuri (Dolls 
Festival) ; that of the fifth month is the famous Tango- 
nO'Sekku (Boys' Festival), or Nobori no Sekku (Flag Festi- 
val) ; that of the seventh month is commonly called 
Tanabata-no- Sekku (Star Festival) because it is dedicated 
to the star Vega {Tanabata)\ while that of the ninth 
month is called C hoy o-no- Sekku (Indian Summer Festival), 
or Kiku-no-Sekku (Chrysanthemum Festival). The name 
of a flower may also be attached to the other festivals. 

There is now, of course, considerable confusion between 
the old and the new calendars, of which the latter is' 
official, but the former is popular and still observed in 
country districts. And this confusion naturally leads to 
some ludicrous anachronisms. For instance, the 7th day 
of the 1st month (o.c.) was known as Nanakusa (Seven 
Herbs), because the people were wont to go out into the 
fields and gather seven certain kinds of vegetables for 



Xllt 

use on that day, but January 7 is too cold and too 
early. In some cases, however, the old day is retained, 
no matter whether it fits the new calendar or not. And 
not a few people are quite willing to keep both calendars 
and thus get twice as many holidays ! 

But, as this whole topic is well-nigh inexhaustible, and 
" time flies " " like an arrow " here as elsewhere, we may 
as well stop now, and only reiterate, that assuredly the 
Japanese have plenty of time! 

[Here followed a translation of the official calendar for 
the current year, with copious notes.] 

Dr. Riess made a few remarks, referring to Bramsen s 
Tables which, he said, were better than those mentioned 
by Professor Clement. 

Dr. Greene expressed the thanks of the Society to Mr. 
Clement for his paper which contained information which 
the Society were glad to have in that form among their 
Transactions. 



BASHO AND THE JAPANESE EPIGRAM. 

June 4., /p02. 

A general meeting of the Asiatic Society of Japan was, 
by the kind invitation of the Rev. A. F. King, held at 
St. Andrew's House, Sakae-cho, Shiba, on June 4, at 4 
p.m. the Rev. D. C. Greene, D. D., President, being in 
the Chair. 

.. The minutes of the previous meeting having already 
been published, were taken as read. 

Prof. B. H. Chamberlain then read such portions of his 
paper on Bastw and tfie Japanese Poetical Epigram as the 
time at the disposal of the meeting permitted. 



XIV 

He began by giving examples of the tiny literary form 
in question (called Hokku in Japanese), which consists of 
but 17 syllables all told, thus :— 

Naga-naga to (5)! 

Kawa kito-suji ya (7)>=i7 
Ytiki no kara (5)1 

which niay be rendered 

** A single river, stretching far 

Across the moorland swathed in snow." 

Entering then into a detailed account of Japanese poetry 
on its technical side, he showed that these Lilliputian 
poems had had a history a thousand years long, that 
they must be regarded, not as wholes, but as fragments 
remaining over from a complicated game which resem- 
bled our " capping verses," and which was a favourite at 
the Court of Kyoto in the early Middle Ages; further- 
more how, after a period of frivolity and decadence, the 
Epigram had been taken up in the seventeenth century 
by the great poet and moralist Basho, who made it the 
vehicle for his reform of Japanese poetical taste. Basho's 
career was described in some detail, that of his successor 
in the eighteenth century sketched more lightly. From 
one very eminent female epigrammatist several quotations 
were made. Incidentally, various other quotations con- 
nected with Japanese literary history were discussed, such 
as the intrinsic worth of Japanese poetry, the strong in- 
fluence of China even on the poetry of the island empire, 
which most writers have hitherto represented as an ex- 
clusively native growth, and the influence of the Zen sect 
of Buddhism on Japanese esthetics and social life. The 
paper concluded with an Anthology of over 200 specimens 
of Epigrams covering a period of nearly four centuries, 



XV 

accompanied by EngHsli metrical translations and notes. 
It should be added that the lecturer throughout employed 
the term Epigram, " not in the modern sense of a pointed 
saying, but in its earlier acceptation, as denoting any 
little piece of verse that expresses a delicate 6r ingenious 
thought." He showed the favourite w^/^ of the Japanese 
epigrammatists to have been a vignette of some natural 
scene or occurrence, though human figures, allusions, and 
circumstances the most various, even including the Epigram 
itself in the narrower sense of the word, occasionally 
supplied them with themes. The best productions in this 
division of Japanese literature were compared by Professor 
Chamberlain with such Tennysonian half-stanzas as 

" A single church below the hill 
Is pealing folded in the mist. " 

or 

" The last red leaf is whirl'd away. 
The rooks are blown about the skies. " 

But he apparently attributed more value to the we^ro/ in- 
fluence of the epigrammatists, — especially Basho, — ^than to 
their actual productions, as the form they adopted was 
too slight a one to result in any very important addition 
to a nation's literary possessions. 

After the reading of the paper which, although an op- 
portunity was offered, was followed by no discussion, the 
Chairman spoke .substantially as follows : — 

It is a common experience with students of the Japa- 
nese language and customs, though an experience of which 
they have no monopoly, that, often by mere accident, 
attention is attracted to a new word, or an unfamiliar, 
feature of social life, which they suppose is rarely met 



XVI 

with, if it be not altogether foreign to their sphere of ob- 
servation, but which thereafter persistently thrusts itself 
upon them, in season and out of season. This has been 
the case with me in the matter of hokku. For many 
years the term has been more or less familiar to me, of 
course, and I have had a vague conception of what they 
were, but they belonged, as I fancied, to a realm of 
thought remote from that in which I moved. 

However, some two months ago, the opportunity came 
to me to read Mr. Chamberlain's carefully prepared paper 
to which we have listened with so much interest and 
profit. From that time forward, these epigrams have 
faced me at almost every turn, and my surprise is that I 
had not recognised them before as part and parcel of my 
own environment. Not long after reading the paper, I 
had occasion to make a trip into the region west of Kobe 
and in the course of it spent a day or two in Tsuyama, 
one of it larger towns of Okayama Prefecture. Near by 
is the village of Ninomiya which we are told was once 
visited by Basho, of whom Mr. Chamberlain has told us 
so much that is interesting. While there, he saw the 
moon shining amid the clouds upon a pine forest. Deep- 
ly impressed with the sight he wrote the famous lines, 

Kumo ori ori 

Hito wo yasumuru 
Tsuki-mi kana, 
which Mr. Chamberlain, although he has not read them 
to us, has included with due explanation in the Anthology 
appended to his paper. 

A little later, but during the same journey, in company 
with a few friends I climbed a little hill which forms a 
promontory jutting into the bay just outside the old town 



xvn 

of Kasaoka oil the northern shore of the Inland sea. The 
hill has been for many generations a public park and is 
much frequented because of tiie beautiful view it affords 
of the harbour and the islands, once apparently covered 
with pines which at once protect and adorn it. Near the 
top of the hill my friends pointed out a small but con- 
spicuous stone monument which commemorates a visit of 
the hokku writer, Sogi, to the spot in May, 1494, in the 
seventy-fifth year of his age. Inspired by the charming 
view he composed the verse. 

Yama matsu no 
Kage ya uki miru 

Natsu no umi. 
This though, like many another kokkii, it rebels against 
all attempts at a literal rendering, may be roughly para- 
phrased thus, 

The shadows of the mountain pines 

Seem floating in the summer sea. 
Embedded in the structure of the verse, however, are allu- 
sions which defy the skill of the most expert translator. 
For example, among the products of that region is a kind 
of sea weed {codiiim tomentoswn) called mini or water 
pine, if we follow the Chinese characters (^JCji^) which 
represent it, and it would appear that the deft allusion to 
the business interests of the little port, contained in the 
words ntiru and matsu, had not a little to do in arousing 
the enthusiasm which the monument symbolises. 

Within a few feet is another stone, a disk perhaps four 
feet in diameter and nine inches thick mounted on a sui- 
table pedestal. This disk records a verse of Basho's, who, 
tradition says, nearly two hundred years after Sdgi's visit 
climbed the same hill and saw the monument to the 



xvm 

earlier sage. Apparently surprised to find he was stand- 
ing in the very foot-steps of the master, he gave expres- 
sion to his feelings in the verse 

Yo no naka wa 

Sara ni Sogi no 
Yadori kana. 
that is to say, 

I^ the whole world 
Is Sogi's dwelling. 
In other words, " Wherever I go Sogi has been there 
before me. ** 

This at least gives the meaning which the local scho- 
larship has accepted, and that exegesis confirmed by the 
best authorities I have access to ; though a learned friend, 
skilled in the thirty-one syllable . verses, would translate, 
This world is still 

The dwelling place of Sogi. 
It is evident that Bashd had in mind another hokhio 
Sogi's and framed his own on that model, namely, 

Yo ni furu wa 

Sara ni shigure no 
Yadori kana. 
which represents our life in this world as spent in a way- 
side shelter where we merely wait the passing of a shower. 
This, too, Mr. Chamberlain has included in his Anthology 
and it need not be commented upon farther. I will 
merely call attention to the close similarity in form between 
this and the preceding, as indicating that Basho was 
not unfamih'ar with the history of his art. Perhaps, 
too, we may properly raise the question whether the 
close relationship between these two Iiokkti does not 
suggest that, while the first rendering I have given 



XIX 

represents the prima facie ineaning of Basho's verse, 
it was none the less his purpose that his readers should 
see a deeper thought. That thought was I Fancy, some- 
thing like this : — 

" Sogi has told us, indeed, that in this world we but 
wait the passing of a shower, yet, after well nigh two 
hundred years, his spirit lives and inspires the. thoughts 
of men. ^» 

This agrees with the second rendering given above. The 
two monuments, upon which I may say I stumbled without 
the least purpose or forethought, illustrate what Mr. 
Chamberlain tells us of the national character of the hokkii. 
They, as well as the first I mentioned, illustrate also how 
dependent many of these verses are upon time and place. 
Not seldom they are simply impromptu expressions of a 
transitory feeling which fell upon ears appreciative of the 
similarities or contrasts which they wert intended to set 
forth. As siich they have played an important part in 
the social life of Japan. They cannot be fairly judged 
apart from their setting, and that setting could not be 
preserved. In their very nature they were ephemeral. 
Many were low bom and deserved their fate, others 
might be classed with the bright repartee whose short- 
lived glory we often mourn. 

On the other hand, as Mr. Chamberlain has helped us 
to understand, there are not a few which will live and 
deserve to live. They have the note of universalit}''. The 
verse of Chiyo of Kaga, for example, about her little 
dragonfly-hunter, speaks not to any one race or age. She 
and others have struck some of the deepest cords of our 
common human nature. 

It is with unusual pleasure that I extend Mr. Cham- 



XX 

berlaiii the thanks of the Society for his valuable paper. 
We shall have much satisfaction in adding it to the aU 
ready long list of monographs with which he has favour- 
ed us. 

We shall all join, I am sure, with great heartiness also 
in thanking our hosts for their very kind hospitality this 
afternoon. Their thoughtfulness in permitting us to meet 
under such agreeable conditions has heightened in no 
small degree the pleasure we have all taken in this niost 
interesting meeting. 



ANNUAL MEETING. 

History of Political Parties in Japan. 

i6i December 7902. 
By kind invitation of His Excellency the British Mini- 
ster, the Annual Meeting of the Asiatic Society was held 
at the British Legation, Thursday, December i8th, 1902, 
the President Dr. D. C. Greene being in the chair. 

The minutes of the previous meeting, having been al- 
ready published, were allowed to stand. 

Report of the Counxll — Session 1902. 

The annual report of the Council was read by the 
Secretary as follows : — 

The Council of the Asiatic Society has to report for 
the current year the following events of special interest. 

Seven Council and four General Meetings, including the 
present meeting, have been held. At the Greneral Meet- 
ings, papers have been read, in whole or in part, as 
follows : — 



XXI 

*' Autobiography of Arai Hakuseki," 

By Dr. G. W. Knox. 

'* Japanese Calendars," By E. W. Clement, M. A. 

" Basho and the Japanese Epigram," 

By B. H. Chamberlain, Esq. 

** History of Political Parties in Japan " [for to-day], 

By A. H. Lay, Esq. 

The first three of these papers have been published 
within the year, and publication of the last has been 
ordered. 

A complete catalogue of publications of this Society 
has been incorporated in Part II. of Vol. XXIX. The 
Librarian has also kindly prepared for publication in the 
Transactions of the Society a catalogue of recent Japanese 
Books. 

Dr. Baelz was appointed a delegate to represent the 
Society at the Congfis International des Ofientalistes de 
Hanoi to be held this month in connection with the 
Hanoi Exposition. 

During the year, twenty names have been added to 
the list of members, and four members have died. The 
Council expresses deep regret especially at the death of 
His Excellency A. E. Buck, United States Minister to 
Japan, who, by sympathy and active interest, has render- 
ed special service to the Socfefy. 

Report of Librarian, [given later.] 

The President announced that, unless objection were 
raised in this meeting, the Council, in view of no con- 
stitutional prohibition, would in future give favourable 



XXtl 

consideration to application for membership in the society 
from ladies. 

The election of Members of the Council for the ensuing 
year to which was for special reasons deferred till after 
Mr. Lay's paper was read, resulted as follows : 
President. Rev. Dr. D. C. Greene. 
Vice Presidents. Rev. A. Lloyd. 

Rev. E. S. Booth. {Yokohama). 
CoRR. Secretary. E. H. Vickers. 
Recording Secretary, 

For Tokyo, E. H. Vickers. 

For Yokohama, Dr. J. L. Dearing. 
Treasure. R. S. Miller. 
Librarian. Rev. A. Lloyd. 
Councillors. Messrs. B. H. Chamberlain. 

C. S. Griffin. 
J. M'D: Gardiner. 
J. T. Swift. 
A. F. King. 
H. G. Parlett. 
R. J. Kirby. 
R. Masujima. 
W. Weston. 
Dr. Macdonald. 
Mr. Parlett immediately resigned from the Council, and 

* 

a motion was carried to the effect that the vacancy thus 
created should be subsequently filled by action of the 
Council. 

The Chairman then read portions of Mr. Lay's paper 
entitled: ''A Brief Sketch of the History of Poetical 
Parties in Japati* of which the following is a condensed 
summary* 



xxUl 

The idea of popular representation in the government 
of Japan may be said to have had its birth with the 
Restoration, although some thoughtful men had been 
turning their minds in that direction at an earlier date. 
His Imperial Majesty the present Emperor, in his oath 
on the occasion of his succession to the throne made 
known his enlightened desire that men should meet in 
council from all parts of the country and all affairs of 
state be determined in accordance with public opinion. 
This pronouncement may be regarded as the starting 
point of the moviement for parliamentary representation. 
The germ of the present House of Peers and House of 
Representatives is found in the Gi-sei, a department of 
the governifient which was organized as early as June 
1868. The Ko-gi-jo which was opened in the following 
year was representative, not of the people, but of the 
governing authorities in the various localities. The mem- 
bers of the Sa-In, which replaced the Ko-ji-jo (or shuji- 
in) in September 1871, were nominated by the Emperor 
and the council of state. 

The history of political parties in Japan may conveniently 
be divided into four periods: (i) From the Restoration up 
to 1882, while as yet they were in embryo, (2) From 
the year 1882, when they for the first time took actual 
shape, until 1888, (3) From the organization of the 
Daido'Danketsu in 1887 until 1898, (4) The period since 
the amalgamation of the two strongest parties to form 
the constitutional party in 1898. 

During the early seventies, discussion went on regard- 
ing the advisability of the formation of a popular assembly. 
In 1874 was formed the first political society, the Aikoku- 
to, or patriotic society, from which later sprang the Liberal 



XXIV 

Party {jiyu-to). In the previous year a division had taken 
place in the ranks of the higher officials of the govern- 
ment. The one party was composed of those who desir- 
ed rapid progress in domestic matters and a vigorous 
foreign policy. The other desired steady progress at 
home and conciliation abroad. The latter jxairty retained 
control of the government and the former went into op- 
position. Among the most important of the radical party 
was Itagaki of Kochi prefecture. He organized the first 
local society and devoted himself constantly to the attain- 
ment of his end of bringing about xparliamentary institu- 
tions in the country. We thus have Kochi, and later on 
Hizen, working for the extension of the power of the 
people, while the government was in the main conducted 
by Satsuma and Choshu men. 

The agitation for popular representation, although 
checked for a time by the Satsuma Rebellion, gained 
strength in 1879 and 1880, and the government became 
convinced that the question could not longer be postpon- 
ed. On the 1 2th of October, 1881, the Emperor pro- 
mulgated the famous ordinance in which the promise was 
given that a parliament should actually be established in 
1 890. . As a preparatory measure, Ito, in company with 
a number of j unior officials, was dispatched to Europe 
early in 1882 to study the political systems of the West. 
The promise of a parliament served to give a more 
definite purpose to the various political associations, and 
the year 1882 saw the formal organization of the three 
parties which, under various names, have continued almost 
uninterruptedly to occupy the field until the present time. 
The Jiyu'to was the first organized, although not the first 
to be properly registered as a political association. 



XXV 

It IS noticeable that the utterances of the various polit- 
ical parties when they first came into existence present 
in the main no features of a distinctive nature. All put 
forth excellent doctrines, but usually of extreme vague- 
ness. The same characteristic has been noticeable through- 
out their history except when some temporary question 
of urgency has arisen. This is no doubt the reason why 
the grouping has constantly changed, one merging into 
another, and secessions occuring without apparent cause. 
1883 and the following years saw a falling off in the 
interest in political parties, — doubtless a natural result of 
the over excitement which had just preceded, and of the 
apparent certainty of a parliament after 1890. The interest 
in politics and in parties revived, however, as the date 
assigned for the granting of the constitution approached. 

Since the opening of the first diet, the efforts of the 
parties have in general been directed towards the securing 
of control of the administration, — the establishment of 
parliamentary government. Except during the period of 
the war with China, when all party differences were for 
the time set aside, the parties have all been in more or 
less constant opposition to the government. Until within 
the last year or two, however, no party has possessed 
for any considerable length of time an absolute majority 
of the membeaship of the Lower House, sufficient to en- 
able it control the votes of that body. Political parties 
have now^ become a distinct power in the land which 
no statesman can afford entirely to neglect. From small 
and unruly beginnings, they have gradually progressed in 
influence and in organization. As by degrees they have 
be.:n getting rid of their unruly and dangerous elements, 
and learning to a greater extent the lesson of respmsib- 



xxvi 



ility, they have more and more gained the popular con- 
fidence. Possessing practically the power of the purse,— 
for in the Diet the House of Representatives has the 
first say as to the details of the budget presented by the 
government,— they have always to be reckoned with. 

That there have been no distinct and well defined party 
issues may be traced to the fact that feudalism gave place 
so suddenly to a modern state of society. The leaders 
of thought and those who have taken up the work of 
national rejuvenation have all been men of progressive 
tendencies. That the parties have frequently opposed the 
government in cases where opposition for its own sake 
has been the only recognizable principle cannot be denied* 
It must be remembered that they have all along been 
struggling for a share in the administration. The political 
parties have well illustrated the intensely democratic 
character of the Japanese people side by side with marked 
reverence for the Emperor. The desire for equality and 
the revolt against the controlling influence of a narrow 
coterie has all along been exhibited. 

At the close of the reading from the paper, the FVe- 
sidcnt said that only a very imperfect idea of the value 
of the paper could be gathered from the extracts read. 
Mr. Griffin spoke as follows : Some misunderstanding 
might arise from Mr. Lay's remark that the parties 
possessed practically the power of the purse. The control 
of the Japanese Lower House over the Budget is not to 
be compared with that of the English House of Commons 
in similar matters. In the latter case, if I am not mis- 
taken, the House of Lords may in theory reject, but 
cannot amend the budget as passed by the Commons. 
In reality the Commons control, in this as in other 



xxvn 

matters^ by virtue of the latent power of the Cabinet to 
appoint new members of the Upper House. In the United 
States the constitution provides that all bills for raising 
revenue must originate in the Lower House. It would 
be a serious error, however, to conclude that on that 
account the Lower House has a greater control over such 
bilk than the senate. On the contrary, the Senate has 
if anything greater control over this as over other matters 
than the Lower House. The reason is that the Senate 
has the general support of the community as well as the 
Lower House, its members have a longer term of service, 
and it has control over many appointments to office. In 
the various countries of Continental Europe also, wher- 
ever the Lower House has greater influence on the budget 
or on legislation than the Upper House, the reason Ls to 
be found rather in the general strength of the Lower 
House in the country, the support which it could rely on 
in the case of a conflict with the Upper House, than on 
the privilege of initiation of *' money bills." This is true, 
for instance, of France and Italy. 

** I may perhapis take this opportunity to mention two 
characteristics of Japanese political parties which have 
impressed themselves upon me in the course of my own, 
as yet comparatively slight, study of the politics of this 
country. As in so many other aspects of Japanese life, 
so also in politics, I think we can see a curious blending 
of Old Japan with the very latest and most advanced 
which the West has to offer. It was a remark of the most 
influential, if not the greatest, English political philosopher 
of the 19th century, John Stuart Mill, that, even if we 
could be assured that an autocrat, an all powerful in- 
dividual ruler, would govern more wisely than a popular 



XXVIll 

government, we ought, nevertheless, to prefer the popular 
government for the educative effect which the effort to 
govern produces upon the people. 

Now it will be found that there has been very much 
conscious or unconscious following of this idea in the 
pragress of popular government in Japan. In marked 
contrast to his story of popular government in the West, 
where parliaments have been forced on the government 
from below for the protection of popular rights, popular 
representation has been granted from above in this coun- 
try, and the people have grown up to it, or are in 
process of growing. The truth of this is not affected by 
the fact that contest between rival clans has been an ever 
controlling factor in the domestic politics of the country 
since Restoration days. The agitation of the parties has 
been not so much directed against the measures of the 
government as against the fact that the government is 
not controlled by the representatives of the people. 

The element of Old Japan in the political parties is 
seen ill the nature of political allegiance. What holds 
the parties together is men rather than measures. In 
Ok! Japan personal allegiance to one's feudal lord was 
one of the strongest feelings of the individual, and sufficed 
to give a distinct character to the life of the time. 
The most important elements of feudalism, the political 
and economic organization of the society which was 
founded upon it, have passed away, but the sentimental 
part remains in the personal allegiance of men to their 
party leaders of tc-day. What would the Sciyu-kai be 
without Marquis Ito, or the Progressive party without 
Count Okuma ? No doubt other leaders would be forth- 
coming if these were not present, the names of the parties 



XXIX 



might be retained, but the membership would almost 
certainly undergo enormous changes. 

The Chairman in closing the debate spoke as follows : — 
Mr. Lay has placed all students of Japanese politics 
greatly in his debt by this careful record of the results 
of a minute and painstaking study. It is no small tax 
upon one's patience to go through, as he evidently has 
done, the newspapers and pamphlets of the period under 
review and bring together in orderly fashion the series 
of events which illustrate the rise and growth of political 
parties. His work is marked by unusual candor and im- 
partiality. The limits which Mr. Lay very properly 
prescribed to himself forbade his attempting to formulate, 
much less to answer, the many interesting questions which 
this history suggests, both as regards the past and the 
future. 

It would, of course, be impossible at this time to 
enumerate these questions, but there is one which not 
only possesses no little interest in itself but which suggests 
some important corollaries. Mr. Lay refers to the influ- 
ence of German political thought upon Japanese politics 
during the last few years, and regards the growth of this 
influence as the characteristic of thi^ period. There is no 
question as to the existence of a marked change in the 
political atmosphere, and few will deny that this change 
came about suddenly. As late as the spring of 1897 
there was, so far as the ordinary observer could discover, 
no premonition of it. The cry for paity government after 
the English model was as loud and apparently as earnest 
as ever, but within less than eighteen months, it had lost 
much of its strength and in the early months of 1898, 
some of the strongest voices among the former apostles 



XXX 

of party government were to be heard on the other side, 
calling for a halt, and a reconsideration of the whole 
subject. How can we account for this change of 
face ? 

Some think it sufficiently accounted for by an alleged 
fickleness on the part of the political leaders, but this ex- 
planation does not explain, — indeed, one can hardly con- 
sider the history of the past thirty years without admit- 
ting that so far as the main underlying purpose embodi- 
ed in that history is concerned, there is evidence both of 
intelligence and of great steadiness. In view of that in- 
telligence and steadiness, it seems more logical to assume 
the existence of intelligible reasons. To my mind these 
reasons are not for to seek. 

The first in my judgment is to be found in the closer 
relations which had come to exist between the "elder 
statesmen " and the party leaders. As Mr. Lay has so 
clearly shown us, these statesmen came to see that, how- 
ever opposed they might be to the dominance of parties, it 
was far easier to carry on the government with a strong 
party behind them. Hence grew up the [more or less 
temporary alliances between the successive governments 
and the parties, these necessitated an exchange of confi- 
dences which tended to soften the autocracy of the gov- 
ernments on the one hand and the self-assertion of the 
party leader on the other. The demands upon the gov- 
ernments were for the time being, of necessity, less 
urgent, and in the intervals between the alliances, party 
discipline became more difficult. 

One result of the increasing appreciation on the part of 
the government of the need of cultivating friendly rela- 
tions with the dominant party in the Diet, as Mr. Lay 



XXXI 



has told us, was the appointment of political secretaries 
in the respective departments of state. 

The object was to bring the party with which the Mini- 
stry was in alliance into closer touch with the government. 
They were regarded as outside the Civil Service and fell 
with the ministry to which they were attached. The 
effect would appear to have been most helpful. It was 
seen in some degree, certainly, in a new sense of respon- 
sibility and a new appreciation of the difficulties with 
which the government had to contend, In some cases at 
least there resulted a genuine sympathy with the ministry 
which became the ground of the harshest criticism and 
even the most calumnious charges ; but the explanation, 
at once the simplest and most satisfactory, is seen in the 
steadying effect of the sense of responsibility born of a 
direct relation to the affairs of government. 

Again, the war with China had brought new convic- 
tion to all minds of the importance of making every 
thing subserve the one supreme purpose of strengthening 
the nation. The grave doubt whether a party govern- 
ment could be a really strong government, in Japan at 
least, arose in many minds and fostered the hope that 
there might be found some middle ground, reasonably 
satisfactory to both sides. 

These were simply predisposing causes. They chilled 
the ardor of many who had been strong party men ; but 
there was I think another and more actively efficient 
cause operating with especially marked effect in the years 
1898 and 1899. It was a closer study of the current 
political thought of Great Britain and the United States, 
than had been given it before. There has been, of course, 
in Japan for many years a goodly number of men who 



XXXll 

have studied in Germany and who have won deserved 
distinction both as students and as administrative officers. 
They have in many cases practically moulded the forms 
of administration. It still remains true, however, so far 
as the great bulk of the Japanese leaders of thought arc 
concerned, that their knowledge of foreign affairs comes 
to them through English or American channels. It is 
also naturally true that criticism of Anglo-Saxon methods 
impresses them far more strongly when coming from 
Anglo-Saxon lips, or when a distrust of Anglo-Saxon 
traditions shows itself in the legislative enactments of 
Great Britain or the United States. 

One of the most important distinguishing features of 
Anglo-Saxon governments, of course, is the stress laid 
upon legislatures, whether municipal, provincial, or national. 
The executive has been, wherever possible, made depend- 
ent on the legislature. But of late years there has been 
manifest an increasing distrust of legislatures, and a 
growing conviction that responsibility must be laid nK>re 
squarely on the shoulders of the one who stands at the 
head of the executive. In the case of municipal govern- 
ments the effect of this changed attitude is readily seen. 
Take, for example, the municipal charters granted in 
Massachusetts during the last fifteen years and compare 
them with those of forty or fifty years ago. Under the 
latter, the mayor was hedged about with restrictions and 
all his nominations were forced to run the gauntlet of a 
more or lesa jealous board of aldermen. Under the more 
advanced of the modern charters, his powers are largely 
increased and in the appointment and dismissal of his 
his subordinates his hand is largely free. 

In the case of national governments, the effect of 



XXXlll 

popular* opinion is less promptly seen in the introduction 
of new forms ; but it is clearly manifest in the tone of 
the political column^ of the public press. No one who 
IS familiar with current political thought, either in Great 
Britain or the United States, can have failed to note the 
severity of the criticism of the national legislatures con- 
stantly appearing and the recurring question in varying 
forms, How can we check the tyranny of legislatures ? 

One of the most signal illustrations of this new attitude 
was a letter by Prof Goldwin Smith in the London TimcSy 
in the early winter of 1899, if I re-call it rightly, in whicli 
he gave an affirmative answer to the question " Is party 
government decaying?" This distrust of legislatures is 
naturally associated with a distrust of party government. 
It is a manifestation in a different form, possibly, of the 
same thing. 

This lessened confidence in party government in Great 
Britain and this purpose to strengthen the executive, as 
against the legislature, seen in the United States, have 
both made themselves felt in Japan. Prof Goldwin Smith's 
article was immediately reproduced in the Kokumin Shim- 
buHy the paper which has in its own columns illustrated 
more clearly than anyother this shifting of public opinion. 
Its editor had recently returned from a tour of the West, 
covering a year and a half, during which he had met a 
large number of leading men. As a result, his confidence 
in party government as a panacea for the. ills of Japan 
was gone. His journal became, and remains to-day, a 
conserving force in Japanese politics. He is one of the 
leaders in a coterie of young but active minds which 
under the influence of similar doubts has done more in 
my judgmejit than appears on the surface to make the 



XXXIV 



:iransformation of the Liberal Party into the Seiyukwai 
possible. 

This prompt response of Japanese. public opinion to the 
doubts which have so recently arisen among the thought- 
ful students of political science in other lands is of the 
greatest interest. It is but one of many illustrations of 
the already close, but steadily growing, intellectual sym- 
pathy between Japan and the West, — a sympathy which 
suggests the brightest hopes, from many and diverse 
points of view. 

There arc other matters not less deserving of attention 
suggested by this discussion, but I have already trespassed 
too far upon your patience. It is with no small satisfac- 
tion that wc have received this valuable paper to which 
we are glad to accord a worthy place in our Transactions. 

It only remains for me, in the name of the Society, to 
thank Sir Claude for his kind hospitality this afternoon, 
which has heightened so greatly the pleasure and the 
success of our meeting. 

The meeting now stands adjourned. 



(LIBRARIAN'S REPORT 1902). 

Appended to my report will be found a list showing 
the numbers of Transactions on hand. During the current 
year there have been added to our Tran.sactions. 
vol. xxix. pt. 2. 
vol. XXX. pt. I and pt. 2. 
Vol. viii. pt. I has also been reprinted and added to 
our stock. 

In another appendix will be found a list of Exchanges, 
and of books added to the Library. The department of 



XXXV 

our activity is a large and increasing one. It is gratify- 
ing to receive so many applications from learned Societies 
desiring to possess the results of our labours, and willing 
to add to our Library by generous contributions from their 
own Transactions; and it is probable that as Japan in- 
creases in importance and more and more nations are 
brought into intimate relations with her, so the desire 
for learning something about her will increase and there 
will be a still greater demand for exchanges and con- 
ributions. 

It is a most desirable thing, only every addition t *> our 
Exchanges entails additional demand upon our shelf-room, 
and our Library is already becoming cramped for want 
of space. I venture therefore to call the attention of the 
Society to the great need we have for a larger and more 
commodious building — one of our own if possible. Such 
a building should contain a room large enough for Library 
and Reading Room, a Librarian's office, a Store-house for 
our books, and a room large enough for our meetings 
unless perhaps the Library and Reading Room could be 
made available for this purpose. I do not claim to have 
any definite scheme in my mind for this ; but if, as I 
hope, we should at this meeting make a start in a right 
direction by electing ladies to be members of our Society, 
I hope that they will give us some practical ideas on this 
subject, and that what they have done so successfully in 
starting the Tokyo Lending Library may be done equal- 
ly successfully in helping the Asiatic Society to a build- 
ing worthy of it. 

Last year I undertook to bring out a list of new publi- 
cations in Japanese. The Collection cost me a good deal 
of trouble, but I have since discovered a Japanese Society 



xxxvn 

doing the same work, and I hope that by availing myself 
of their labours I shall be able to present a much better 
and more trustworthy list for the last half of this year. 

Two most important works remain to be done. Our 
Library Catalogue wants revision, and a complete Index 
to all our transactions would add very much to their use- 
fulness. I have done a little (a very little) in the way 
of an Index. I should be glad to hear from any members 
of the Society who would be willing to aid in the work 
by undertaking the task of preparing index-slips for in- 
dividual volumes, or even individuals papers. 

In conclusion, I wish to thank Miss Wallace for her 
kind help in the Library during the last half year. 

ARTHUR LLOYD. 

Hon. Libiarian. 
Tokyo ^ 17 Dec, igo2. 



LIST OF TRANSACTIONS OF THE ASIATIC 
SOCIETY OF JAPAN IN STOCK. 



VOL. 






( 


TOPIES. 


VOL. 




< 


X>PIES. 


I. 


, ^ ■ ••• ••• ••• / J 


XVI. 


Part 


I . 


.. 124 


n. 


— — . 






.. 44 




»» 


2>* 


.. 84 


III. 


Part I 






.. 113 


»» 


3 ... ... . 


.. 154 




Appendix 






.. 27 XVII. 


Part 


I 


.. 146 




Part 2 . 






.. 156 1 


»» 


2. 


.. 31 


IV. 


— — 






... 165 XVIII. 


Part 


I 


.. 126 


V. 


Part I 






... 163 


»i 


2 


.. 192 




H 2 






... 188 XIX. 


Part 


I 


.. 209 


VI. 


Part I 






... 158 


»» 


2 


.. 182 




2 






'.. 199 t 


»» 


3 


.. 205 


r m 


3 






..211 XX. 


Part 


I . 


.. 95 


VII. 


Part I 






... 200 


»» 


2 • , 


.. 216 




» 2 






... 195 


Sup. 


I ..." ... . 


... 229 




3 






... 225 


»♦ 


2 


... 230 




4 






... 198 


*» 


3 • • ... . 


.. 274 


VIII. 


Part i 






... 104 


»» . 


4 


.. 23Q 




2 




■ 


... 17 XXI. 






... 208 




3 






... 20 , XXII. 


Part 


I » , 


... 48 




4 






.... ii^ 


>» 


2 


... 182 


IX. 


Part I . 






... 23 


»» 


3-. ... . 


... 227 




2 






... 43 XXIII. 




^.^.^ ... ... .| 


- 257 




3 






... 38 


Sop. 


■ 


.« 264 


X. 


Part I 






... 40 , XXIV. 


— ■ 


— ... " ... 


... 128 




2 






... 50 




Sup. 




.. 236 




Sup. 






... 85 


XXV. 


— 




.. 253 


XI. 


Part I 






... 61 


XXVI. 


— — 


— 


.. 246 




2 






... 42 


XXVII. 


Part 


I 


.. 200 


XII. 


Part I 






... 247 




it 


2 


.. 118 




2 






... 80 




>» 


3 


.. 613 




3 






.. 73 




»i 


4 


.. 295 




4 






... .<6 


•- , 


Sup. 




.. 298 


XIII. 


Part I . 






.. 44 


XXVIII. 




— 


.. 268 




2 






... 83 


XXIX. 


Part 


I 


.. 171 


XIV. 


Part I 






... 63 




a 


2 


.. z^:^ 




2 






... S2 


XXX. 


Part 


I 


.. 341 


XV. 


Part I . 

2, 






.. 72 

.. 77 




• 


2 


.. 282 



XXXVlll 



LIST OF PAMPHLETS AND ODD 

PERIODICALS. 



I. 



2. 



3. 



s. 

6. 

7. 
8. 



Catalogue des Livres Chinois, Coreens, Japonais, etc. 

par Maurice Courant. 
Formosa under the Japanese — The Saichu Prefecture, 

by Rev. W. Campbell. — F.R.G.S. 
Journal of Geology — Vol. X., No. 5, July-August 1902, 

from the University of Chicago. 
Les Peuples de I'lndo-Chine, et des Pays Voisins 

** San-Tsai-Sore-Hoei " 

par Leon de Rosny (1874.) 

Festchrift-Orientalisten-Kongress. 
Ressources Vegetales des Colonies Frangaises. 
Calendar of the Kyoto Imperial University. 
Twenty-eighth Annual Report of the Minister of State 

for Education. (Tokyo 1900-1901.) 



XXXIX 



LIST OF EXCHANGES. 



1. Bulletin de la Societe d' Anthropologic de Paris. 

2. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Society of 

Australia " Science of Man." 

3. Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great 

Britain and Ireland. 

4. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 

5. Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 

6. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society — Straits Branch. 

7. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society — Ceylon Branch. 

8. Journal Asiatique. 

9. Bibliotheque d'Etudes. 

10. The Chinese Recorder. 

1 1 . Journal of the American Geographical Society. — N, Y. 

12. Records of the Geological Survey of India. 

13. Memories of the Geological Survey of India. 

14. Catalogue of Plants of the Geological Survey of 

Canada. 

15. ** Geographical Journal ** — Proceedings of Royal Geo- 

graphical Society. 

16. Report and Transactions of the Imperial Russian 

Geographical Society. 

17. Boletim da Sociedadc de Geographic dc Lisboa. 

18. Japan Weekly Mail. 

19. Anales del Museo Nacional de Montevideo. 

20. Mittheilungen des Vercins fur Erdkunde zu Leipzig. 

21. Notulen van de Algemene en Bestuurs — vergarder- 

ingen van het. Bataviaasch Genootschap van 
kunsten en Wetenschappen. 



XL 



o'y 



Zeittschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Ge- 
sellschaft. 

23. Oestcrreichische Monastschrift fiir den Orient. 

24. Journal of the American Oriental Society. 

25. Revue de L' Historic des Religions. 

26. Proceedings of the Royal Society, (London), 

27. Boletim Mensal do Observatorio do Rio de Janeiro. 

28. Proceedings of the State Historical Society of 

Wisconsin. 

29. Bulletin of Free Museum of Science and Art. 

30. Proceedings of the Washington Academy of Science. 

3 1 . Dagh-Registcr. 

32. Tijidschrift vpor Indishe Taal, Land en Volkenkunde. 

33. Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasche Genootschap 

van Kunst and Wetenschappen. 

34. Annotationes Zoologicae Japonenses. 

35. Annual Report of the Curator of the Museum of 

Comparative Zoology at Harvard College. 

36. l^ulletin of the Museum of Comparative Zoology of 

Harvard College. 

37. Transactions of the Ungro-Finnish Society, Helsing- 

fors. 

38. Transactions of the Oriental College, Hanoi. 

39. Societas Scientiarum Fumica. Helsingfors. 

40. Seminar fiir Oricntalische Sprachen. Berlin. 



LIST OF MEMBERS. 



Honorary Members. 

Arnold, K. c. s. i., Sir Edwin, Daily Telegraph Office, 

London. England. 
Aston, c. M. G., W. G., The Bluff, Beer, E. Devon, England. 
Day, Prof. Geo., Yale College, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A. 
Edkins, D. D., Rev. Joseph, Shanghai, China. 
Hepburn, m. d., l. l. d , J. C, 71 Glenwood Avenue, East 

Orange, New Jersey, U. S. A. 
Powell, Major J. W., Smithsonian Institute, Washington, 

D. C, U. S. A. 
Rein, Prof. J. J., Bonn-am-Rhein, Germany. 
Satow, G. c. M. G., Sir Ernest M., British Legation, Peking. 



Life Members. 

Alexander, Rev. R. P., Hirosaki. 

Amerman, d. d.. Rev. James L., 25 East 22nd St., New 

York, U. S. A. 
Andrews, Rev. W., Hakodate. 

Atkinson, r. s. c, R. W.^ 44 London Sq., Cardiff, Wales. 
BigeloWj Dr. W. S., Boston, Mass., U. S. A. 
Bisset, F. L. s., J., 9 Greenhill Park, Edinburgh. 
Blanchet, Rev. C. T., Philmont, N. Y., U. S. A. 
Booth, Rev. E. S., 178 Bluffy Yokohama. 



11 List of Members. 

Brinkley, r. a., Capt. F.. 3 Hiro-o cho, Azabu, Tolcio. 
Brown, Capt. A. R., Dhuhill House, Helensburgh, Argyll, 

Scotland. 
Gary, Rev. Otis, Karasumaru, Kioto. 
Carsen, T. G., Bannfield, Coleraine, Ireland. 
Center, Alex., Pacific Mail Office, San Francisco. 
Chamberlain, B. H., Miyanoshita,^ Hakone. 
Cheon, A., Hanoi, Tonkin. 

Clarke-Thornhill, T. B., Rushton Hall, Kettering, North- 
amptonshire, England. 
Clement, E. W.. 29 Sanai saka, Ichigaya, Ushigome, T6ki5. 
Cocking, S., Yokohama. 

Conder, J., 13 Nishi Konya cho, Kiobashi, Tokio. 
Cooper, L. L. D., C. J., Mundford, Norfolk, England. 
Dautremer, J., Hankow, China. 
Dcas, F. W., 12 Magdala Place, Edinburgh. 
De Bunsen, M., Abbey Lodge, Regent's Park, London. 
Dick ins, F. V., University of London, Burlington Gardens. 

London, W. 
Dillon, E, 13 Upper Phillimore Gardens, Kensington, 

London, S. W. 
Divers, m. d., f. r. s., Edward, c/o Pere Evrard, 35 

Tsukiji, T5kio. (absent) 
Dixon, F. R. s. E.. J. M., 5886, Von Verein Ave , St. Louis, 

Mo., U. S. A. 
Dixon, M. A., Rev. William Gray, Warrnabool, Victoria, 

Australia. 
Duer, Y., Shiba Koenchi, Tokio. 

Du Bois, M. D., Francis, 27 Rue de la Lepiniere, Paris. 
Eaves, Rev. Geo., Poste Restante, Denver, Colorado. 
Eby, D. D., Rev. C. S., Vancouver, B. C. 
Fearing, D., Newport, Rhode Island, U. S. A. 



• •» 



Ust of Members. ni 

Flemmich, O. C, Alton House, Roehanipton, England. 

Foxwell, E , St. John's College, Cambridge. 

Gardiner, J. McD., 15 Goban cho, Kojimachi, Tokio. 

Giussani, C , 6 Via Vivajo, ^Jiian, Italy. 

Glover, T. B., Shiba Koenchi, Tokio. 

Goodrich, J. King, Koto Gakk5, Kioto. 

Gookin, F*. W., 20 Walton Place, Chicago, III., U. S. A. 

Gowland, W., 13 Russell Road, London. 

Greene, d. d., Rev. D. C, 22 Naka-no-cho, Ichigaya, Toki5. 

Gribble, Henry, Shanghai, China. 

Griffis, D. D., Rev. W. E., Ithaca, N. Y., U. S. A. 

Griffiths, E. A., British Consulate, Tainan, Formosa, 

Groom, A. H , Kobe. 

Gubbins, c. M. G., J. H., British Legation, Tokid. 

Hall, Frank, Elmira, Chemung Co., N. Y., U. S. A. 

Hall, M. A., John Carey, H. B. M. Consul, 118-B, Bluff, 
Yokohama. 

Hattori, I., Morioka. 

Hcllyer, T. W., Kobe. . 

Holme, F. L. s., C, The Red House, Bexley Heath, Kent, 
England. 

Hope, R. C, Grangefield, Scarborough, England. 

Hopkins, G. B., 120 Broadway, New York. 

Hunt, H. J., Hunt & Co., Yokohama. 

James, F. S., 1 19 Bluff, Yokohama. 

Kenney, W. J., H. B.M. Consulate Tainan, Formo.sa. (absent) 

Kinch, F^dward, Agricultural College, Cirencester, England. 

Kirby, R. J., 8 Tsukiji, Tokio. 

Kirk wood, M., Junior Carlton Club, Pall Mall, London, 
England. 

Knott. D. s. c, F. R. s. E., Cargill G., Royal Society, Edin- 
burgh. 

Lay, Arthur Hyde, H. B. M. Consulate, Chemulpo, Korea. 



W List of AkmbfTS, 

Liberty, I^izenby, J. P., The Manor House, The Lee, Gr. 
Missenden, Bucks, England. 

Longford, J. H., H. B. M. Consul, Nagasaki. 

Low, C. W., Stowtnarket, Suflfplk, England. 

Lowell, Percival, 53 State St., Boston Mass., U. S. A. 

Lyman, Benjamin Smith> 708 Locust St., Philadelphia, Pa., 
U. S. A. 

Lyall, Sir J., c/o Messrs H. S. King, Cornhill, London. 

Macdoqald, m. d., D-, 5 Tsukiji, Tokio. 

Maclagan, Robert, Cadogan Place, Belgrave Square, Lon^ 
don. 

Marshall, D. D., Rev. T., 48 McCprmick Block, Chicago 
111., U. S. A. 

Marshall, m. a., f. r. s. e., Prof. D. H., Queen's University, 
Kingston, Canada. 

Masqjima, R. 3 Ichome, Uchis?iivv:ii cho, Tokio. 

Miller, Rev. E., Rothesay, Toriizaka, Azabu, Tokio. 

Milne, f. g. s., f. r. s., John, 14 Shide Hill House, New- 
port, Isle of Wight, England. 

Morgan, Geo. D., c/o Messrs Comes & Co., Yokohama. 

I^vlorsc, C. J., 1825 Asbury Ave., Evanston, III., U. S. A. 

Morse, W. H., c/o Messrs Smith, Baker & Co., 176, Yoko- 
hama. 

Napier, H. W., Milton House, Bowling, Scotland. 

Olcott, Colonel Henry S., Adgar, Madras, India. 

Parker, E. H., 18 Gambier Terrace, Liver[;ool. 

IVttee, Rev. J. H., Okayama. 

Piijjgott, F*. T., Attorney General, Port Louis, Mauritius. 

]^)le. Rev. G. H., 26 Morland Rd., Croydon. 

Putnam, Harrington, 45 William Street, New York. 

Robertson, m. d., Argyll, Mon. Plaisir, St. Aubins, Jersey, 
Channel Islands, England. 



List 0f Memifrs, v 

Satow, F. A., Cairo. 

Severance, Riv. C. M., 2n(i Church, Hope St, N. Ave., 

Baltimore. 
Shand, W. J. S., c/o A. A. Shand, Paris Bank, Lonibard 

St., London, E. C. 
Shortall, J. G., io8 Dearborn St., Chicago, U. S. A. 
Soper, D. D., Rev. Julius, Aoyama Gakuin, Tokio. 
Spencer, ph d , Prof. J. O., Morgan College, Baltin^ore, 

Ind., U. S. A. 
Sjjencer, Rev. D. S., Aoyama, Tokio. 
Stephenson, m. d., u. s. n., a. a. s., etc., F. B., U- S. Navy 

Yard, Boston, U. S. A. 
Stokes, J., 49 Cedar St., New York. 
Stone, W. H , 3 A')i cho, Akasaka, Tokio. 
Todd, Rev. C. J., Wentworth House, The Green, Richmond, 

Surrey. 
Toiiikinson, M. Franche Hall, near Kidderminster, En- 
gland. 
Trevithick, F. H., Penzance, Cornwall. England. 
Troup, J., Shedfield Grange, Botley, Hants, England. 
Trower, H. Seymour, 9 Bryanston Square. London, VV. 
Tsuda, Sen, 217 Hommura-machi, Azabu, T5kio. 
Tuke, S , New Univ. Club, St. James St., London S. W. 
Vail, Rev. Milton C, Nagasaki. 
Von Wenckstern, D. A., Friedrichstrasse, 49-A, Berlin, 

Germany. 
Wesselhceft, Dr. Wm. P., 176, Cominonwealth Avenue, 

Boston, Mass., U. S. A. 
Whitney, m. d., Willis Norton, 17 Hikawa cho, Akasaka, 

Tokio. (absent) 
Wickersham, Jas., Tacoma, Wash., U. S. A. 

Wigmore, Prof. J. H., Evanston, 111., U. S. A. 



vi List of Members, 

Wilkinson, Sir. H. S., H. B. M.'s Supreme Court, Shanghai. 

Williams, F. Wells, 135 Whitney Ave., New Haven, 
Conn., U. S. A. . 

Williams, Lieut., Rupert, '* The Goodwins," Gosham, Hants, 
England. 

Wilson, J. A., Hakodate. 

Winstanley, A., Thatched House Club, St. James St., Lon- 
don, S. W. 

Wollant, G. de. Charge d'affaires de Russie, Mexico City, 
Mexico. 

Wood, Arnold, c/o Wood & Co., Publishers, N. Y. City. 



Ordinary Members. 

Andrews, Rev. R. W., Mito. 

Arnold, Miss, 28 Hirakawa cho, Gochome, Toki5. 

Awdry, d d., Rt. Rev. Bishop William, St. Andrew's 

Close, Sakae cho, Shiba, Tokio. 
Baelz, M. D.„ E. 41 Azabu, Imai cho, Toki5. 
Ballard, Miss, 3 Yarai-machi, Ushigome, Tokid. 
Batchelor, Rev. J., Sapporo. 

Bates, Rev. C. J. L., 2 Yayoi cho, Hongo, Tokio. 
Boothby, Sir Brooke, Bart., British Legation Tokio. 

(absent) 
Borden, Rev. A. C, Azabu, Tokio. 
Brindley, H. S. B., 35 Mita Itchome, Shiba, Tokio. 
Cartwright, Rev S. H., Hirosaki. 
Clarke, E. B., 15 Dai-machi, Akasaka, Tokio. 
Coates, Rev. H. H., 16 Tatsuoka cho, Hongo, Toki5. 
Cooke, Rev. A. W., Wakamatsu. 
Courant, Maurice, 3 Chemin du Chancelier Ecully, Lyon*- 



List of Members. vii 

D'Anetban, H. E. Baron, Belgian legation, Nagata cho, 
Tokio. 

Davidson. Jas. W., U. S. Consul, Tamsui, Formosa. 

Da vies, Rev. G. H., Kobe. 

Dearing, d. d.. Rev. J. L., 75 BIufT, Yokohama. 

Dening, W., Sendai. 

Deshler, D W., VVunsan Mines of Korea, Chemulpo, Korea. 

Dooman, Rev. I., Kobe. 

Droppers, Prof. Garrett, Vermillion, So. Dak., U, S. A. 

Dumelin, A., 90-A, Yokohama. 

1*2 vans, Rev. C. H., Macbashi. 

Kvington, Rt. Rev. B shop, Naga.«iaki. 

Fdvrc-Brandt, J., 145 Bluff, Yokohama. 

Ferguson, J. M., U. S. Legation, Tokio. 

I'ishcr, Galen M., 6 Ura Sarugaku cho, Kanda, Tokio. 

i^ltircnz, Dr. Karl, 102 Hara-machi, Koishikawa, Tokio. 

I'^ord, Worthington C, Library of Congress, Washington, 
D. C , U. S. A. 

Francis, D. D., Rt. Rev. J. M., 1501 Central Avenue, In- 
dianapolis, Iiul., U. S. A. 

I'^ascr, C. I., c/o Howell & Co., Hakodate. 

rVaser, Rev. Thurlow, Tamsui, Formosa. 

Gjmmill, Rev. W. C, St. Andrews House, Shiba, Tokio. 

Greig, Arnold A , East View, Ockbrook. near Derby. 

(iriffin, C. S, 43 Suidobata-machi, Nichome, Kobinata, 
Koishikawa, Tokio. 

Griscom, H. E. Lloyd C, U. S. Legation, Tokio. 

Guy, Rev. H. H., 257 Nakasata, Take-no-gawa-mura, 
Tokio-Fu. 

I laas, Hans, Herr Pfarrer, Kamitomizaka cho, Koishikawa, 
Tokio. 

Ha worth, Rev. B. C, 6 Tsukiji, Tokio. 



Vili List cf Members. 

Harrison, W. A. C, 19 10 Sansom St. Philadelphia) Pa,, 

U. S. A. 
Hageri, Fred E., 72 Myogadani-machi, Koishikawa, Tokio. 
Helm, V. W., Y. M. C. A., Mitoshiro cho, Kanda, Tokio. 
Herod, J. R., New York City. 
Hind, Rev. J., Kokura, Fukuoka-Ken. 
Hockin, Dr. M. D., Dunedin, N. Z. 
Hohier, T. B., British Legation, Tokid. 
Howard, Rev. A. T., 1 7 Hikawa cho, Akasaka, Tdkio. 
Hyndman, J. Hongkong & Shanghai Bank, Yokohama. 
Irwin, E. W., 7 Tsuna-machi, Mita, Shiba, Tokid. 
Isawa, S., 50 Dairokuten cho, Koishikawa, Tokio. 
layasurindr, Phra., Secretary of Siamese Ijegation, Azabu, 

Tokio. 
Junghennj Caesar, Burma, India. 
Kate, Dr. Ten, 59 Itchome, Ikuta cho, Kobe. 
Kano, J., Higher Normal School, Tokio. 
King, Rev. A. P., 1 1 Sakae cho, Shiba, Toki5. 
Knox, D. b.. Rev. G* W., Union Theological S€minar>% 

New York City, U. S. A. 
Koeber, Prof. Dr. Raphael von, Surugadai, Tdkio. 
KoudachelT, Prince, Russian Legation, Tokio. (absent) 
Latham, Rev. H. L., Tsu, Miye-Ken. 
I^ayard, R. de B., H. B. M. Consul, Formosa. 
Leavitt, Rev. E , 32 Tsukiji, Tokio. 

I^hmann, Rudolph, 30 Doshin-machi, Koishikawa, Tokio. 
Lloyd, Rev. A., 13 Rokuchdme, ligura, Azabu, Tokio. 
I^nholm, Dr. L. S., 8 Kaga Yashiki, Tokio. 
MacDonald. H. E. Col. Sir Claude, G. C. M. G., K, C. B., 

British Legation, Tokio. 
MacCauley, Clay, 25 Beacon St., Boston. 
MacNair, Rev. T. M.^ 2 Nishi-machi, Nihon-eneki, Tokio. 



list of Mimiers. i^ 

Madcley, Rev. JV. F., Akita. 

McKim, D. D., Rt. Rev. Bishop John, 38 Tsukiji, Tokio. 

Mason, W. B., 104-c, B'uff* Yokohama. 

Meriwether, C., Box 65 Washington, D. C., U. 3- A. 

Miyabe, Dr. K., Agricultural College, Sapporo. 

Miller, R. S., United States Legation, Tokio. 

Morrison, James S., 200 Randolph St., Chicago, Illinois. 

Morse, F. S., Kobe. 

Munro, m. d., U. Gordon, 91 Bluff, Yokohama. 

Moseley, Rev. C. B., 5 Kita-no-cho, 4-chome, Kobe. 

Moore. Geo. Whitney, 30 West Canfield Ave., petroit, 

Mich., U. S. A. 
Murdoch, J.. 43 Tatsuo cho, Kagoshima. 
Nachod, Oscar, Klein Zschachwitz bei Dresden, Germany. 
Newman, Henry R., I Piazza de Rossi, Florence, Italy. 
Parlett. H. G., H. B M. Legation, Tokio. 
Parrott, F., 66, Yokohama. 
Parshley, Rev. W. B ,66 B|uff, Yokohama. 
Partridj^e, Rt. Rev. Bishop S. C, Kioto. 
Patton, Rev. J. L., Karasumaru-dori, Kioto. 
Patrick, Rev. V. IL, 52 Tsukiji, Tokio. 
Pcrin, Rev. G. L., Boston, Mass., U. S. A. 
Pieters, Rev. A., Kagoshima. 
Pli^ott, H. C., 64 Bluff, Yokohama. 
Polianovsky, M., Russian Legation, Tokio. (absent) 
Ponsonby, R. A. B., Government House, Hongkong. 
Poole, Otis A, 178 Yokohama. 
Pruett, Rev. R. L., 3 Kawaguchi-machi, Osaka. 
Kajkitch, H. E. Phya Narisra, Siamese Legation, Azabu, 

Tokid. 
Rentiers, T. B. (absent) 
Kevon, Michel, 5 bis. Place de Pantheon, Paris. 



X List of Members, 

Riess, Dr. Ludwig, Derfflinger Str., 25 Berlin, W. 

Rigby, Rev. A. E., 6-b, Higashi Yamate, Nagasaki. 

Robinson, Rev. J. Cooper, Nagoya. (absent) 

Robinson, Prof. Jas. H., Columbia University, New York 
City, U. S A. 

Ryerson, Rev. Egcrton, Naoetsu. 

Ryde, Rev. F. L., 89 St. Helen's Gardens, North Ken- 
sington, London, W. 

Scherescliewsky, Miss, 51 Tsukiji, Tokio. 

Schwartz, Rev. H. B., Kagoshima. 

Scherer, Rev. J. A. B. (absent) 

Scriba, m. d , J., 19 Hirakawa cho, Sanchdme, Tokio. 

Scott, Rev. John, Toki5. 

Sperry, L. E., 2 ligura, Kata-machi, Azabu, Toki5. (ab- 
sent) 

Spooner, Prof. D. B., Sanskrit College, Benares, India. 

Sweet, Rev. C. F., 25 Tsukiji, T5ki6. 

Swift, J. T. , 5 Tsukiji, Tokio. 

Takaki, Dr. K., 10 Nishikonya cho, Kiobashi, T6ki5. 

Terry, H. T, 13 Reinanzaka, Akasaka, Tdkio. 

Thomson, Rev. R. A., 39 Nichome, Kitano-machi, K6i)e. 

Thornton, Miss, St. Hilda's House, Nagasaka cho, Azabu, 
Tokio. 

Tison, A. M., L. L. B., A., 66 Broadway, New York, U. S. A. 

Topping, Rev. Henry, 30-A Tsukiji, Tokio. 

Trollope, Rev. W. N., English Church Mission, Seoul, 
Korea. 

Tucker, Rev. H. St. G., St. Paul's College, Tsukiji, Tokio. 

Van de Polder L., Netherlands Legation, Tokio. 

Very, Miss, 16 Goban cho, Kojimachi, Tokid. 

Vickers, Enoch Howard, 2 Nicho.Tie, Mita, Tokio. 

Walne, Rev. E. N,, Nagasaki. 



List cf Members, xi 

Wallace, Rev. Geo., 7 Tsukiji, T6ki5, 

Walsh, T., Villa Monte Fonte, 12 Poggio Imperiale, Flo- 
rence, Italy. 

Warren, Rev. C. F., 4 Kawaguchi cho, Osaka. 

Weipert, Dr. H., German Consul, Corea. 

Weldon, Ell wood, A., 4073 Powelton Avenue, Phila., Pa., 
U. S. A. 

Weston, Rev. Walter, Yokohama. 

Wileman, A. E., H. B. M. Vice Consul, Hakodate. 

Wood, Prof. V. E., 33 Tsukiji, Tokio. 

Woodd, Rev. C. H. B., Osaka. 

Woodward, A. M. Tracy, c/o Shoyekikan Head Office, 
Osaka. 

Wyckoff, M. N., Meiji Gakuin, Shirokane, Tokio. 

Young, Robt, Kobe Chronicle, Kobe. 



^^ 



MINUTES OF MEETINGS. 



By kind invitation of kcv. A. F. Kin<;, a (icneral Meet- 
ing of the Asiatic Society of Japan was held at St. 
Andrew's House, 1 1 , Sakae-cho, Shiba, at four o'clcKk 
on November 4th. 

The Chirman announced that tlie Minutes of the last 
Meeting liad already been printed and might be allowed 
to stand so in the records, without reading. 

The Secietary read and explained an amendment pro- 
posed by Council to Article XV of the Constitution. 
That Article, as a-^^ended March 2orii, 1901, is^ "All 
Members of the ScKiety shaH be elected by the Council. 
I'hey shaU ns a rule be pro|x>sed at one Meeting of the 
Council and ballotted for at the next, one black ball in five 
to exclude ; but the Conncii may, it Hicy deem it othHsable^ 
propose and elect a member at one and the same Meeting. 
Their election shall be amuju«ccd at the (ieneral Meet- 
ing foMowing." It is ^)i'opt>sed to an>end it so as to read : 
" All Members of the Society shall be elected by tlie 
Council. They shall be proposed at one M«et'mg of the 
Cotmcil and baflotted for at the next, one black ball in 
five to exclude ; but the Council may, if they deem it 
advisable, propose and elect a member at one and the 
same Meeting : Prmnded, that the name of the Candidate 
has been notified to the members of the Council at least 
tivo weeks beforehaml. Their election shall be announced 
at the General Meeting following." The Chairman an- 
nounced that, in accordance with the provisions of the 



2 Minutes of Meetings, 

Constitution, action on this proposal must be deferred 
until the next General Meeting. 

Dr. Baelz then read an interestii^ and instructive re- 
port on his visit to Tonkin as Delegate of the Societ)' 
to the Congress of Orientalists held in connection with 
the Hanoi Exposition. The report was as follows: 



A REPORT ON A YISIT TO TONKIN. 

By Dr. E. Baelz. 

At the end of last year I had the honour to represent 
tills learned Society at the Congress of Orientalists, which 
was held in Hanoi, the capital of French Indo-China, from 
the 4th to the 8th of December 1902, in connection with 
the l^ast-Asia Exhibition. 

The goverimient of Indo-China, had sent most liberal 
invitations with every imaginable facility for going there 
and for the sojourn at Hanoi, and I fullfil a pleasant duty 
in giving expression to my gratitude for all the politeness 
and kindness I met with in private as well as in official 
circles at Hanoi. 

From Tokyd alone not less than three other societies 
had decided to send delegates to the Congress : the Ger- 
man Asiatic Society, represented by Dr. Florenz, the Tokyo 
Univeisity, by Prof Takakusu, and the Tokyo Toyo- 
gakukai, whose representatives were Mr. Nanjo and Mr. 
Fukushima. 

Withal it was not easy to find out the best and 
quickest way to Tonkin. . Even at the Yokohama agency 



Baelz : A Report on a visit to Tonkin 3 

of the Messageries Maritimes, which h'ne was to run special 
steamers between Hongkong and Haophong (the port of 
Hanoi), they could not tell us the time of the departures 
from Hongkong, or rather they gave us the wrong time, 
as we found out when we arrived at the latter port, the 
special steamer for Haiphong having left two days before. 
We now had the choice between the coasting steamers 
of the subsidized French line and a private German line. 
A subsidized steamer leaving the next day, we engaged 
berths, but found her a rather poor affair. Yet we had 
the advantage of touching at three ports of Southern China, 
and to get at least a glance at the land and the people 
there. The first port reached after twenty two hours sail- 
ing along the coast was Kwanchouwan, in French spelling 
Quangtcheou. This is the bay which France took in 
1899, as a compensation, it is said, for the German oc- 
cupation of Kiauchou. Nominally it was leased from China, 
but one knows what leasing means in the eyes of western 
powers, and France, like Russia at Port Arthur, En- 
gland at Wei-hai-wei, and Germany at Kiauchou, made 
herself at home in Kwanchouwan, and the very sanguine 
and energetic Governor of Indo-China, M. Doumer, gave 
to his countrymen at home such a glowing account of 
the commercial and military possibilities of the place, that 
large sums were voted for constructions and for railways. 
Kwanchouwan is situated near the tropic of Cancer in 
latitude 21° N., and longitude iio*^ E. It is a large bay 
of a gourd-like shape, running North and South. The 
depth is from 18 to 20 metres, but the entrance for large 
steamers is after all only a very narrow channel, near a dan- 
gerous bar, which will have to be removed at a cost of 
7,500,000 fr. At the end of the bay, where it is about 



4 Biuh : A Report on a visit ta Tonkin. 

a mile and a half wide, are the settlements, the one on 
the eastern shore being called the mililary town, while the 
other, on the western shore, is the civil town, which not- 
withstanding its peaceful profession, boasts of the proud 
and warlike name of Fort Bayard. Both are in every 
respect separate and independent. 

The country is flat all around, only